[sacw] SACW #1 | 21 Dec. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire #1 | 21 December 2002

__________________________

#1. The International Initiative for Justice in Gujarat (IIJ) - Press=20
Release / Interim Report / Public Meet
#2. Bombay seminar on Rising Hindutva Fascist Forces- How to stop=20
them? (20, 21 Dec. 2002)
#3. Of fascism and repression (Praful Bidwai)
#4. Riding the hate wave (Dionne Bunsha)
#5. The BJP Sweep In Gujarat - A Moment of Reflection For India=20
(Asghar Ali Engineer)
#6. After Gujarat =8B I and II (Radhika Desai)
#7. The specificities of Gujarat (Bharat Bhushan)
#8. Gujarat: shades of black (Rajeev Bhargava)
#9. The future of Indian politics (Vamsi Vakulabharanam)

__________________________

#1.

The International Initiative for Justice in Gujarat (IIJ)
PRESS RELEASE 19 December 2002

As women's groups in India, we are horrified by the violence that was=20
unleashed against Muslim communities and in particular on Muslim=20
women in Gujarat from February 27, 2002, onward. We are appalled at=20
the ways in which the instruments of a democratic state are working=20
against the interests of its own citizens, and the ways in which=20
women's bodies are being used as battlegrounds in the struggle over=20
defining India as a Hindu State.

For nine months, we have seen lack of national political will to=20
apply existing laws and redressal mechanisms to ensure justice for=20
the victims. This is further compounded by the fact of continuing=20
violence in the state. An International Initiative for Justice in=20
Gujarat (IIJ) was therefore constituted, comprising jurists,=20
activists, lawyers, writers and academics from various parts of the=20
world. Keeping in mind the many reports of independent agencies and=20
statutory bodies, the Panel, which visited Gujarat between 14th and=20
17th December, investigated the violence - particularly the physical=20
and sexual - inflicted upon women since 27th February 2002=20
specifically in light of existing international laws, conventions and=20
norms. The Panel has also addressed the complicity of the State in=20
the violence, the lack of effective redressal for the victims and the=20
implications of the recent BJP victory in the state. This panel was=20
not simply a 'fact-finding' mission, but rather to support efforts=20
toward achieving justice for the survivors of these attacks, as well=20
as to support the prevention of future attacks against minorities,=20
particularly women.

The panelists include Sunila Abeysekara, Director of Inform, Colombo,=20
Sri Lanka, Rhonda Copelon, Professor of Law, City University of New=20
York, Anissa Helie of Women Living Under Muslim Laws Algeria/France,=20
Gabriela Mischkowski, Historian and co-founder, Medica Mondiale,=20
Germany, Nira Yuval-Davis, Professor of Gender and Ethnic Studies at=20
the University of Greenwich, UK, and several other prominent=20
feminists. Members of the Panel visited Ahmedabad, Baroda, and=20
Panchmahals District, and spoke with various affected people, support=20
workers, lawyers, and held confidential meetings with affected women.

The Panel's Interim Report on the situation in Gujarat voiced strong=20
concern that "in spite of the totally inadequate legal and other=20
responses to the violence in Gujarat, the government has continued to=20
deny permission for international scrutiny of the situation=D6In a=20
pluralist society such as India, ensuring the equal representation=20
and participation of all communities and guaranteeing the rights of=20
women and of minorities are among the most important tests of a=20
genuine democracy. The propagation of fear and hatred among=20
communities is anathema to these principles and is inconsistent with=20
both national and international law." The Report also addressed the=20
similarities and uniqueness of the ways in which sexual violence has=20
been used in cases of religious, ethnic or communal violence in=20
other parts of the world, and stated: "this violence, which reflects=20
a longer and larger genocidal project, in our view constitutes a=20
crime against humanity and satisfies the legal definition of=20
genocide, both of which are crimes of the most serious dimension=20
under international law."

On the basis of their interviews and meetings, the panel has=20
outlined Urgent Actions to Be Taken by the state, the national and=20
international community. They have stressed on the restoration of the=20
constitutional rights of the Muslims of India and asserted the need=20
for ensuring the protection of their human rights in accordance with=20
international norms. They have outlined recommendations for the=20
immediate redressal for crimes of sexual violence in accordance with=20
the provisions of the ICC and called for specific measures with=20
regard to the issues of justice, continuing impact of the violence,=20
and the continued marginalization of the Muslims of Gujarat.

The International Initiative for Justice in Gujarat was organized by:

Citizen's Initiative (Ahmedabad), People's Union for Civil Liberties=20
(PUCL) - Shanti Abhiyan (Vadodara), Communalism Combat,=20
Awaaz-E-Niswaan Forum Against Oppression of Women (FAOW) and Stree=20
Sangam (Mumbai), Saheli, Jagori, Sama, and Nirantar (Delhi),=20
Organised Lesbian Alliance for Visibility and Action (OLAVA, Pune),=20
and other women's organizations in India.

IIJ c/o FAOW, 29 Bhatia Bhavan, Babrekar Marg, Off Gokhale Road,=20
Dadar (W), Mumbai 400028, Ph: 9820833422, 9820850844, (022) 23705620=20
Email: iijg2002@y...

o o o

The International Initiative for Justice in Gujarat: An Interim Report is
available online at:
http://www.onlinevolunteers.org/gujarat/reports/iijg/

o o o

PUBLIC MEETING
INTERNATIONAL INITIATIVE FOR JUSTICE

Redressing Violence against Women
Committed by State and Non-state Actors in Gujarat, 2002

At 3.00 PM
Friday, 20 December 2002
Rajendra Bhavan, ITO
210 Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Marg New Delhi
(Opp Gandhi Peace Foundation)
Phone: 23231033

The International Initiative for Justice committee is presenting its=20
findings from its four-day visit to Gujarat. The committee visited=20
Baroda, Ahmedabad and Panchmahals-Dahod.

The committee=EDs mandate included investigations into the extent,=20
nature, causes and consequences of the violence - physical as well as=20
sexual - suffered by women between 27 February and the end of March,=20
2002, in Gujarat, India. They will also address the role of State=20
authorities, including that of the ruling party and the police, and=20
the role of various organisations, particularly fundamentalist=20
religious organisations, with respect to the above events.

The panelists are:
Rhonda Copelon (Prof. of Law, City University of New School of Law &=20
Director International Human Rights Clinic)
Nira Yuval-Davis (Prof. of Gender and Ethnic Studies, University of=20
East London)
Sunila Abeysekara (Director, Inform Sri Lanka)
Anissa Helie (Co-ordinator Women Living under Muslim Law[s], UK),
Vahida Nainar (Development Director, Women's Caucus for Gender Justice, Ind=
ia)
Meera Vellayudan (Historian, Institute for Environmental and Social=20
Concerns, Kutch)
Farah Naqvi (Independent writer and women's rights activist, New Delhi)
Uma Chakravoarty (Historian, Delhi University and member PUDR)
Gabriela Mischowski (Historian and co-founder Medico-Mondiale, Germany).

Please do come and attend this meeting and spread the word among as=20
many individuals/ organisations as possible.

Citizen's Initiative (Ahmedabad), People's Union for Civil Liberties=20
(PUCL), Shanti Abhiyan (Vadodara), Communalism Combat (Mumbai),=20
Lawyers Collective (Mumbai), Awaaz-E-Niswaan (Mumbai), Forum Against=20
Oppression of Women (FAOW, Mumbai), Saheli (Delhi), Jagori (Delhi),=20
Sama (Delhi), Nirantar (Delhi), Organised Lesbian Alliance for=20
Visibility and Action (OLAVA), Pune), and other women=EDs organisations=20
in India

_____

#2.

ALL INDIA LEAGUE FOR REVOLUTIONARY CULTURE (AILRC) invites you for a

SEMINAR on
Rising Hindutva Fascist Forces-
How to stop them?

Vali Gujarati (Dakni) Nagar,
Krantikari Lok Shahir Vilas Ghogre Hall,
Dr Ambedkar Bhavan, Gokuldas Pasta Lane,
Behind Chitra Cinema, Dadar (E), Mumbai=AD14.

20, 21 December 2002.

Inaugural Address: Ghanshyam Shah

20th December 2002
Inaugural session: 10.30 a.m.

Ghanshyam Shah
Social Sciences, JNU,
New Delhi

Special Invitee M. H. Jowher

AILRC perspective
Paper AILRC EC

Lunch 1.30 to 2.30 p.m.

Second Session 2.30p.m.

Gujarat=ADLaboratory of Hindutva Fascism
Girish Patel (Lok Adhikar Sangh, Ahmedabad)
Teesta Setalvad (Editor=ADCommunalism Combat, Mumbai)

Third Session 4.30p.m.

Anti Fascist Cultural Evening
=B7 AILRC (Gadar & others)
=B7 Lok Avhaan
=B7 Vidrohi
=B7 Avhaan
=B7 Jan Sangharsh Natya Manch
=B7 Uthaav Sahitya Manch
=B7 Nav Janwadi Sanskritik Manch
=B7 Shahir Suresh Jadhav & Others
=B7 Savitribai Phule Katta
=B7 Krantikari Sanskritik Sanghatana

21st December 2002
Time 10.30 a.m.

Fascist Onslaught-Impact and Resistance

=B7 Minorities Anwar Alam
School of International Studies
J.N.U., New Delhi

=B7 Oppressed Castes
Dr Anand Teltumde Mumbai

=B7 Women Sandhya Gokhale
Nari Atyachar Virodhi Manch,
Mumbai

=B7 Working Class Rohit Prajapati
PUCL=ADVadodara Shanti Abhiyan, Vadodara
Kamdar Union

=B7 Culture Sanjay Pawar
Dramatist, poet, artist=ADMumbai

=B7 Education Dr Raziya Patel, Pune

=B7 Media Nikhil Wagle
Editor, Dainik Mahanagar, Mumbai

Lunch 1.30 to 2.30 p.m.

Concluding Session 1.30 to 2.30 p.m.

Unity against Fascism
Vara Vara Rao=AD(Revolutionary poet, A.P.)

RECEPTION COMMITTEE
Sagar Sarhadi (Chairperson)
Shabana Azmi, Pushpa Bhave, Ratnakar Matkari, Premanand Gajvee, Sunil=20
Shanbag, Shafahat Khan, Asghar Ali Engineer, J V Pawar, Gajanan=20
Khatu, Vivek More, Sohan Sharma, Dr. Sanjay Nagral, Sajeed Rashid,=20
Hira Bansode, Dinu Randive, Ram Puniyani, Manorama Savur, P K Das,=20
Yakoob Rahi, Avinash Kadam, Ishrat Sir, Kusum Tripathi, Suresh=20
Jadhav, Sharada Navale, Justice S M Daud, Anand Patwardhan Sambhaji=20
Bhagat, Arjun Dangle, Avinash Mahatekar, Laxman Gaikwad, Mihir Desai,=20
Shereen Ratnagar, Uday Mehta, Dr P G Jogdand, Urmila Pawar, Vibhuti=20
Patel, Anjum Rajabali, Adv. P A Sebastian, Hemu Adhikari, Jatin=20
Desai, Subodh More, Saroj Tripathi, Suresh Raghav, Dolphy D=B9Souza,=20
Ralli Jacob, Sunil Saigal, Anand Bhave

All India League For Revolutionary Culture (AILRC)
Local Organisers: Avhaan Natya Manch (Maharashtra),
Jan Sangharsh Natya Manch (Gujarat)

_____

#3.

Frontline
Volume 19 - Issue 26, December 21, 2002 - January 03, 2003
COLUMN

Of fascism and repression

PRAFUL BIDWAI

Fascism in its contemporary form is deeply rooted in xenophobic and=20
ethnic-religious nationalism, aggressive militarism, fascination with=20
force, the cult of authority, and the culture of repression,=20
especially sexual repression.

THE Gujarat carnage marks a watershed for India in much the same way=20
as other fateful, defining, moments or events such as the Emergency,=20
demolition of the Babri mosque, or Pokharan-II did. The Gujarat=20
violence witnessed the highest level of development of a peculiarly=20
Indian variety of fascism or, if you prefer, neofascism, concentrated=20
in a comprehensively communalised state. The momentous significance=20
of Gujarat must now be reflected at a theoretical level in our=20
understanding of Indian politics and its social dynamics =8B no matter=20
what happens in Gujarat itself.

Let us begin with three working propositions. First, Gujarat's=20
staggering state-sponsored violence against an already=20
underprivileged minority indicates a major change in the form of rule=20
or governance, specifically in the balance between the coercive and=20
"consensual" aspects of the state. It shows just how far the state=20
can bend in favour of coercion in certain circumstances. This is=20
inseparable from the requirements of today's globalising capitalism=20
and from the political-cultural peculiarities of Gujarat as its=20
social relations are reshaped under capital's impact along brutally=20
dualistic, iniquitous and inequality-enhancing lines.

Second, the pogrom was driven by a malign, muscular form of Hindutva,=20
combining visceral Islamophobia, toxic nationalism, revanchism, and=20
the idea of "getting even with" history. And third, it is impossible=20
to understand the power of this Hindutva without seeing it as=20
movement, which draws upon a series of beliefs, prejudices and=20
repressive ideas, and forges them into a social force through the=20
practice of violence.

The first proposition deals with conjuncture, the specific mix of=20
conditions that give birth to extremist politics and are shaped by=20
it. The second tries to capture the uniquely Indian characteristics=20
of the ideology and politics of fascism. The third engages with the=20
perceptions, values and mindsets that render possible the ideology=20
and the politics =8B and the movement. There is a rich and fairly=20
robust debate in India on the first two, with a range of=20
contributions from historians, political scientists, sociologists,=20
even economists, and not least, anti-communal activists. (This is not=20
the place to comment on the debate, but it deserves serious notice=20
and further development.) This Column deals primarily with the third=20
proposition, and rather summarily with the second.

The ascendancy of Hindutva since the mid-1980s is intimately=20
connected with the spread of a bellicose "Mera Bharat Mahan" variety=20
of nationalism which is deeply troubled by, and never at peace with,=20
the idea of equality or harmony, internally or externally. This=20
nationalism seeks shortcuts to glory and power through building a=20
militarily powerful nation on the foundations of mass deprivation,=20
poverty and vicious inequalities of gender, caste and social=20
opportunity =8B a nation that will be held in awe and feared, not=20
liked, admired, or respected.

This nationalism is driven by revenge, rooted in the paranoid belief=20
that India has always been denied her rightful place in the world,=20
and that Hindu "compassion" and "weakness" permitted "outsiders" to=20
invade and subjugate India. It is time India stood up like a "real=20
man". At work here is a distorted, homogenised notion of India's past=20
as a uniquely great civilisation whose "Vedic achievements" are=20
unmatched. But equally important is the idea of male assertion,=20
purushartha, equated with valour, military courage and violence.

The rampaging mobs in Gujarat were inspired by this very idea =8B much=20
in the way that the precursors to the Nazis were motivated when=20
"avenging" Germany's terrible "humiliation" in the First World War =8B=20
a blow to the "honour" and pride of the "German Race" =8B through=20
periodic pogroms against the Jews and sensational acts of violence,=20
as well as through nurturing the cult of authority, which ultimately=20
produced the God-like image of the Fuehrer.

At work in both cases is an intensely illiberal, hate-filled=20
chauvinism, driven by the compelling desire to dominate and=20
subjugate. Equally important is the authoritarian mindset of Hindutva=20
cult-figures such as Narendra Modi, Praveen Togadia and Acharya=20
Dharmendra, and the worship of militarised caricatures of=20
personalities such as Sardar Vallabhai Patel's (the "authentically"=20
all-Hindu "Iron Man", as opposed to the "effeminate" Gandhi or the=20
"Westernised" Nehru influenced by Macaulay and Marx).

It is relevant to ask why the authoritarian personality appeals to so=20
many BJP supporters, why Narendra Modi became the party's principal=20
crowd-puller during the election campaign, eclipsing Vajpayee and=20
even that other pseudo-Sardar (Advani), and why people thronged to=20
his meetings to hear the vilest of abuse hurled at Muslims,=20
secularists, the "Italian Lady" and "James Michael Lyngdoh". A=20
tentative answer to the question might lie in the culture of=20
repression that exists in society at so many levels =8B in the family,=20
in social institutions such as schools, in personal and professional=20
relationships, and especially in attitudes to sexuality.

A number of surveys tell us that a majority of Indians are sexually=20
inhibited and repressed. They do not know much about sex or=20
eroticism, and talk even less about it in public. The subject of sex=20
is taboo, just as kissing was for long in our commercial films.=20
Often, sex is only discussed in hushed tones and furtively in dark,=20
shady clinics like "Hero Pharmacy" which promise happy "married life"=20
=8B read, machismo overflowing with testosterone =8B to frustrated,=20
anguished young men who have terrible insecurities about premature=20
ejaculation and insurmountable guilt about masturbation.

There is a generalised climate of forced asceticism in many parts of=20
India. This is related to growing gendered violence, harassment of=20
women, bride-burning, and outright rape. Gender discrimination begins=20
early. Different-sex teenagers do not interact and play together=20
except on pain of parental disapproval. They are taught to be chaste,=20
"pure", celibate.

Boys are told masturbation leads to loss of virility and mental and=20
spiritual power too. It is a sin. Girls are drilled into disguising=20
and suppressing their sensuality, and projecting false "modesty". The=20
family tightly controls women's mobility and sexuality. There can be=20
little sexual freedom when the family's objective is to turn women=20
into baby-producing (and - rearing) factories.

How has this come about in a society which hundreds of years ago=20
produced spectacular erotic sculptures, where poets celebrated=20
sensuality or playfully wrote about male and female bodies, where the=20
lingam is worshipped, and where one of the world's greatest books on=20
erotic love (the Kamasutra) was written? How do we understand the=20
effects of the transition from a materially rich, rational=20
understanding of sexuality to inhibitions, prohibitions and taboos?=20
What does this mean for our culture?

Freud and Wilhelm Reich, and at another level, Michel Foucault, have=20
extraordinary insights to offer on the relationship between sexuality=20
and society. For the Indian case, we must draw upon psychologists=20
such as Sudhir Kakar, author of numerous books on sexuality, and now=20
a fellow of Harvard. He argues that the transition did not happen=20
suddenly. "Both the ascetic and the erotic have always coexisted in=20
our culture and in our people's psyche. The one or the other comes up=20
in different periods. From the 4th to the 10th centuries, the erotic=20
dominated. For the last 200 years, the ascetic has ruled."

This was itself the consequence of interplay between the puritanical=20
attitudes of the upper castes, especially Brahmins, and the Victorian=20
morality of the conquering British. Says Kakar, "the two became=20
powerful, if unconscious, allies of each other in imposing stringent=20
sexual mores and eroding people's freedoms." The most fanatical=20
representatives of these taboo-driven attitudes today are India's=20
arch-conservatives =8B the Hindu Taliban.

Many Indian males have acute sexual anxieties, and are unable to=20
relate to women as equals. "Psychoanalysts have an explanation," says=20
Madhu Sarin, a philosopher who trained as an analyst for 11 years in=20
the U.S. and India. "The Indian boy's intimate relationship with the=20
mother is abruptly terminated at the age of five or six. This causes=20
a traumatic loss. His instinctive reaction is to identify with the=20
lost object. Unlike in the West, where the young boy fears the=20
father's envy and develops the `castration anxiety' described by=20
Freud, the Indian boy allies with the father against the mother,=20
rather than as a competitive rival, in order to shore up his sense of=20
masculinity. He sacrifices his libidinal urges towards women."

According to Sarin, this decisively affects many men's long-term=20
sexual attitudes, leaving them with deep-seated and enduring=20
inhibitions towards women "who are either idealised or feared and=20
therefore dominated." Many men cannot balance the intimate and=20
aggressive components of their sexuality.

All this makes for terribly repressed personalities. It is temping=20
for repressed men to gravitate towards an authority figure and vent=20
their frustration through ritual violence =8B burning, killing,=20
looting, of the kind witnessed in post-Godhra Gujarat. Such=20
aggressive traits tend to get especially concentrated and amplified=20
in all-male groups such as the Hindu Taliban, who pursue shady=20
agendas, and who mortally fear openness and accountability. The Hindu=20
Taliban pracharak, forced to be ascetic, austere and celibate, is=20
among the most repressed of Indian males =8B and particularly prone to=20
violence.

MERCIFULLY, sexual repression in India is not an immutable or=20
unchanging reality. Rigid sexual norms are weakening or breaking down=20
in many social groups. Young people are becoming aware of their=20
sexuality as something normal and enjoyable, not as a source of=20
guilt. The process is not confined to the metropolitan cities alone.

However, along with this welcome change towards sexual emancipation,=20
there is also the opposite, ultra-conservative tendency, obsessed=20
with control, which appropriates the female body to the ends and=20
goals of The Nation. Woman here is not seen as an independent person,=20
with her own agency, but as an adjunct of man =8B mother, wife or=20
daughter.

Such reactionary ideas are among the main inspirations of the=20
Hindu-fascist movement now unfolding before us. Central to it is a=20
culture of authoritarianism =8B in society, in the family, in sexual=20
relations. We cannot win the battle against Hindutva unless we also=20
fight repression and authoritarianism.

______

#4.

Frontline
Volume 19 - Issue 26, December 21, 2002 - January 03, 2003
COVER STORY
Riding the hate wave

DIONNE BUNSHA
http://www.flonnet.com/fl1926/stories/20030103007812600.htm

______

#5.

THE BJP SWEEP IN GUJARAT- A MOMENT OF REFLECTION FOR INDIA

Asghar Ali Engineer

Secular Perspective December 16 - 31 2002

The results of Gujarat election were surprise for everyone including=20
of course the BJP. No one expected more than two-third majority for=20
the BJP. All surveys except that of India Today (which predicted=20
two-third majority for BJP) had predicted marginal victory for BJP=20
and some even gave the Congress a chance. The exit poles also proved=20
to be quite deceptive.

This sweeping victory for the BJP in Gujarat has lessons for all=20
including the secularists and above all for the Congress. In fact it=20
is the moment of truth for the Congress. The Congress must deeply=20
reflect on the causes if its defeat. Let it learn the lesson that=20
hard Hindutva cannot be fought with soft Hindutva. One should not=20
follow - even to a limited extent - the agenda set by extremists. The=20
Congress decided not to raise the question of communal carnage in=20
Gujarat fearing strong reaction from the Hindu electorate. They=20
decided to talk only about development and governance issues.

This also did not help the Congress. If it had to loose it could have=20
lost by fighting for principles. It could have denounced the Hindutva=20
extremism and killing of more than two thousand innocent Muslims. How=20
can one talk of development and governance when such massacre is=20
taking place in the state? It should have strongly taken up the case=20
of such unparalleled violence against minority. It would have greatly=20
enthused those committed to secularism. Not that there are no more=20
secularists in Gujarat. But the Congress certainly betrayed them.

The Muslims of course had no alternative but to vote for the Congress=20
as a lesser evil. The Congress again gave the Muslims only three=20
seats to contest again for fear of reaction from the Hindu=20
extremists. A national party, which projects itself as inheritor of=20
the Gandhi, Nehru and Maulana Azad cant be seen to be so weak on=20
secular ideology. It is such weakness, which has brought the nation=20
to such a plight today.

Gandhi, Nehru and Azad were stalwarts of secular nationalism. After=20
Nehru, Patel and Azad secularism began to be sidelined by other=20
leaders of the Congress. Mrs. Gandhi who devised the slogan of 'quit=20
poverty' and was seen as champion of downtrodden for the time being=20
in late sixties, was not emphasising secularism like her father=20
Nehru. Nehru clearly and unambiguously championed both the causes=20
i.e. of socialism and secularism. Nehru had courage to publicly=20
attack communalists and their ideology. He always called spade a=20
spade.

However, Mrs. Gandhi proved to be more power-oriented than=20
ideologically-oriented. After emergency she almost bade good bye to=20
her ideological commitments. She even tried to take advantage of VHP=20
campaign against the conversion of some dalit families in=20
Meenakshipuram to Islam in early eighties. It is on record that she=20
encouraged VHP to launch a campaign against Meenakshipuram=20
conversions. The VHP came on political scene with a bang due to this=20
subtle encouragement from top Congress leadership. Mrs. Gandhi=20
perceived loss of Muslim votes due to excesses committed against=20
Muslims during emergency and wanted to compensate for it by winning=20
over Hindus on her side. This had far reaching consequences. She also=20
pampered Bhindranwale and gave rise to Khalistan movement of which=20
she ultimately became victim.

When she was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguard a reprisal against=20
Sikhs followed and more than 4000 Sikhs were killed. The Congress=20
exploited it to the hilt for winning 1984 parliamentary elections and=20
won with two-third majority. All such victories won by targeting=20
another community prove quite fragile. There is a lesson for the BJP=20
also here. The Congress was soon faced with serious challenges and=20
ignominiously lost next general elections held in 1989.

It should be born in mind that in a composite nation like India with=20
its proud record of pluralism for centuries nothing can work better=20
than secularism as far as modern democracy is concerned. The=20
politicians eager to come to power without doing anything concrete=20
for the masses often resort to communal short cuts and incite hatred=20
in one caste or community against the other to capture power thus=20
seriously destabilising very social and political foundations of the=20
country.

The extremists of Sangh Parivar like the VHP and the Bajrang Dal may=20
not realise it that they are doing great harm to the unity and=20
integrity of the country and pushing it to the brink of civil war but=20
the senior leaders of the BJP should understand it. It is interesting=20
to note that as the hard Hindutva of Sangh parivar marginalises the=20
soft Hindutva of the Congress, the extremists of the Sangh Parivar=20
marginalises the moderates of that parivar. It is Narendra Modi and=20
Togadia who are emerging heroes today and are calling the shots.=20
Likes of Vajpayee are getting marginalised.

The success in Gujarat is giving more impetus to likes of Modis and=20
Togadias. But let us not forget it is temporary success. The BJP will=20
not at all gain in long terms. But in politics who cares for long=20
term effects. What is valued is temporary success. It immediately=20
goes to the head. The BJP may be under pressure to adopt hard=20
Hindutva as a strategy to win coming elections next year but it is=20
likely to do great deal of harm not only to the country as a whole=20
but also to the BJP interests itself.

One must keep the plight of the Congress in view. After 1984=20
elections in which it won two third majority it soon suffered such=20
set back that it has not been able to recover from it. Still its=20
chances of winning power at the Centre are not very bright unless it=20
makes amends for its acts of commissions and omissions sincerely and=20
rediscovers its own ideology of secularism and creates much needed=20
balance of forces among various communities.

The NDA partners who apparently swear by 'secularism' also have to=20
learn a lot and have to reflect seriously on their alliance with BJP.=20
When the hot heads like Modis and Togadias are marginalising=20
moderates like Vajpayee what of leaders like Chandrababu Naidu,=20
Nitish Kumar and others. All such leaders will be thrown out after=20
their utility is over. These leaders are doing nothing but=20
strengthening the hands of BJP and extremists in its fold. Their=20
loosening grip over the issues of governance will push the BJP=20
leaders towards extremism to retain their hold over power. Shri=20
L.K.Advani fuelled this extremism through his rath yatra in 1990.=20
When the BJP could not come to power with its narrow political base=20
among the upper caste Hindus in urban areas it invoked highly=20
emotional issue of Ram mandir and ultimately captured power in=20
alliance with some so called secular parties in 1999 elections. The=20
rath yatra was first major step towards extremism. The Narsimha Rao=20
Government showed its calculated inaction and allowed extremist=20
elements in the BJP to grow for its own short term interest of=20
survival in power and ultimately lost out to BJP.

There is also a lesson to learn for socialists of the Janata Dal=20
variety. They, in their hatred of the Congress always preferred to=20
support the BJP rather than any secular formation. The Janta Dal=20
consisted more of leaders than followers and went on fighting among=20
themselves. Their government thus could not last for more than a=20
couple of years. Neither they had any ideology to bind them together=20
nor did they have interest of governance over their own selfish=20
interests. They did not allow Devegowda or Gujral to rule for=20
respectable length of time.

It is also important for all secularists to note that it is easier=20
for unemployed dalits and tirbals to be won over by extremists and=20
hard Hindutvawadis than by those talking of developmental issues=20
without really delivering. In highly emotional campaigns like the one=20
in Gujarat developmental issues or issues of governance are ignored=20
by the people. Hatred, if worked to its extreme as the Modi did in=20
his election campaign, can prove, temporarily of course, much more=20
powerful than ones material interests. Thus incumbency factor did not=20
work in Gujarat election. The BJP had totally failed to govern but=20
still could win by inciting hatred against Muslims and against the=20
Congress as 'protector' of Muslims.

But, and it is a lesson for the moderates in the BJP to learn, there=20
is hardly anything to celebrate the Gujarat victory. Soon the party=20
will have to face hard realities. The hot heads will not allow it to=20
govern and deliver. They are enamoured of their own extremism and=20
would like to repeat it. They are blinded by their own emotions. As=20
revolution eats its own children so does extremism and fanaticism.

The Congress also has to learn a lesson from what happened in=20
Gujarat. It should, as pointed out above, abandon its policy of soft=20
Hindutva and revive the spirit of secularism and togetherness of all=20
communities. It should not allow Indian diversity to become victim of=20
majoritarianism. It is dangerous omen for Indian pluralism.=20
Secularism is the life-line of Indian polity. Nehruvian vision must=20
be rediscovered by the Congress leadership.

The Congress should also realise the importance of secular alliances.=20
It cannot govern India alone. Those days are over. It should take=20
lead to form an alliance with all secular forces opposed to BJP's=20
variety of communalism and politics of hate. There never was more=20
urgency for such an alliance led by the Congress. India and people of=20
India are above any political party. And India's diversity is above=20
any single community be it in majority or minority.
**********************
Centre for Study of Society and Secularism
Mumbai [India]

_____

#6.

The Hindu
Thursday, Dec 19, 2002
Opinion - Leader Page Articles =A0=A0
After Gujarat =8B I
By Radhika Desai

Emboldened by the Gujarat victory, the Sangh Parivar can be expected=20
to try hard to make this the country's future.
http://www.thehindu.com/2002/12/19/stories/2002121900351000.htm

The Hindu
Friday, Dec 20, 2002
Opinion - Leader Page Articles =A0=A0
After Gujarat =8B II
By Radhika Desai

Any political force which sees the middle class constituency as a=20
significant part of its support base will either fail (to check the=20
Sangh Parivar) or succumb to soft Hindutva.
http://www.thehindu.com/2002/12/20/stories/2002122000141000.htm

_____

#7.

The Daily Times
December 21, 2002

The specificities of Gujarat

Bharat Bhushan
Gujarat is a society that has done very well economically but has=20
never paused to take a serious look at itself. No wonder then that=20
many Gujaratis were bewildered at the way the rest of India looked at=20
them and condemned them for what they thought was =B3justified=B2=20
reaction to the Godhra incident
Most people may not have noticed the colour green disappear from the=20
flag of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) during the Gujarat=20
elections. The green and saffron flag of the party was replaced by a=20
saffron flag with a lotus imprinted on it. The scarves around the=20
necks of party workers and party candidates were also unashamedly=20
saffron. The emotional divide in the polity was so complete that=20
green was rejected as the colour of the Muslims.
It has been claimed both by partisans and the critics of Hindutva=20
that Gujarat can be replicated by the BJP elsewhere. But first the=20
special nature of Gujarati society needs to be noted. The various=20
social factors that obtain in Gujarat may not be present elsewhere in=20
India. It may bean over generalisation to claim that the BJP can=20
replicate the =B3Gujarat model=B2 elsewhere.
In many ways Gujarat is different from the other parts of India. One,=20
there is a presence of a strong Gujarati sub-nationalism in the=20
state. Two, the state has been weakly influenced by any progressive=20
movements resulting in a wide gap between its economic growth and=20
social progress. And three, it has a sizeable middle class which is=20
capable of being mobilised around a cause.
Gujarati sub-nationalism had its origins in the erstwhile Bombay=20
state and the agitation led by the Mahagujarat Janata Parishad for a=20
separate state. But somehow it has persisted over time. Even today=20
the Gujaratis form the most closely knit communities abroad. Among=20
all the Non-resident Indian community organisations abroad, for=20
example, the local Gujarat Samaj is always the most well organised=20
and active. So when Narendra Modi talked of =B3Gujarat=B9s honour=B2 he was=
=20
tapping into the subliminal parochialism of the Gujaratis.
Gujarat has never witnesses a Left movement. Despite a large and=20
varied work force, a modern trade union movement has been absent in=20
the state. The textile industry was wiped out in Ahmedabad but it did=20
not lead to any significant labour protests. The most labour=20
intensive industries flourish in the state =8B from diamond polishing=20
to ship-breaking but hardly anyone speaks up for these workers. But=20
it has neither seen a communist nor a socialist movement. Even after=20
the freedom struggle, the so-called Nehruvian Left was never strong=20
in Gujarat.
In recent times the only social movement that arose in Gujarat were=20
the Navnirman Movement against corruption in the early 1970s and the=20
anti-reservation stir in 1985 after Madhavsinh Solanki introduced job=20
and educational reservation for the backward castes.
Because of the rapid economic strides it made, a middle class emerged=20
in Gujarat which was capable of organising and participating in a=20
social movement. The Navnirman and anti-reservation stirs were=20
examples of the emergent middle class coalescing around a cause. But=20
without an egalitarian social vision, there is always a possibility=20
that such a middle class might organise itself into a movement not=20
for creating a just social order but for furthering its own narrow=20
interests or even fascist goals. This first became evident in the=20
anti-reservation stir and, more recently, in the state assembly=20
election.
The absence of an egalitarian, inclusive and democratic social vision=20
in Gujarat today perhaps has something to do with the state not=20
having gone through an intellectual renaissance in the nineteenth and=20
the twentieth centuries. It produced entrepreneurs, lawyers and=20
economists. But it has not produced a modern intellectual and=20
cultural elite of any significance. Gujarat claims Mohandas=20
Karamchand Gandhi. But Gandhi was the product of South Africa and=20
apartheid =8B Gujarat had little to do with his political birth.
Sanjeev Kumar and Aruna Irani are the epitome of artistic achievement=20
for the Gujaratis. Mrinalini Sarabhai came from Kerala and Kathak=20
dancer Kumudini Lakhia is a Gujarati only by marriage. Significant=20
Gujarati litterateurs of the last two centuries do not even go into=20
double digits. Kaka Kalelkar wrote in Gujarati but was a=20
Maharashtrian. Writers such Govardhanram Tripathi in the nineteenth=20
century, UmashankarJoshi, Narmad Meghani, Ishwar Petlikar and Joseph=20
Makwan or painters Haku Shah and Amit Ambalal do not in themselves=20
herald a summer of enlightenment.
The point is that there is hardly an efflorescence of eccentrics or=20
path-breaking artists here. Instead of providing a nurturing=20
environment for artistic expression its self-appointed cultural=20
police restricts free expression as it did by setting fire to the=20
joint project of architect Balkrishna Doshi and painter M F Hussain =8B=20
the Hussain-Doshi gufa (cave). The two major centres of creative=20
activity in Ahmedabad, the National Institute of Design and the=20
Centre for Environmental Planning and Technology (CEPT) have very few=20
Gujarati students. Even CEPT was sought to be torched for bringing in=20
=B3Delhi culture=B2 to Gujarat.
It appears that in Gujarat the pursuit of Mammon must not be=20
threatened by romantic liaisons =8B who else but middle-aged Gujaratis=20
would have pioneered the signing of =B3friendship agreements=B2 (maitree=20
karar) with one=B9s mistress so that she could not claim maintenance=20
later in the relationship?
Take the central part of Gujarat which has been awash with saffron in=20
this election. This is the region which witnessed the most sustained=20
communal rioting. This emerging Hindutva heartland of the state, has=20
not seen any radical breaks in its the social continuum. Except for=20
the peasant movements of the 1920s and 1930s, there have been no=20
resistance movements here.
Central Gujarat witnessed the biggest cooperative revolution in India=20
but is intellectually complacent. Co-operative milk marketing made=20
the Central Gujarat cows fat and its human inhabitants culturally=20
emaciated. Unlike the other parts of India, there was no Sufi=20
influence in Central Gujarat and the Bhakti movement was absent here.=20
Narsi Mehta came from Saurashtra.
When the rest of India was trying to move forward, Gujarat was=20
starting its socially regressive march. When Raja Rammohan Roy was=20
active in Bengal reforming Hinduism, in the 1830s the Swaminarayan=20
sect was consolidating itself in Gujarat. It reinforced Hindu=20
orthodoxy both in terms of gender and caste. The agricultural surplus=20
which became available due to commercial production of tobacco,=20
bananas, rice and milk, flowed into temple construction. The richest=20
and the grandest Swaminarayan temples are in Central Gujarat. The=20
only outstanding figures of the region are the Patel brothers =8B=20
Vallabhhai and Vithalbhai Patel and they were known only for their=20
politics.
Even though education has spread among the higher and the middle=20
castes, it is largely technical education. Hardly any students opt=20
for the liberal arts stream in the Gujarat Education Board schools =8B=20
most offer only two choices of specialisation =8B science or commerce.=20
It is not surprising therefore that the Gujarati youth is not=20
informed by the liberal arts and social sciences. In the MS=20
University in Vadodara, for example, out of nearly 28,000 students,=20
less than 2,000 are enrolled in the humanities faculty =8B nearly=20
17,000 are studying in the Commerce faculty and the rest are studying=20
science.
Gujarat is a society that has done very well economically but has=20
never paused to take a serious look at itself. No wonder then that=20
many Gujaratis were bewildered at the way the rest of India looked at=20
them and condemned them for what they thought was =B3justified=B2=20
reaction to the Godhra incident. They still do not understand why=20
they should not have voted for Narendra Modi and his goons.
Bharat Bhushan is Editor of The Telegraph newspaper in Delhi

______

#8.

Open Democracy
Gujarat: shades of black
Rajeev Bhargava
17 - 12 - 2002

The Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has just been=20
re-elected to govern Gujarat. On a recent visit there, our New Delhi=20
editor found a near-uniform hatred of Muslims among the Hindu middle=20
class. Beneath the communal poison, a deeper crisis of the Indian=20
public realm is at work
http://www.opendemocracy.net/themes/article.jsp?articleId=3D845&id=3D5

_____

#9.

The Hindu
Saturday, Dec 21, 2002

The future of Indian politics
By Vamsi Vakulabharanam

This is probably the last chance for the liberal-left forces to=20
counter the further progress of the Hindutva ideology.

THE GUJARAT elections have sent a chilling message to the=20
non-Hindutva forces. It is that a ruling political party that uses=20
the official state machinery and perpetrates violence on minority=20
communities can still obtain a popular mandate without masquerading=20
as liberal or centrist. What are the possible implications for the=20
coalition Government at the Centre? For the past few years, the=20
National Democratic Alliance (NDA) was said to be a coalition of=20
forces that spanned a wide spectrum in terms of their secular=20
leanings. It was widely felt that even if the BJP tried to push its=20
own agenda, the other partners in the alliance would restrain it,=20
thereby neutralising its extreme communal leanings. This optimism has=20
finally been vanquished. The BJP has not only declared its hatred for=20
the minority communities openly in Gujarat but it has also shown that=20
the NDA partners do not matter in the ultimate analysis for its=20
political calculations. There is a broad tendency that is noticeable=20
already in Indian politics at this juncture that might be symptomatic=20
of a new phase. The BJP no longer feels the need to hide behind the=20
`moderate' face of Atal Behari Vajpayee in order to attract a broader=20
base. It feels it can make its partners toe its line more=20
aggressively than ever. The partners have also fallen in line largely=20
with the implicit political calculation that they will otherwise=20
perish in an increasingly communalised nation. If this tendency=20
strengthens, what will be its effect on Indian politics? History of=20
fascism from different contexts suggests that there is no inevitable=20
outcome. The fascist tendency might strengthen and decimate the=20
democratic forces. On the other hand, democratic forces could=20
organise themselves better and counter the further march of fascism.=20
The outcome will depend on how the consciousness of the popular=20
masses is shaped and influenced by these fundamentally different=20
broad-based coalitions.

I will present a real historical case where the fascist forces=20
emerged out of a coalition of political parties and then decimated=20
the democratic forces. I will look at how this defeat was made sense=20
of by a critic from the democratic camp viz. Antonio Gramsci. It is=20
well known that the Italian Fascist Party started off as a member of=20
coalition Governments in the early 1920s before eventually taking=20
over Italy under the leadership of Benito Mussolini. The argument=20
that coalition Governments could not become fascist because the=20
fascist tendency would be countervailed by non-fascist tendencies in=20
a coalition used to be in vogue during those days in Italy too.=20
Gramsci had a different way of making sense of coalitions. He argued=20
that every coalitional government had the potential to become=20
Caesarist. Caesarism here means either a powerful individual or a=20
powerful ideological force emerging stronger and taking over=20
political power from the hitherto existing equilibrium among the=20
coalition of different interests. Gramsci argues that Caesarism could=20
push political change in a progressive direction or a reactionary one=20
depending on the configuration of the forces that prevail at that=20
time. This phenomenon came to the fore in Italy around 1921-22 when=20
Mussolini's party was still only a member of the coalition=20
Government. It was only a matter of time before Mussolini became a=20
full-fledged dictator and the fascist party became synonymous with=20
the Italian state.

What happened to the Italian political parties that represented other=20
interests during this period? Gramsci mentions the `fable of the=20
beaver' to summarise what happened to them. When hunters try to trap=20
the beaver to get one of its important organs to be used for=20
medicinal purposes, it simply sheds that organ and runs away. Most of=20
the parties in Italy fled from political fights after having=20
surrendered their democratic credentials to the hunting fascists. The=20
fascists physically decimated the only party, the Italian Communist=20
Party, which stood up against them. A whole host of important leaders=20
who put up resistance were either killed or imprisoned. Gramsci=20
himself was imprisoned in 1926. He penned all his important=20
reflections on the fascist phase while in prison under extreme=20
censorship and persecution.

What are the parallels in the current Indian scenario with the=20
Italian fascism of the early 1920s? It seems that the coalition=20
Government is surely heading towards a phase wherein the BJP's=20
political partners are made to look increasingly inconsequential.=20
When the post-Godhra state-sponsored genocide unfolded in Gujarat,=20
several of the BJP's allies openly asked for the sacking of the Modi=20
Government. Among them were such influential political partners as=20
the Telugu Desam Party and its leader, N. Chandrababu Naidu, the=20
Trinamool Congress and its leader, Mamata Banerjee, the Samata Party,=20
and to a lesser extent, even the DMK and its leader, M. Karunanidhi.=20
The demand was denied on the basis that it was an internal matter of=20
the BJP. Sangh Parivar groups such as the RSS and the VHP openly=20
supported the Modi Government, and said the NDA allies had no=20
business to interfere in the internal matters of the BJP. The NDA=20
allies simply took the denial of the BJP lying down. At that juncture=20
itself it was clear that the coalition that was supposed to=20
counterbalance multiple contradictory forces was heading in one=20
direction.

After the elections, when we read public announcements by the VHP's=20
Praveen Togadia that there will be a Hindu Rashtra in another two=20
years, it is clear that the tendency mentioned above is gathering=20
momentum. Now that some more States are to go to the polls soon,=20
there is an open search for Modi-like leaders in other parts of the=20
country. Narendra Modi as an individual might not turn out to be=20
extremely important in the years to come. But the ideology and praxis=20
that he embodied during the Gujarat riots are going to signify an=20
attractive model for other State units and even for the political=20
party at the national level. But is this tendency inevitably going to=20
spread across the country with the ultimate victory of the fascist=20
forces? There is no reason to take recourse to such fatalism.=20
However, the other outcomes in which democratic forces forge=20
broad-based alliances to defeat fascist forces will not happen=20
automatically. Now that the Gujarat case has shown us that violence=20
of any degree is possible under the BJP regime, it is about time that=20
various political parties shed their faith that in a civilised=20
country people will not allow certain kinds of violence. Not only has=20
such an episode of violence occurred, but it has been followed by a=20
resounding victory. It is time that the sections of the liberal=20
Indian middle class that have supported the BJP in the interests of=20
political `stability', and have seen extraordinary `ability' in the=20
leadership of Mr. Vajpayee, wake up to the darker side of his=20
political party. It is not enough to perceive the party as consisting=20
of certain intolerant elements that could be effectively controlled=20
by moderates such as Mr. Vajpayee, but it is important to really=20
understand that the moderate posturing of Mr. Vajpayee is simply the=20
other side of the same coin that contains the fundamentalism of Mr.=20
Modi. In any case, Mr. Vajpayee's moderate facade keeps slipping as=20
has happened often in the past. The NDA allies must take stock of the=20
situation and rise above their short-term political gains, otherwise=20
it will be only a matter of time before they get effectively=20
marginalised by the hardline Hindutva forces and end up in political=20
wilderness, if not in prison.

Finally, this is probably the last chance for the liberal-left forces=20
to counter the further progress of the Hindutva ideology. It is=20
probably not enough to make electoral alliances and stop with that=20
strategy. The moment is here to really organise from the grassroots=20
level to shape the commonsense of the popular masses and if necessary=20
even to intervene in the cultural spaces that have been so=20
conveniently monopolised by the Hindutva groups in the name of=20
religion. A lack of concerted effort on the part of these forces will=20
only make the fable of the beaver come true in the Indian context too.

(The writer is Research Scholar, University of Massachusetts.)

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