[sacw] SACW #2 | 6 Dec. 02 [ Gujarat Special]

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire #2 | 6 December 2002

CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY -- GUJARAT 2002: A report on the=20
investigations, findings and recommendations of the 8-member=20
Concerned Citizens' Tribunal, headed by Justice VR Krishna Iyer,=20
Justice PB Sawant and Justice Hosbet Suresh.
Is posted on www.sabrang.com.

__________________________

#1. Culture of Communalism in Gujarat (Rajni Kothari)
#2. Truth About Gujrat Carnage -Concerned Citizens=B9 Tribunal=B9S Report=20
On Gujrat (Asghar Ali Engineer)
#3. The Rediff Interview with Achyut Yagnik
#4. Press Release : Attack by Sangh Parivar on Gandhians (Gujrat Lok=20
Sangharsh Samiti)
#5. "From the Babri Masjid Demolition To The Gujarat Genocide .....It's
Ten Years : Is There Possibility For Peace ? " Press conference by=20
Praful Bidwai (Ahmedabad, 6 Dec)
#6. Delhi Meet focuses on communal unrest (Adam Aspinall)
#7. Book Review: Violence, Stripped To Its Core - A public archive=20
that retells the March madness (Pratap Bhanu Mehta)
#8. Gujarat Election Watch and National Campaign follow up (Lok Satta)

__________________________

#1.

Economic and Political Weekly (Bombay)
November 30, 2002
Special Article

Culture of Communalism in Gujarat

This article attempts to examine the larger and rapidly spreading=20
communalisation of the Indian polity as a whole and relating it to=20
the extent possible, to similar trends elsewhere in the world,=20
identifying those individuals and groups responsible for spreading=20
this culture of violence within and across regions. It attempts to=20
develop a broader understanding of the rarity of the threat posed by=20
what is happening in Gujarat.
Rajni Kothari

Gujarat poses one of the gravest threats so far because, in many=20
ways, it is the very survival of the humane and democratic polity of=20
the nation that is at stake. And with it an ever-growing erosion of=20
communities and lifestyles of the people at large. When I use the=20
word community I mean not only the two major communities but a number=20
of other groups at the grass roots which too we all know are not=20
entirely Hindu or Muslim but which are influenced by the growth of=20
the culture of communalism.

India for long had a pluralistic past but today faces an uncertain=20
future. Something which I have discussed through a set of three=20
articles in the Hindustan Times in May 2002. In them I have=20
highlighted how, an essentially pluralist state has increasingly come=20
to be polarised which leaves little or no space for the middle=20
ground. This shift from pluralism to polarisation is the main theme=20
that underscores this whole address, as well.

I think we have to look at the phenomenon of communalisation in a=20
broader framework of thinking and conceptualisation which in turn=20
could enable us to think of on the kind of efforts that need to be=20
made for containing it. To deal with what is at bottom our terrible=20
disappointment at the failure of our own democracy, of the various=20
efforts in the arena of citizen=B9s actions =AD be it the NGO groups, or=20
the Gandhians,=A0or even sections of the Left. There is something=20
seriously amiss about the manner in which these various groups have=20
locked horns with this particular phenomenon since the culture of=20
communalism seems to have made inroads in the very fibre of what we=20
once proudly called a democracy.

The larger trend I notice in the Indian polity is how notions of=20
citizenship and participation in a multicultural and multi religious=20
nation state came under threat, particularly at a time when the=20
spaces for citizenship and participation were actually widening.=20
India=B9s uniqueness lay not in being the largest democracy in the=20
world =AD a rather bland and rhetorical association =AD but in being a=20
politicised coalition of a vast diversity of interests, communities=20
and people; led by some kind of a vision that developed during the=20
course of the nationalist movement and continued for quite some time=20
after independence. The spread of communalism is now posing a threat=20
to some of these very distinguishing features that separated us from=20
many other parts of the world.

Faced with this new threat of communalism which is undermining the=20
various facets of the democratic and plural fabric of this country=20
there is the need for a new=A0imagination. This is related to the=20
question =AD=B3how does one rekindle the imagination of the middle class=20
and the middle class intelligentsia which is supposed to have played=20
a leading role in the nationalist movement and the immediate post=20
independence period=B2? How, in the course of confronting this growing=20
polarisation, to insist on still retaining the middle ground that=20
enabled us to remain a plural society and invoking the imagination=20
and the inner spirit of the intelligentsia and the activists, =AD=20
people primarily from the middle class but those who have been drawn=20
ideologically to a position where there is a convergence of left and=20
left-of-centre positions.

The politicisation of communities, the various alignments of forces,=20
laterally as=A0well as vertically and at all levels, is all under=20
threat. The reason why I am positing all=A0this within a broader=20
framework is that I want to link it to what is happening in Gujarat =AD=20
to see if there is anything unique about Gujarat. Such a broader=20
framework is not complete without taking into account the new=20
reassertions of Hindutva that has taken place, the hardening of their=20
positions. There is a tendency now of invoking a line of thinking=20
among the BJP ranks that we need to go back to that original phase=20
and move out of the short phase of invoking the symbols and concepts=20
of liberalism. And that this new hard line could be used as a=20
catalyst for electoral calculations. The slogan now is =B3back to=20
Hindutva.=B2

Personally I think that this is, quite apart from being dangerous,=20
completely misleading even for those who had believed in the=20
rationale of the Hindutva mind set. If anything, Hindutva in my view=20
has failed to invoke the psychology and spiritual thrust of the=20
nation. Today, at a time when there was some kind of a broader=20
coalition being attempted, there is a concerted effort to enrol the=20
same forces back into the overall Hindutva fold, something that=20
started in=A0Goa with Vajpayee=B9s conversion; when he attempted to=20
explain away many things. This whole argument that unless we=20
reassert=A0in a hard way the Hindutva fold of which Narendra Modi=20
becomes the pivotal symbol, there is no hope for the BJP and the=20
Sangh parivar, there is no way of retaining a hold on the minds of=20
the people.

In the process it has redirected Vajpayee=B9s role and made Advani take=20
a deliberately moderate line. The coming forward of the hardline=20
elements of the Sangh parivar =AD Uma Bharati, Vinay Katiyar =AD=20
represents the next rank of the Hindutva forces=A0joining the broad=20
coalition that Vajpayee had attempted. I am not going to delve deep=20
into the political elements that have provided=A0a structure to=20
Hindutva but thought that we need to see how relevant some of these=20
elements were to our discussion. On the=A0one hand, many of us are=20
deeply worried about the threat to our imagination of India; at the=20
same time the continuously hardening stance of Hindutva is to be=20
taken into account.

There is a certain kind of singularity of the communal happenings in=20
Gujarat in terms of a widely held opinion that is taking place within=20
the Gujarati society. It has not merely to do with what is happening=20
in Gujarat in the last few months or, what happened earlier, based on=20
a simple recounting of what happened in 1969, and since, that makes=20
Gujarat unique. The broader pathology of Gujarat =AD what is happening=20
now in the current phase, inspired by Narendra Modi and supported=A0by=20
(and this is the important part) the central government including its=20
NDA allies being no more than a logical outcome of that pathology=20
which is what makes it a singularly different phenomenon. Hence=20
the=A0notion of the singularity of Gujarat nurtured over time, from one=20
generation to the other, across genders. For instance, middle class=20
women played an equally significant role in the communalisation of=20
Ahmedabad and Baroda as middle class men. Unfortunately this has not=20
remained confined just as a typical middle class reaction. The=A0dalits=20
and the adivasis and others have also been mobilised as part of the=20
communal frenzy.

There has therefore been a systematic communalisation of all social=20
strata across class and gender and generations and women, dalits,=20
young and old and a variety of other strata who, at one time had been=20
thought of as providing the basic elements of a people=B9s coalition.=20
In some ways it seems that a war is being fought between two hostile=20
nations in some ways, in a manner worse than what had taken place=20
before and following the partition. The=A0very nationalism, which is=20
supposed to have liberated us, is turning into a mutual animosity=A0and=20
hatred. Incidentally we seem=A0to be=A0going through a new incarnation of=20
the=A0two-nation ideology, a polarisation which is undermining the=20
basic pluralism of the social structures once again=A0between=A0a=20
majority community and a minority=A0community as formed before=20
independence.

The new kind of majoritarianismvis-a-vis the minorities not only=20
highlight the sense of humiliation felt by the minorities but also by=20
the members of the majority community. Critical to this current phase=20
as signified by Gujarat is the fact that the majority itself feels=20
isolated, exploited and humiliated today. It is within this framework=20
that the ideology of Hindutva spreads. There is a feeling that in=20
tampering with the minorities it is the majority community that has=20
been left behind and has not enjoyed the full fruits of our=20
democratic initiatives. Therefore what may have initially started as=20
a middle class syndrome is fast spreading militancy on the one hand=20
and a neurotic emotionalism on the other which is spreading to those=20
very layers of society who at one time had been thought would form=20
the vanguard in the struggles against communal forces.

Future Scenarios

Having laid out this chilling scenario I would now like to come to=20
the possible attempts to deal with this genocidal culture of violence=20
involving the larger civil society. What kind of a future is in store=20
for=A0us?

Personally I tend to be an optimist and I do not think that the=20
Hindutva forces have gained much politically. It however does seem to=20
be gaining in terms of the psychosocial phenomenon that is taking=20
place. For instance, each time any of the major attacks that took=20
place in Ahmedabad and Baroda; it was difficult even to dialogue with=20
one=B9s own family members many of whom could not understand my=20
position. It is no more about what positions the educated=20
intelligentsia take, nor is it about what positions women take.=20
Neither is it about what position the other oppressed sections like=20
the dalits and the adivasis take. It is something far larger that=20
confronts us and it would be a complete mistake to think that it=20
could be contained at this or that level. It is bound to spread and=20
as it spreads, it would make the nation itself a polarised entity.=20
The nation which was against the two-nation theory seems to be=20
nurturing another two-nation theory where the Hindu=B9s and Muslim=B9s=20
within this country would represent two separate nations.

My own reading of the situation is that the Hindutva force will fail=20
once again, just as they had failed earlier. There are internal=20
frictions within the BJP and it is important to remember that the BJP=20
itself is not a solid single ideologically driven party any more.=20
There is great deal of internal erosion that has taken place. I see=20
no future for the Modi-led faction. At the moment Modi is a serious=20
threat to the secular democratic and pluralistic polity that we=20
thought we were engaged in building. Other allies outside the party=20
are turning away from each other. Allies like Mamta Banerjee and=20
Mayawati might be clinging on for the sake of retaining power but=20
there is a general sense that one has gone too far. It is a complete=20
mistake on the part of the hardliners of the Hindutva fold to think=20
that this hardline that they have taken will bring all the allies=20
together. Yet this is the line that is being taken. So there is an=20
inner crisis within the Hindutva forces, an inner crisis that the=20
Sangh parivar and their ideology faces. The shift towards the=20
increasing use of more and more violence by the communalists is=20
symptomatic of these inner tensions.

There has been a shift within the Hindutva fold from the first=20
Rathyatra of Advani and the gauravyatra that Modi wanted to lead=20
(although he was stopped for a while). How does one redefine issues=20
in such a context of a crisis within a crisis? The BJP and the Sangh=20
parivar have lost the inner core that made them a force to be=20
reckoned with: the singularity of Gujarat lies also in this. The=20
challenge before us is this new fangled communalism, which is=20
continuously more and more violent, different kinds of rathyatras=20
have been planned (every Saturday and Sunday and so on). Right now=20
despite Vajpayee going along with Advani from time to time he=20
retracts from this position (getting Advani to call Modi and postpone=20
the rathyatra).

With the broader struggles in mind it has something to do with the=20
other areas of the country. In Kashmir, the economical problems that=20
the dalits and the tribals are facing, a new definition of the state=20
in a period of globalisation, a new definition of nationality where=20
Hindus and Muslims become psychologically separate nations is again=20
happening. In doing this the real issue facing the masses like=20
poverty, unemployment, the need for sustained sources of livelihood=20
are being put in the=A0back -burner. There is growing amnesia about=20
these real issues facing the country.

It is cruel to the people of these countries in both ways. First that=20
the real issues that affect them do not get addressed. And second,=20
they are also the worst sufferers of communal violence. Poverty as an=20
issue has been laid aside but the poor stand to be the worst=20
sufferers of communalism. So I feel that it is very important to bear=20
in mind these issues of the economy, of people=B9s livelihoods, and how=20
the communal forces are undermining education and employment, and the=20
whole agenda of=A0empowerment and dignity for the deprived=A0sections=20
(which include the minorities).

Given all this, there is probably a need for a new intellectual=20
agenda, which is fundamentally political, but at the same time=20
economic and socio-anthropological. A new challenge of theory=20
building is now required as poverty on the one hand and communalism=20
on the other are together undermining the fundamental democratic and=20
secular ethos of this country.

I would like to locate the struggles against the growing=20
communalisation that has taken place within Gujarat, the steady=20
undermining of the polity, the growing criminalisation and the manner=20
in which this is giving rise to some of the wider struggles of=20
democratic rights that are taking place as a response to Gujarat. We=20
have to keep learning from the similar struggles that we have faced=20
earlier. How in each case there was a convergence between communalism=20
and what can be called a fascist and neo-fascist ideological turn.=20
And yet I personally think that there are major failings within the=20
Sangh parivar, and if only the basic thrust of the struggles of=20
the=A01970s and the 1980s can be once again recovered then I do not see=20
Hindutva to be able to thrive. What can thrive is the psychological=20
undermining of the self and=A0the communities particularly of the=20
middle class as well as a number of the peripheral communities that I=20
mentioned earlier.

It also seems to me that we are caught between the extremes of=20
Hindutva and Jehadi Islam, particularly if we take into account the=20
international dimension. In the Indian polity with the growing=20
polarisation there is no middle ground left anymore; especially after=20
Bush=B9s declaration of a war on terrorism. I want to draw your=20
attention to the possibility of taking into account that=20
anti-minority genocides earlier like the anti-Sikh riots after Indira=20
Gandhi=B9s assassination, so that we have it where it was the citizen=20
who was communal and not the parties.

Therefore there is the spectre of children becoming gene pools of=20
future violence, the spectre of women participating in the killings.=20
These are completely new phenomena which are not just political, not=20
just intellectual, but are deeply psychic in nature: where all the=20
jealousies and ha treds and =A0the gleeful sport that many people=20
engage in during these killings. And in all that you introduce a=20
phenomenon like K P S Gill who was introduced to put an end to the=20
violence that was taking place but ends up saying that this is the=20
right time to hold elections!

To conclude and provide an overview we notice that some completely=20
tortuous phenomena characterise this new phase of communalism in this=20
country. Gujarat today presents a singular phenomenon no doubt but=20
similar trends are taking place in other parts of the country as well=20
as at other points of time in different parts of the world. Together=20
they all pose a challenge to the likes of us who are discussing these=20
developments and beating our chests but are nevertheless quite at a=20
loss as to how to deal with it all. I presume as we deliberate and=20
discuss further we should be able to identify how we can rebuild the=20
middle ground that I spoke of earlier, to contain the polarisation=20
that is taking place and to rebuild the pluralistic framework, which=20
at the moment is under terrible attack. Pluralism as I said earlier=20
is being replaced by polarisation. This is the fundamental threat=20
that needs to be addressed as it underscores the crucial link between=20
the communal threat and the fast growing crisis of democracy. How=20
into the democratic gene has been introduced the communal gene and=20
how the communal gene is overtaking the democratic gene.

Address for correspondence:
csds@d...

[This paper was originally presented as the keynote address at a=20
seminar on =8CLessons of Gujarat=B9 held in Mumbai on July 12 to 14, 2002=20
organised by Vikas Adhyayan Kendra in collaboration with Focus India=20
Programme and YUVA.]

______

#2.

TRUTH ABOUT GUJRAT CARNAGE -CONCERNED CITIZENS=B9 TRIBUNAL=B9S REPORT ON =
GUJRAT

Asghar Ali Engineer

(Secular Perspective December, 1-15, 2002)

The communal carnage in Gujarat early this year had shaken the whole=20
world. The country had never witnessed such carnage before and after=20
independence. Day after day for more than three months Muslims were=20
massacred most brutally, toll unofficially mounting to more than 2000=20
though officially admitted deaths do not exceed one thousand. Heinous=20
crime of rape was committed by the VHP provoked hoodlums against=20
several women. In one case Kausar Begum from Naroda Patia, an eight=20
month pregnant was raped, her womb split open and child extracted and=20
thrown into fire. The chief Minister Narendra Modi justified all=20
this as equal and opposite reaction to an action based on Newton=B9s=20
law.

The Government of Gujarat later constituted a commission of inquiry=20
under a retired Gujarat High Court Judge but was seen as partisan by=20
the people. Justice Nanavati, a retired judge of Supreme Court was=20
then appointed to head the inquiry commission. The official inquiry=20
commissions usually take long time to complete the inquiry and even=20
then they are hardly ever implemented.

The example of Srikrishna Commission appointed to inquire into Mumbai=20
riots of 1992-93 is before us. It took several years to complete the=20
inquiry but did a thorough job. Unfortunately when the inquiry=20
commission report was submitted there was Shiv Sena-BJP Government,=20
which obviously refused to implement recommendations of the=20
Commission. Those who were accused were themselves in power. But what=20
was worse was that the subsequent PDA Government led by the Congress=20
which appealed to Muslims for votes on the ground that it will=20
speedily implement the Srikrishna Commission Report, itself never=20
bothered to implement it. Now its counsel pleaded before the Supreme=20
Court that there is no need to revive it

After Mumbai riots also People=B9s Committee for Human Rights headed by=20
Justice Krishna Iyer had constituted a People=B9s Inquiry Committee=20
consisting of Justice Suresh and Justice Dawood, retired judges of=20
Bombay High Court which helped inquiry and speedily completed it. Its=20
findings were almost same as those of Srikrishna Commission, which=20
took several years to complete.

After the Gujrat carnage the concerned citizens took initiative to=20
appoint an inquiry committee called Concerned Citizens Tribunal=20
headed by Justice Krishna Iyer, retired justice Supreme Court. It=20
consisted of several eminent justices and citizens like Justice=20
Samant, retired Supreme Court Judge, Justice Suresh, retired Bombay=20
High Court judge, K.G Kannabiran, an eminent advocate and Chairman,=20
People=B9s Union for Civil Liberties, KS Subramanian, Ex-Director=20
General of Police, Aruna Roy, a noted social activist and former IAS=20
officer, Ghanshyam Shah and Tanika Sarkar, professors from JNU, Delhi.

The report has been published in three volumes, the third volume=20
being compilation of important documents on the carnage. The whole=20
report is tilted as Crime Against Humanity =AD An Inquiry into the=20
Carnage in Gujarat. One does not know when the Government appointed=20
Commission will come out with its report but this Concerned Citizen=B9s=20
Tribunal has already completed its inquiry and put it before the=20
people=B9s court. The VHP has dubbed it as mere slander and has even=20
threatened to sue the tribunal for defamation, which it may never do.=20
The evidence against VHP is so strong that this report will stand in=20
any court of law.

The tribunal collected 2,094 oral and written testimonials, both=20
individual and collective, from victim-survivors and also independent=20
human rights groups, women=B9s groups, NGOs and academics. The tribunal=20
says, =B3 After recording evidence, visiting sites, placing on record=20
statements and collecting other material, the Tribunal arrived at=20
some prima facie conclusions.=B2

The Tribunal does not entirely dismiss the surmise that the Narendra=20
Modi Government was panicky for its continuously loosing ground in=20
election after election despite its Hindutva hyperbole and it is=20
likely that to retrieve the lost ground it might have tried to=20
polarise the Gujarat people along religious lines by organising such=20
a carnage.

Thus the Tribunal report says, =B3Given the continuous downslide of the=20
BJP in the state since =B998, the question has been raised by many as=20
to whether there were any electoral political calculations and=20
machinations behind what subsequently happened in the state from=20
February 28 onwards. While this remains in the realm of speculation,=20
the fact is that the Modi government prematurely dissolved the state=20
assembly and pushed very hard for early election even though the=20
situation in the state was far from normal. For this he was widely=20
criticised and the BJP was charged for trying to cash in on the=20
carnage.=B2

What a way to run democracy in the 2nd greatest democracy in the=20
world if there is in truth in this charge. The Sangh Parivar is=20
trying to convert our pluralism into a nightmare for the country and=20
for its peace loving citizens. The statements of top VHP leaders are=20
clear proof of this, if any proof is needed. The Gujarat carnage=20
leaves no one in doubt about intentions of the Sangh Parivar. It can=20
go to any extent or realising its objectives.

How well planned the Gujarat carnage was is evident from the fact=20
that the Sangh Parivar hordes attacked several areas and towns in=20
Ahmedabad simultaneously on 28th February itself. More than 100=20
persons were killed on the very first day of the carnage. On 28th=20
February in the morning a mob consisting of 20-22,000 holds the whole=20
of Gulberg society to ransom for over seven hours and this mob in=20
over seven hours hacked more than 70 persons to death and burnt them=20
alive (10 -12 women and girls were raped). The former Congress M.P.=20
Ahsan Jafri was killed in this operation and despite desperate phone=20
calls the Police Commissioner Pande did not save these helpless=20
people.

And at the very time mobs of 15000 or 10,000 were killing, burning=20
and looting in Naroda fruit market, Naroda Gam and Naroda Patiya=20
which was worst affected by violence where more than 100 people were=20
brutally done to death or burnt alive. And simultaneously similar=20
operations of killings, lootings and burnings were going on in Odhav,=20
Gomtipur, Amrawadi, Paldi, Kabadi Market Vatwa and several other=20
places. The Tribunal Report lists all these areas. How this could be=20
possible without meticulous planning. And the mobs everywhere were=20
well equipped with gas cylinders, trishuls, swords and other sharp=20
weapon.

All this started after the burning of coach S-6 in Godhra in which 58=20
persons perished. The assumption was that the Ghanchi Muslims of=20
Signal Falia set fire to the coach. But this has come under doubt and=20
it is very difficult to say who did it. The Forensic experts say it=20
was inside job and 60 litres of petrol or some highly combustible=20
substance was used to set fire from inside. The Tribunal report also=20
raises several questions and throws light on the character and=20
behaviour of the kar sevaks right from the time they boarded the=20
train. It was certainly not a peaceful lot and were misbehaving with=20
people on every station. All this has to be taken into account.

The Report gives detailed account of all major incidents not only in=20
Ahmedabad, which was worst affected but also in various towns and=20
villages. It is an important document for all those interested in=20
studying the carnage in detail. It also provides extremely valuable=20
material for future researchers and scholars.
The Report throws light on various aspects of carnage =AD the state and=20
central government complicity, role of police and bureaucracy and=20
opposition parties and communalisation of public space like hospitals=20
and other institutions. About the Police system the Tribunal observes=20
that =B3Evidence before the Tribunal establishes the absolute failure=20
of large sections of the Gujarat police to fulfil their=20
constitutional duty and prevent mass massacre, rape and arson =AD in=20
short to maintain law and order.=B2 Continuing further it says, =B3Worse=20
still is the evidence of their active connivance and brutality, their=20
indulgence in vulgar and obscene conduct against women and children=20
in full public view. It is, as if, instead of being impartial keepers=20
of he rule of law, they were a part of the Hindutva brigade targeting=20
helpless Muslims.=B2

The Report also says that, =B3To begin with, the Godhra incident would=20
not have taken place; had the police taken due precautions right from=20
the beginning. Given Godhra=B9s history and communal background, the=20
police should have maintained a strict vigil as the kar sevaks=20
crossed Godhra, on their way to Ayodhya and their return journey,=20
more so because the climate in the country was already tense because=20
of the VHP=B9s Ayodhya plan. On their way to Ayodhya, the kar sevaks=20
had indulged in provocative acts at Godhra station.=B2

The Godhra and post-Godhra carnage was a grim tragedy for democratic=20
and secular India and for which the entire responsibility goes to the=20
Sangh Parivar. It has been creating climate of intolerance and abuse=20
of Hindu religion for political ends which clearly defeats the very=20
ideal of secularism in our country. One can say that Gujarat carnage=20
is a direct result of Mr. L.K.Advani riding rath yatra in 1990 and=20
subsequent demolition of Babri Masjid in December 1992. The BJP used=20
only Hindutva plank for coming to power. Since then it has been=20
systematically destroying the secular and democratic values in the=20
country. One can say and the Tribunal Report also supports this idea=20
that Gujarat carnage was possible only because there was BJP-led=20
Government at the Centre.

Centre for Study of Society and Secularism,
Mumbai:- 400 055

______

#3.

Rediff.com
December 04, 2002

The Rediff Interview/Achyut Yagnik
http://www.rediff.com/election/2002/dec/04inter.htm

Achyut Yagnik is=A0honorary secretary of the Centre for Social=20
Knowledge and Action, an Ahmedabad-based non-governmental=20
organisation working for=A0vulnerable communities in western India.

He has published several books in Gujarati and has, with sociologist=20
Ashis Nandy and others, co-authored Creating a Nationality:=20
Ramjanmabhoomi Movement and Fear of the Self. He is currently engaged=20
on a book on the history of Gujarat.

_____

#4.

Subject: Attack by Sangh Parivar on Gandhians
Date: Sun, 1 Dec 2002 20:51:46 +0530

Gujrat Lok Sangharsh Samiti
Lok Samiti Compound, Lal Darwaja, Ahmedabad - 38001;
Ph: 5507296, 7557199

Press Release

TO,
The Editor / Bureau chief

Attack by Sangh Parivar on Gandhians
Ahmedabad: 30th November:

As the fateful election date 12th December - is approaching, the=20
patience of Sangh Parivar, it
seems, is fast reaching the breaking point. Now they seem to be=20
shifting from dialogue to aggression and are trying to intimidate the=20
opposition- this is the conclusion drawn on by the Gujarat Lok=20
Sangharsh Samiti.

Shri Chunibhai Vaidya, the convener of the Gujarat Lok Sangharsh=20
Samiti states, "this is the second
incident of violent attack in the Jotana assembly constituency in=20
the Mehsana district." This bloody
attack on the volunteers of Rashtriya Yuva Sangathan and Sarvodaya=20
took place just when they were
preparing to go to bed. This team of 3 girls and 7 boys has come=20
from various parts of country, to
propogate against the communalism and are a part of a larger=20
Abhiyan. Under the guidance of Gujarat Lok Sangharsh Smiti, around=20
100 volunteers of Rashtriya Yuva Sangathan and Sarvodaya are working=20
in 10 assembly constituencies.

Team convener Krishnakant, working in Bahucharaji of Jotana told the=20
press that on 28th November a crowd of around 150 people along with=20
local BJP candidate T. I Patel, Vitthal bhai Patel of Shri Umia=20
Pathik Ashram and Adv. Manoj Kumar attacked their team, while they=20
were preparing to go to sleep. They were abused and called Muslim=20
terrorist, betrayers, and Pakistani agents. The crowd also looted the=20
baggage of the volunteers and destroyed valuables. They were=20
threatening the team to confess that they are a Muslim terrorist=20
group. After a long episode of abusing and threatening they started=20
beating the volunteers, they did not even spare the girls. They hurt=20
and injured this non-violent group of youth
with slaps - punches - shoes - Chappals. Senior Sarvodaya volunteer=20
Shri Devram Ambure was also
beaten with chappals. Girls were abused and called characterless,=20
people were provocating the crowd to rape them and they were=20
physically assaulted. All the drama was being played under the=20
direction of BJP candidate T. I. Patel, 70 years old Hindutvavadi=20
Vitthalbhai Patel and his misbehaved partner Mukesh and VHP local=20
leader Harshadbhai. After the torture of around two hours they=20
themselves informed the police that they have caught a Muslim=20
terrorist group. Station In charge Mr. K. D. Chohan immediately acted=20
on the complain and caught the terrorist group and dragged them to=20
the police station. The girls were arrested without any lady=20
constable and kept in the police station the whole night; no one had=20
any explanation for this, neither Mr. Chouhan nor the SP...! Through=20
out the night they kept interrogating the group one by one in a bid=20
to prove them Muslim terrorists. Immediately in the morning the=20
Hindutva brigade reached the police station, they threatened the boys=20
and girls. And
here again there was no one to stop them from doing so.

Famous journalist Shri Kumar Prashant, who is also the coordinator of=20
this whole Abhiyan, told the
press reporters in Ahmedabad, that when they reached the police=20
station in the morning at around 10 am, the crowd surrounded the=20
police station, and police was interrogating. Even after constant
interrogation of 12 hours, the police was unable to decide whether=20
the volunteers are Muslims or Hindus, they did not even file FIR, nor=20
were they interested in filing one. They were not even willing to=20
write down the names of the rioting Hindutva Brigade, leave alone=20
catching them or arresting them. After a lot of discussion they=20
called up their DCP to find out if they should file FIR? This drama=20
went on from Bahucharaji Police station till the SP office at=20
Mehsana. SP also greatly hesitated in filing FIR.
Famous Gujarati journalist Digant Oza said that the whole=20
administration was under a great-unseen
pressure. According to Digant Oza, the officers had no explanation=20
as to what took them so long to file
an FIR. Atlas the FIR was recorded only after an intervention of=20
some senior officers.

Kumar Prashant said that all those supporting Bhartiya Janta Party=20
in such cowardly attacks and
terrorising activities will only dig a grave for the democracy and=20
Indian culture. This violence will not
put off the Gandhians. The works of Rashtriya Yuva Sangathan in=20
Bahucharaji will not only go on but a
special effort will be made to strengthen the team there.

______

#5.

MR. PRAFUL BIDWAI
( Well-Known Columnist, Writer, Peace Activist and Human Rights Campaigner =
)
will address a Press Conference on :

" FROM THE BABRI MASJID DEMOLITION TO THE GUJARAT GENOCIDE .....IT'S
TEN YEARS : IS THERE POSSIBILITY FOR PEACE ? "

6th December 2002
At 12.00 noon
At "PRASHANT"
Near Kamdhenu Hall, Drive-in Road, Ahmedabad 380 052.
Tel: 7449744 / 7455913

The Press Conference will be followed by lunch.
Later, Mr. Bidwai will also address the Festival for Peace Convention=20
which will be held in Tagore Hall from 2.00 p.m. to 5.00 p.m.

We request you to cover both the programmes..
Fr. Cedric Prakash
Mr. Hiren Gandhi

_____

#6.

The Hindustan Times
Friday, December 6, 2002=A0
http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/printedition/061202/detCIT04.shtml

Meet focuses on communal unrest
Adam Aspinall
(New Delhi, December 5)
South African Parliamentarian Ela Gandhi spoke passionately about the=20
potential for reconciliation that exists amongst the victims of the=20
Gujarat riots at a symposium at the Constitution Club on Thursday.

The symposium was organised by SAHMAT, as part of their month-long=20
programme to highlight ten years of communal unrest, following the=20
demolition of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya in 1992. The topic was =8CThe=20
Hindutva Onslaught: Ayodhya to Gujarat=B9 and was the second in a=20
series of symposia designed to analyse the implications of communal=20
violence and unrest for India's future.

Gandhi spoke of South Africa's past and the lessons learnt through=20
the violent years of Apartheid. She warned that similar events were=20
taking place in Gujarat but stressed that =B3Prejudice is a learnt=20
behaviour and not something that our children are born with, and so=20
just as change was achieved in South Africa so can it be achieved in=20
India.=B2

Historian Irfan Habib, however, warned about the dangers of Hindutva=20
forces. He spoke of what he sees as worrying parallels between=20
present day Gujarat and the rise of Fascism in Europe in the 1930=B9s.=20
=B3Fascism succeeded in Europe because its perpetrators divided their=20
opponents and that is just what we are seeing from the BJP in Gujarat=20
today. It is high time the Congress woke up to this threat. Or else=20
resistance will become even more difficult,=B2 said Habib.

Book on Gujarat

Releasing a book Gujarat: The making of a tragedy, edited by senior=20
journalist Siddharth Varadarajan, Fali S. Nariman said on Thursday=20
justice to Gujarat victims was as elusive as that of victims of the=20
1984 anti-Sikh riots. Other panelists were Varadarajan, Ashok Desai,=20
B.G. Verghese, Barkha Dutt and Farah Naqvi.

_____

#7.

Outlook Magazine | Dec 09, 200
REVIEW
http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=3D20021209&fname=3DBooksa&sid=
=3D1

Violence, Stripped To Its Core
A public archive that retells the March madness, but tries not to explain i=
t
PRATAP BHANU MEHTA

GUJARAT: THE MAKING OF A TRAGEDY
by Siddharth Varadarajan
PENGUIN
RS 295; PAGE: 457

As the atrocities carried out in Gujarat earlier this year already=20
begin to fade from public memory, drowned out by the shrill rhetoric=20
of recrimination and the absurd drama of personalities that passes=20
off as serious politics these days, Gujarat: The Making of a Tragedy=20
comes as a chilling account of the murderous edges of Indian=20
politics. Intelligently assembled from various sources, newspaper=20
articles, first-hand interviews, opinion columns and speeches, this=20
volume will serve

as a modest and accessible public archive of events that unfolded in=20
Gujarat. It chronicles the unspeakable carnage unleashed on the=20
passengers of the train at Godhra, the mayhem and barbarity visited=20
upon Muslims in the riots that followed, the depth of state=20
involvement in violence, the agony of victims at the receiving end of=20
brutalities wilfully inflicted upon them and the discourse of a=20
public culture that can sink low enough to legitimise these acts of=20
violence. The story is, for the most part, judiciously told. But=20
perhaps it is a sign of the deep divisions within society that even=20
the compliment judicious might have lost all meaning. Judicious has=20
now come to mean "blame all sides equally" rather than its original=20
meaning of fidelity to facts. This book has more of the latter than=20
the former.

Most of the facts presented in this book, the sentiments of outrage=20
at the events and the laments for a lost Gujarat that accompany them,=20
are unimpeachable. The slight exception is Jyoti Punwani's complex=20
opening narrative of the carnage at Godhra. Although Punwani refuses=20
to condone the burning of the train at Godhra, her account comes=20
perilously close to framing Godhra within a provocation narrative.=20
The relatively greater emphasis of this essay on the actions of the=20
kar sevaks almost seems to suggest that the burning of the carriages=20
was an over-determined outcome of their own actions, such as their=20
intimidation of Muslims at the platform and so forth. This is perhaps=20
an unwitting result of two things. First, we seem to know more about=20
the kar sevaks' actions than we know about those who perpetrated the=20
violence. What is the sequence of events amongst those who inflicted=20
the violence? Second, the very enterprise of trying to explain the=20
events in terms of motives or a comprehensible narrative risks=20
explaining away the incident. Even Punwani's careful account, which=20
contains rare sympathetic interviews with survivors at Godhra,=20
succumbs to these hazards. If Gujarat teaches us anything, it is=20
this: the language of provocation is too self-justifying and=20
self-fulfilling and should be interrogated in all contexts.

But while the exact causes of Godhra still remain something of a=20
mystery, the pogroms and atrocities that followed against Muslims are=20
not. The violence was organised, systematic, brutal and carried out=20
with state support. The patterns of violence are well described by=20
Nandini Sundar and Barkha Dutt; the abdication of the judiciary and=20
the police are well documented by Teesta Setalvad and Vrinda Grover;=20
and the role of the press in both producing violence and exposing it=20
is ably discussed by Rajdeep Sardesai and Siddharth Varadarajan. Anil=20
Chamaria's essay leaves the overwhelming impression that it was not=20
just the vernacular press in Gujarat that played a particularly=20
subversive role in producing violence by its partisan coverage, even=20
major Hindi channels like Zee TV and Aaj Tak were sloppy in the way=20
they highlighted Muslims as perpetrators but not as victims of=20
violence.This essay suggests that there was almost no Hindi-language=20
reporting that got the balance right in the way Star News almost did.=20
The collapse of Hindutva and Hindi is almost complete. Although=20
plausible, I am not sure the documentation in this book is enough to=20
warrant such a drastic conclusion, but this is a matter that will=20
bear more investigation. In any case, if secularism remains the=20
province only of the English press, we are in deep trouble and much=20
of what this volume has to offer will carry little authoritative=20
weight.

Ramachandra Guha's characteristically lucid essay tries to make a=20
plea to the vhp to listen to alternative voices within Hinduism. But=20
it is difficult not to come away with the impression that those=20
voices are muted indeed. Sure, many citizens will recoil at the=20
scenes of atrocity that this book so powerfully presents, but whether=20
that will lead to a delegitimisation of the ideological premises of=20
Hindutva is more doubtful. This volume, with the exception of=20
Ghanshyam Shah's essay, does not even attempt to explain much of what=20
happened. But perhaps that is altogether a good thing. We have, for=20
too long, exonerated heinous crimes by thinking that there must be=20
some explanation for such acts of violence, some motives, some=20
historical considerations that explain why people burn trains or=20
brutalise minorities. But perhaps it is a mistake to think that=20
perpetrators of such violence share anything beyond a readiness to=20
commit atrocity. The sobering message of this book is that there are=20
too many people living simply to commit atrocities and many of them=20
are part of the Indian state.

_____

#8.

[Gujarat Election Watch and National Campaign follow up]

December 5, 2002

Dear Dr Trilochan Sastry and friends,

Thanks for the email.

1.=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0I am delighted to note that you have listed 135 candidates=
=20
with criminal record, and over 90% are covered by the affidavits=20
filed by the candidates. I am certain you have taken all necessary=20
steps to guard against malicious attacks on the scrutiny. This=20
revelation is bound to generate a major public debate on candidate=20
choice and disclosures. I have seen Mr. Rama Reddy's email to you. I=20
would be grateful if you could send the entire list with full details=20
to us by email/courier. In addition, it would be useful if a detailed=20
explanatory note is enclosed.

2.=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0In the light of our earlier experience, may I suggest that=
you=20
should consider explaining to the media and public the following two=20
points:

a)=A0=A0=A0=A0The list is based on objective and verifiable standards, and=
=20
names of certain candidates may have been omitted for want of=20
verifiable information.
b)=A0=A0=A0=A0Equally, it is possible that some of the candidates whose nam=
es=20
have been included may not be guilty of any wrong doing, and may be=20
eventually let off by the courts. However, their names satisfy the=20
objective and verifiable criteria for public scrutiny, and voters are=20
entitled to all information pertaining to them.
Such explanation will help ward off uninformed criticism=20
and malicious attacks.

3.=A0=A0=A0=A0In addition, I suggest that Gujarat election Watch should=20
formally give a call to the voters to consider voting only for those=20
candidates who voluntarily disclose their full criminal and financial=20
record, irrespective of the current legal provisions. Already=20
criminal disclosures are provided in law. Therefore financial=20
disclosures must be insisted upon, and we must focus public attention=20
on full disclosures.

4.=A0=A0=A0=A0Finally, I understand that a few of the names now being=20
released are not covered by the disclosure provisions of the current=20
law. We need to keep the public fully informed of the details, and=20
why and how their names satisfy the objective criteria we have laid=20
down.

5.=A0=A0=A0=A0We should fight for the whole gamut of electoral reforms,=20
taking advantage of all these developments. I am briefing the MPs of=20
Congress Party in Delhi on 7th December on the issue of disclosures=20
at their request. We should make Gujarat elections the test case for=20
voluntary and full disclosure of financial records of candidates.=20
After the din of Gujarat election subsides, we should get together a=20
group of serious activists across the country to finalize the agenda=20
for national campaign. All these small, but significant steps must=20
converge in the national campaign for electoral and governance=20
reforms. The nation's potential cannot be held captive forever by the=20
vested interests who seek to preserve status quo. The people are=20
clearly ready for major reforms. In fact, voters in India are far=20
ahead of the politicians. We need vigorous, collective action over=20
the next few months and years.

6.=A0=A0=A0=A0The supreme court's delay in delivering a verdict on our appe=
al=20
challenging the constitutional validity of Section 33 B of the=20
ordinance is somewhat disappointing. It is possible that the court is=20
worried about the likely confrontation between the legislature and=20
judiciary. The court may exercise the option of referring the matter=20
to a larger Constitutional Bench to examine its own powers and the=20
scope of basic features and judicial review. But that need not deter=20
us. If court judgment is delayed, we will do everything to see that=20
the legislation to replace the ordinance is referred to a joint=20
select committee of parliament for a thorough examination. And=20
irrespective of whether this right to know candidate's antecedents is=20
a fundamental right under Art 19 (1) or not, people in a democracy=20
are supreme. If people as one want disclosures, then they shall have=20
disclosures. We should therefore conduct people's ballots in all=20
major states in line with the ballot conducted by LOK SATTA in AP.=20
Even a low key effort without much publicity or fanfare, and at=20
little cost, attracted nearly a million voters (854,000) in 500=20
places all over AP. 98.1% of them wanted full disclosures as per the=20
Supreme Court verdict of May 2, and EC's order of June 28. I am=20
certain that in all major states public opinion will be equally=20
decisive.

7.=A0=A0=A0=A0These and other strategies and action programmes need to be=20
finalized once Gujarat elections are over to unwaveringly focus=20
public attention on disclosures, candidate choice and electoral=20
reform. Once again, Gujarat team deserves our congratulations and=20
best wishes.

Warm regards

Jayaprakash Narayan
National Coordinator

Lok Satta
401/408 Nirmal Towers
Dwarakapuri Colony, Punjagutta
Hyderabad - 500 082
Tel: 040 23350778/23350790
Fax: 040 23350783
E-mail: <mailto:loksatta@s...>loksatta@s...
url: <http://www.loksatta.org>www.loksatta.org

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