[sacw] SACW | 20 August 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 20 August 2002

__________________________

#1. Anti-Nuke Film Battles Film Board (AP report) + India cuts=20
'anti-war' film (BBC)
#2. UK: Join the Picket Against India's Deputy Prime Minister L.K.=20
Advani! (London, 21 Aug.)
#3. India: Hindu Rashtra? It's all over Gujarat (Sanjay Pandey & Anoop Kaya=
rat)
#4. India: RSS plays name game again in NDMC areas
#5. India: VHP collects cash, but who's counting (Seema Mustafa and=20
Sanjay Basak)
+ VHP issues threat to boycott Asian Age
#6. India; More instances of charity beginning with land (Siddharth=20
Varadarajan)
#7. Dialogue For Peace - Prayers And Reflections On The State Of The=20
World (spt.11, San Francisco)
#8. India: Hindutva and caste (Kancha Ilaiah)
#9. India: Divide and drool ( A.G. Noorani)

__________________________

#1.

Anti-Nuke Film Battles Film Board

By Beth Duff-Brown
Associated Press Writer
Sunday, August 18, 2002; 3:14 PM

BOMBAY, India -- An anti-war film that depicts the euphoria after=20
India's first successful nuclear tests and the horror of Sept. 11 has=20
been deemed too provocative for Indian eyes.

Just weeks after nuclear-armed India and Pakistan pulled back from=20
the threat of war, the film censor board has demanded that veteran=20
documentary filmmaker Anand Patwardhan make 21 cuts to "War and=20
Peace" because of scenes that "may have the effect of desensitizing=20
or dehumanizing people."

Critics charge that the board's decision is part of an effort to=20
muzzle Indian media that challenge the ruling coalition led by Hindu=20
nationalists. Patwardhan says the cuts would ruin the three-hour=20
film, which ends with silent scenes of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks.

In an interview at his Bombay apartment Saturday, Patwardhan said he=20
will appeal the cuts to the Appellate Tribunal in New Delhi on=20
Monday. He expects to win, as he has each time the board has=20
challenged his other social and political documentaries.

"The cuts that they asked for are so ridiculous that they won't hold=20
up in court," Patwardhan said. "But if these cuts do make it, it will=20
be the end of freedom of expression in the Indian media."

"War and Peace" is about India's celebrations after successful=20
nuclear tests in May 1998. There are chest-thumping scenes of Hindus=20
praising Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee for the secret tests=20
near the western desert town of Pokhran, with fireworks, rallies and=20
cheers of "Atom Bomb Vajpayee," and "Pokhran has ignited every atom=20
of manhood.'"

The film is also about the consequences of nuclear bombs and the=20
power of the Hindu fundamentalist forces steering Vajpayee's=20
Bharatiya Janata Party. The BJP-led coalition won re-election in=20
1999, aided by the national jubilation over joining the club of=20
nuclear nations.

The Central Board of Film Certification demanded the cuts, even after=20
"War and Peace" won top honors at the state-run Bombay International=20
Film Festival in February.

Among the ordered cuts are: Footage of independence leader Mohandas=20
K. Gandhi minutes before he was gunned down by Hindu-nationalist=20
Nathuram Godse in 1948; visuals of Hindus cutting their hands with=20
razors to sign their names in blood on messages of congratulations=20
for the nuclear tests; all scenes with Vajpayee and other political=20
leaders; and a sequence that has leaders of Hinduism's lower Dalit=20
caste, known as "untouchables," lamenting that the nuclear tests were=20
conducted on Buddha's birthday. Many Dalits have converted to=20
Buddhism as a means to escape Hinduism's caste discrimination.

Censor board chairman Arvind Trivedi, an actor and former=20
Hindu-nationalist member of Parliament, did not return calls for=20
comment. Trivedi recently told other journalists that he has not seen=20
the film and denies the board's decision was based on politics or=20
pressure.

Patwardhan, 52, who graduated from Brandeis University in Boston,=20
says if he wins the appeal, the film would open to Indian audiences.

Mahesh Bhatt, one of India's most respected filmmakers, called the=20
censor board's demands "shameful."

"It is appalling that the land that deifies Gandhi makes it so=20
difficult for a man like Patwardhan, who articulates the same values=20
that Gandhi dreamed for India," Bhatt said in a telephone interview.=20
"The sanity of his film, it just undermines the war hysteria that=20
they've whipped up."

Patwardhan said the film's message is that nuclear weapons are not a=20
deterrent to war, as promoted by the nuclear nations.

It has been argued, however, that were it not for the nuclear=20
arsenals of India and Pakistan, the longtime South Asian rivals might=20
have launched a fourth war in June, when their war rhetoric peaked.

India blamed Islamabad's spy agency and Pakistan-based Islamic=20
militants for deadly assaults on the Indian Parliament in December=20
and an Indian army base in May. The claims and subsequent denials by=20
Pakistan nearly provoked war, with Islamabad suggesting it would use=20
nuclear weapons if it learned India was preparing to do the same.=20
International pressure, prompted by fears of the world's first=20
nuclear war, persuaded the neighbors to back down, though they're=20
still on a war footing. A million troops remain on alert along their=20
frontier.

"The film challenges the macho notion that India needs nuclear=20
bombs," said Patwardhan. "What happened on Sept. 11 proved that you=20
don't need nuclear weapons, all you need are boxcutters."

In the final scene of the film, Patwardhan quotes Gandhi as silent=20
footage shows the jets slamming into New York's World Trade Center,=20
victims staggering, police officers collapsing.

"If there is a victor left, the very victory will be a living death=20
for the nation that emerges victorious," Gandhi said a half-century=20
ago. "There is no escape from the impending doom, save through a bold=20
and unconditional acceptance of the nonviolent method with all its=20
glorious implications."

The last film directed by Bhatt was "Zakhm," or "Wound," based on=20
memories of growing up with a Muslim mother and Hindu father. To get=20
the film released, Bhatt had to digitally alter a scene about the=20
destruction of the 16th-century Babri Mosque by Hindu fundamentalists=20
in 1992, turning their saffron arm bands to gray.

"This is how you falsify reality," Bhatt said. "The problem in India=20
is not the Islamic fundamentalists. It's the Hindu fundamentalists,=20
who will destroy India in the end."

=A9 2002 The Associated Press

o o o [Related Report]

BBC News
Monday, 19 August, 2002, 10:30 GMT 11:30 UK
India cuts 'anti-war' film

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/film/2202379.stm

_____

#2.

PICKET INDIA'S DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER L.K. ADVANI!

WEDNESDAY 21 AUGUST, 5.30pm -7.00pm
INDIAN HIGH COMMISSION
INDIA HOUSE,
THE ALDWYCH, LONDON WC1
nearest tube: Holborn

BRING THE MURDERERS OF GUJARAT TO JUSTICE!
DON"T LET THE BJP PROFIT FROM GENOCIDE - NO TO ELECTIONS IN GUJARAT!

India=92s powerful Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister, L.K.=20
Advani, is visiting Britain this week. His visit, to strengthen his=20
government=92s already close relationship with the British government,=20
comes in the wake of the genocidal state- sponsored attacks on the=20
Muslim community in Gujarat this March. At least 2,000 people - the=20
majority women and children - have been killed in the most brutal=20
ways imaginable. Many thousands more have seen their families, homes=20
and livelihoods destroyed. Currently more than 100,000 people are=20
destitute and living in terror in Gujarat with the government=20
forcibly closing down relief camps, while the perpetrators of the=20
attacks on them continue to roam freely. Now the BJP is following=20
through its horrifyingly cynical strategy of consolidating power in=20
Gujarat by demanding immediate elections in a situation where large=20
sections of the Muslim population are effectively disenfranchised.=20
This is despite the Election Commission ruling that free and fair=20
elections will be impossible for many months to come.

WHO IS L.K. ADVANI?
The ruling Party he represents, the BJP is a far right Hindu party=20
with a fascist ideology, which used state power to pre-plan and=20
orchestrate the Gujarat carnage along with its allies such as the=20
Vishwa Hindu Parishad

LK Advani is a close ally of Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi who=20
has been personally indicted by human rights organisations for his=20
role in planning and facilitating the attacks in March

In 1990, as President of the BJP, Advani he took out the=20
Somnath-Ayodhya =91rathyatra=92 cross-country procession demanding=20
construction of a Ram temple on the site of the historic Babri=20
Masjid, thereby initiating the worst communal riots since Partition

On December 6, 1992 he personally presided over the demolition of the=20
Babri Masjid at Ayodhya

As Home Minister he has been doggedly pursuing a drive for the=20
=91hardening=92 of Indian state - from the Pokhran nuclear tests and=20
war-mongering against Pakistan to the notoriously repressive POTA=20
anti-terrorism legislation

He is the most important ideologue of Hindu fascism, and the crucial=20
bridge between the militant and openly fascist Rashtriya Swayamsevak=20
Sangh (RSS - active in Britain as the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh) and=20
the ruling BJP

LK Advani will be unveiling a statue of Sardar Patel at the Indian=20
High Commission this Wednesday evening. As people of South Asian=20
origin in Britain, we must raise our voices against his murderous=20
policies!

STAND TOGETHER AGAINST COMMUNALISM IN SOUTH ASIA!
Organised by South Asia Solidarity Group and Awaaz. All welcome -=20
bring your banners

Details: 020 7267 0923

[Text of Leaflet to be distributed in London]

L K ADVANI NOT WELCOME HERE
MASS PICKET AGAINST ADVANI
WEDNESDAY 21 AUGUST 2002
FROM 5PM TO 7PM
INDIA HIGH COMMISSION
ALDWYCH, LONDON

The picket is jointly organised by AWAAZ and South Asia Solidarity Group

India's Home Minister Lal Kishan Advani is on a three-day official=20
visit to the UK. We stand here to declare that he is not welcome here=20
- ever. Here is why.

As Home Minister he has allowed the Gujarat Government to engage in a=20
systematic, state sponsored massacre of Muslims. Since 28 February=20
2002, more than 2000 Muslims have been killed - most burnt alive.=20
Over 250 Muslim women have been gang raped and then torched or=20
butchered. Looting and burning of Muslim homes and businesses worth=20
billions of pounds has left 100,000 Muslims in relief camps. Hundreds=20
of Muslim places of worship have been destroyed. All this was done=20
with the state government ministers' direct involvement and the Home=20
Minister's patronage.

>From the testimony of his secular, estranged daughter-in-law, it is=20
now known that LK Advani was directly responsible for the decision to=20
demolish the Babri mosque in Ayodhya in December 1992, an act that=20
led to communal violence in every district of India.

In 1990 he carried out a Ram Rath Yatra (a Hindu chariot procession)=20
with the specific goal of exploiting the Hindu religious sentiment to=20
grab power at the centre. Wherever it went, a blood bath followed the=20
Rath Yatra.

Advani joined the RSS, an extremist Hindu organisation implicated in=20
the assassination of Gandhi, as a teenager. In 1947 he ran to Gujarat=20
from his native Pakistan to avoid arrest on a charge of conspiracy to=20
assassinate Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the first Prime Minister of Pakistan.

The collection of Hindu chauvinist organisations spawned by the RSS=20
includes the VHP and the Bajrang Dal, which, under the protective=20
umbrella provided by Advani as Home Minister, have carried out=20
violent crimes against Christians and Muslims throughout India=20
including the torching in 1999 of an Australian missionary and his=20
two sons.

This ruthless exploiter of religious minorities is one of the accused=20
in the Jain Hawala case because his name was found in the personal=20
diary of Jain, a multi-millionaire businessman, along with others who=20
were paid a large sum of cash.

Issued by Awaaz - South Asia Watch. AWAAZ-South Asia Watch is a=20
secular network that has been set up to both monitor and combats the=20
problem or religious hatred and fascism both in the UK and South=20
Asia. Although newly established it has already secured support from=20
leading civil rights and community organisation such as Aaaj Kay=20
Naam, Asian Women's Refuge, Campaign Against Racism and Fascism=20
(CARF), Dalit Forum for Social Justice (UK), Friends of All India=20
Christian Alliance, India Forum, Indian Muslim Federation, Indian=20
Muslim Council, Muslim Parliament, National Civil Rights Movement,=20
SEWA Southall, Southall Black Sisters, Socialist Alliance, The=20
Monitoring Group and many more. Why not join us? Contact Awaaz at:
14 Featherstone Road, Southall, Middlesex UB2 5AA.
Tel: 020 8843 2333, fax 020 8813 9734, Email: info@n...

_____

#3.

The Times Of India

Hindu Rashtra? It's all over Gujarat
TIMES NEWS NETWORK [ SUNDAY, AUGUST 18, 2002 12:33:09 AM ]
SANJAY PANDEY & ANOOP KAYARAT

AHMEDABAD/VADODARA: If you're looking for signs that Gujarat's the=20
most saffronised of all states, take the highway. Better still, just=20
roam around the congested streets of Ahmedabad.
This is no hidden agenda of the Sangh Parivar. It's all out in the=20
open in Gujarat. Signboards proclaiming India as a 'Hindu Rashtra'=20
can be found all over the state and they don't merit a second look=20
from the authorities.
"Karnavati city of this Hindu Rashtra welcomes you", proclaims a=20
board painted in saffron in the heart of Ahmedabad. For those=20
wondering what Karnavati is, it's what the VHP chooses to call=20
Ahmedabad.
In Chhota Udepur, 200 km south of Ahmedabad, the signboard on the=20
highway is more direct. It simply says: "Welcome to Hindu Rashtra's=20
Chota Udepur town".
These signboards are one legacy of almost five years of BJP rule.=20
While the party let's it be known that it doesn't have anything to do=20
with the 'hidden agenda' of the Sangh Parivar, it has had no qualms=20
in allowing scores of such boards to be put up all over Gujarat.
Even the Congress, which came back to power in the Ahmedabad=20
Municipal Corporation (AMC) two years ago, is dragging its feet on=20
pulling these boards down, despite a directive to this effect issued=20
by new state Congress president Shankersinh Vaghela recently.
A freshly painted board on a crossroad outside Shahpur Gate proclaims=20
the roundabout to be 'Kashi Vishwanath Chowk'. Most billboards in the=20
name of VHP, Bajrang Dal and Durga Vahini begin with their cause=20
being dubbed variously as Dharamraksha, Rashtraraksha or Gauraksha.
A board at Kalupur, while welcoming people to "Karnavati city of=20
Hindu Rashtra", goes a step further: "Garv Se Kaho Hum Hindu Hain".
Bajrang Dal (Gujarat) convenor Ranchodbhai Bharwad said that Vaghela=20
did have not any moral right to ask for the removal of boards. "He=20
himself inaugurated these billboards during his days with the BJP,"=20
he pointed out. He went to add that the Bajrang Dal did not require=20
anybody's permission before installing these boards.
In Vadodara, the boards say "Hindu Rashtra welcomes you to Vadodara=20
Nagar". "At present, Vadodara has about five to six boards at entry=20
points to the city. We have now asked our workers to put up similar=20
boards in localities that don't have them," says VHP's Vadodara chief=20
Ajay Pandya.
The BJP-Samata-controlled Vadodara Municipal Corporation (VMC),=20
however, said that it had not given permission to any party to put up=20
such boards. "We have not given any permission to any party to put up=20
such boards. However, if the signboards are on private property, we=20
cannot do anything," VMC commissioner Arvind Agarwal said.
The boards have come up in the rural areas of Vadodara along the=20
highway which leads to Mumbai as well as other state highways. When=20
asked, superintendent of police Piyush Patel said, "The boards may=20
not be strictly legal. It is unlikely they would have obtained=20
permission for putting up the boards."
Apart from the VHP, there are also cases of locals painting walls=20
with slogans. In Kasar Falia in the Kothi area of Vadodara, for=20
instance, locals have painted a wall with a slogan in Marathi that=20
reads: "Shivrayache ami santan, Desh amcha Hindustan, Khabardar yal=20
pudhe tar, Ubharun taku kabarastan" (We are children of Shivaji, Our=20
country is Hindustan, Dare not come forward or we will send you to=20
the graveyard).

______

#4.

The Asian Age

RSS plays name game again in NDMC areas
- By Our Correspondent

New Delhi, Aug. 14: The RSS has begun the name game once again. This=20
time, by doing so the organisation is ensuring its clout in the NDMC.=20
Most parks and streets falling under the NDMC are being named and=20
renamed after Sangh leaders in the Lutyen's Delhi. Not only this,=20
these parks and streets are being inaugurated and renamed in the=20
presence of deputy prime minister L.K. Advani and Union tourism=20
minister Jagmohan.

"Since the BJP members are in the majority in the NDMC they want to=20
saffronise the entire NDMC area," charged a Congressman. Congress=20
members said this is being done because a BJP MLA - Mr Ram Bhaj - is=20
the vice-chairman of the NDMC.

For instance, the Central Park, near Lodhi Colony, was renamed=20
Vinayak Damodar Savarkar Park on August 10. Not only this, a statue=20
of Savarkar was also erected in the park. The statue was unveiled by=20
Mr Advani. NDMC chairman Shubhash Shrama and Mr Bhaj were also=20
present at the function.

_____

#5.

The Asian Age

VHP collects cash, but who's counting
- By Seema Mustafa and Sanjay Basak

New Delhi, Aug. 18: Fund-raising has become an industry for the=20
Vishwa Hindu Parishad, which has managed to keep the income-tax=20
authorities at bay through sheer political clout.

While exempted from paying income-tax and wealth tax under the guise=20
of being registered as a charitable organisation, the VHP has not=20
accounted for allegedly crores of rupees of donations received over=20
the years in cash and kind in its financial statements.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, which collects large sums of money=20
through its annual Gurudakshina programme, does not file income-tax=20
returns. "We are not a registered body, we are a faceless body," said=20
a RSS functionary.

He said the organisation does an "internal audit" and decides where=20
to use the money collected from pracharaks and well-wishers=20
throughout the country. In Delhi, recently, Prime Minister Atal=20
Behari Vajpayee, deputy prime minister L.K. Advani and several=20
members of the Union Cabinet participated in the Gurudakshina=20
ceremony where they "donated" money for the RSS in sealed envelopes=20
at the residence of minister of state for home affairs I.D. Swamy. No=20
account of the money is available.

The VHP, which has institutionalised the fund collection drive, came=20
into public notice through its nationwide shilan puja programme in=20
1989-90. Gold bricks were "donated" by non-resident Indians and=20
businessmen to the VHP for this and for a few days were also=20
displayed at Ayodhya.

These have since disappeared with the account books not even=20
registering their existence. The VHP also organised a "dulha"=20
ceremony in preparation for the demolition of the Babri mosque. Under=20
this, VHP activists went from village to village selecting "dulhas=20
(bridegrooms)" who were prepared to become martyrs for the Ram=20
mandir. Villagers were encouraged to gift money and jewellery to the=20
dulhas. There is no account of either.

The RSS remains an approving organisation behind the fund collection=20
but has not allowed its mantle to become muddy. The VHP, a registered=20
"charitable" body, is in the forefront of the drive and has become=20
increasingly aggressive and reckless over the past 10 years. A ladder=20
has been carefully established.

The VHP, which receives donations, also parcels money out to its=20
"youth wing," the Bajrang Dal, which remains an unregistered body,=20
and as "it does not exist on paper" it is not required to give any=20
account of its expenditure. The VHP has itself floated several=20
organisations to collect funds.

The most active have been VHP, USA, and VHP, UK who are connected=20
with other "charitable" societies in these countries as well. The two=20
parent groups are not connected to each other, or to VHP, India, with=20
a senior functionary pointing out that there is "no technical or=20
legal connection" between the three.

Vidya Bharati is another registered Sangh outfit with RSS and VHP=20
leaders openly acknowledging the connection. RSS leaders regularly=20
attend Vidya Bharati functions but legally there is again no=20
connection.

Vidya Bharati, in turn, runs 20,000 educational institutes, including=20
ekal vidyalayas and shishu mandirs. The ekal vidyalayas are not=20
registered with RSS additional spokesperson Ram Madhav maintaining=20
that they exist only in "underprivileged, far-flung areas." For the=20
rest the RSS has found yet another legal cover. For example, in=20
Andhra Pradesh Vidya Bharati has set up another charitable trust=20
called the Saraswati Vidya Peetham. This runs all the RSS-backed=20
educational institutions in the state exempt from wealth tax and=20
income-tax.

The closest the income-tax department came to revealing the VHP's=20
assets was under the National Front government when an overzealous=20
officer, V.B. Gupta, deputy director of income-tax exemptions,=20
special circle, issued summons to VHP leaders Ashok Singhal, Vishnu=20
Hari Dalmia, Mahant Nrit Gopal Das and Mahant Paramhans to explain a=20
shortfall of Rs 12 lakhs in the submitted accounts for the financial=20
year 1988-89.

The government quashed the case within 24 hours using a technical=20
loophole after senior BJP leaders threatened to withdraw support. Mr=20
Gupta himself was transferred to Tamil Nadu. Later newspapers=20
reported that all financial statements relating to the I-T returns=20
filed by the VHP at the time were found missing.

A copy of the VHP's income and expenditure for the year 1997-1998=20
with The Asian Age reveals that most of the money received for=20
"charitable purposes" was used largely for grants - Rs 15254213.00=20
(to whom was not specified); travelling - Rs 1,525,728.21; repairs=20
and maintenance of the office at Sector 6, R.K. Puram - Rs 315,992.15=20
and a cow science training camp - Rs 150,047.00. The principal source=20
of the income was "voluntary contributions and donations" amounting=20
to Rs 20,027,774.00.

The VHP has been floating organisations as and when required to=20
collect money. The Sri Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas was one such organisation=20
which came into the limelight in 1990-91.

It shared common officer-bearers with the VHP, including Mr Ashok=20
Singhal, Mr Dalmia and Mr Surya Krishna. Both had a common address at=20
the time. The financial records of the Nyas remained shrouded in=20
mystery although it was registered also as a charitable organisation=20
with income-tax exemption with its I-T return for the 1989-90 fiscal=20
year showing a deficit of over Rs 5 lakhs. The Ram Shilan Puja Yojna=20
was another such organisation with the VHP transferring Rs 1,71,229=20
to this organisation in 1991 even as it claimed that both were=20
independent.

The VHP has become very active overseas and has now set up its own=20
"global body" under industrialist Dr Bhupendra Kumar Modi. He will be=20
assisted by Dr Mahesh Mehta, who is a scientist and also the founder=20
of VHP-America.

This will "address challenges faced by Hindus living in culturally=20
diverse societies across the world" and is different from the VHPs=20
already existing abroad. It has still to be registered.

ooooo

VHP issues threat to boycott Age
- By Our Special Correspondent

New Delhi, Aug. 19: VHP leader Acharya Giriraj Kishore, reacting to=20
The Asian Age report published on August 19, on Monday said the=20
"VHP's accounts were over board and without any discrepancy."

He, however, justified the RSS not recording its earnings and=20
"dakshina" by saying that "there is no need to record accounts if it=20
is distributed within a family."

Referring to the land scam story and The Asian Age, Mr Kishore warned=20
that it these "newspapers do not stop targeting the Sangh Parivar and=20
its members, then the Sangh would ask its followers to boycott these=20
dailies." Even though he refused to give details, Mr Kishore claimed:=20
"We had done it once." He also threatened to move the Press Council=20
if such "witch-hunting continued unabated."

In a sharp reaction to the report, which stated that the then deputy=20
director of income-tax, Mr V.B.Gupta, "summoned VHP leaders Ashok=20
Singhal, Vishnu Hari Dalmia, Mahant Nrit Gopal and Mahant Paramhans=20
to explain a shortfall of Rs 12 lakhs," Mr Kishore claimed that=20
"Gupta had done it intentionally, before the end of the financial=20
year." Referring to the story stating that "government quashed the=20
case within 24 hours, finding some loopholes, after the BJP=20
threatened to withdraw support from the National Front government and=20
Gupta was transferred," Mr Kishore claimed that the then deputy=20
director of income-tax was "transferred because he was a known=20
communist."

Trying to justify the VHP's affiliated non-registered organisations=20
not paying taxes, Mr Kishore said it was the VHP which allotted funds=20
to organisations like the Bajrang Dal and Durga Bahini.

With regard to the RSS' funds not being accounted for, Mr Kishore=20
reiterated that it was not a registered organisation. "Why should it=20
declare its earnings in the form of dakshina to anyone," he said.=20
Asked how the accounts were audited, Mr Kishore retorted: "Who are=20
you and why should you ask for the accounts of my family."

Mr Acharya again tried to justify the allotment of lands to its=20
members by comparing them with the Congress. Taking a cue from deputy=20
prime minister L.K. Advani's remark against the Opposition, he said:=20
"Those who live in glass houses do not throw stones."

_____

#6.

The Times of India
AUGUST 20, 2002

More instances of charity beginning with land
SIDDHARTH VARADARAJAN

TIMES NEWS NETWORK [ TUESDAY, AUGUST 20, 2002 12:00:51 AM ]
NEW DELHI: To get a true sense of the generosity with which the urban=20
development ministry has dealt with the Sangh Parivar's hunger for=20
subsidised public land, one has to look beyond the obvious names on=20
the allotteees' list. Take the Chronicle Society of India, for=20
instance. A 504 square metre plot was given to it at concessional=20
rates on February 12, 2002.
A quick Internet search produced only one reference to this `NGO', a=20
page from the April 9, 2000 edition of the RSS newspaper Organiser.=20
The newspaper helpfully reveals that the president of the Chronicle=20
Society is none other than Organiser editor Seshadri Chari. Chari had=20
travelled to Cuttack to donate a computer to the editor of a pro-RSS=20
newspaper, Rashtradeep, as part of ``cyclone relief''. Now,=20
subsidised land is being given to allow one RSS-run `NGO' provide=20
``charity'' to another.
When contacted, Chari at first attempted to play down his links with=20
the CSI. "I used to be associated but not any more... I am not in=20
favour of holding any post." Reminded about the Organiser article, he=20
reluctantly admitted that he had been president till the end of March=20
2002. When did the CSI apply for land? ``I think they may have=20
applied last year or the year before," he replied. But then the land=20
was allotted in February, when he was president. Surely he must have=20
been the one who applied to the ministry?
"You see, someone has to sign," he replied. He denied speaking to=20
Urban Development Minister Ananth Kumar and said he did not think his=20
association with the RSS and CSI helped the land allotment in any way.
A careful counting of NGOs given prime land by the Vajpayee=20
government suggests a clear pattern of favouritism. Since 1998, when=20
the BJP-led NDA came to power, exactly 200 allotments were made by=20
the Land and Development Office. Of these, 112 are to government or=20
semi-government bodies and 88 to NGOs. NGOs linked to the Sangh=20
Parivar and its leaders clock in at 31, or 35 per cent, and not 20=20
per cent as this newspaper had earlier reported.
During Anant Kumar's tenure, 42 allotments were made to NGOs, of=20
which 17 were to parivar-affiliated bodies. If allotments made to=20
temples are not counted, the RSS score is 15 out of 31, a whopping 50=20
per cent of all allotments to ``social, cultural and educational=20
institutions''.
The Rashtriya Sewa Samiti is another parivar `NGO' allotted land at=20
concessional rates. An Internet search revealed that the=20
organisation's most important activity at present is ``building (a)=20
sevakarya sankul at Golwali, the origin place of the late Golwalkar,=20
the second chief of RSS''.
The ministry website list does not yet provide details of allotments=20
prior to 1995. Two trusts run by Congress-linked politicians -- the=20
late Rajesh Pilot and Pratibhatai Patil -- were given land in 1995,=20
as was the CPM-run BT Ranadive Trust. The UF government of Deve Gowda=20
and I K Gujral made only three nongovernmental allotments, all of=20
which were to religious bodies.

_____

#7.

DIALOGUE FOR PEACE
Prayers And Reflections On The State Of The World

at
The California Institute of Integral Studies
San Francisco

Wednesday, 6-9.30 pm, September 11, 2002

Venue: Auditorium, 3rd Floor
Address: California Institute of Integral Studies. 3rd Floor.
1453 Mission Street. (Between 10th and 11th.) San Francisco.

The Dialogue for Peace seeks to address:
=FF Following September 11: Ethical Issues in Healing the United States.
=FF Crises and Possibilities in South Asia: Nuclear Politics, Religious
Nationalism, Democracy.
=FF Challenges in the Making of the Palestinian State, and the Peace Moveme=
nt
in Israel.
=FF Africa: Struggles for Justice
=FF Gender Justice: The State of the World

Speakers will be from the activist, scholar, academic, journalist
communities, including:
M. J. Akbar, Scholar, Journalist, Former Member of Parliament, India
Dorsey Blake, Minister Of The Church For The Fellowship Of All Peoples
Angana Chatterji, Professor, California Institute of Integral Studies
Michael Lerner, Rabbi of Beyt Tikkun, Editor of TIKKUN magazine
Hanan Rasheed, National Executive Secretary, Palestinian American Congress
Richard Shapiro, Professor, California Institute of Integral Studies

People from diverse ethnic, national, faith and political backgrounds are
cordially invited.

Speak out for global justice

For further information, please contact 415.575.6100
Directions: <http://www.ciis.edu/welcome/contact.html>

____

#8.

The Hindu, Aug 20, 2002
Opinion - Leader Page Articles
Hindutva and caste

By Kancha Ilaiah

The BJP is making a show of empowering the Sudra/OBC forces within...=20
But how will the Sangh Parivar resolve the caste contradictions=20
within Hindu religion?

WITH THE appointment of M. Venkaiah Naidu as party president, Vinay=20
Katiyar as president of the Uttar Pradesh unit and Uma Bharti being=20
asked to take over as chief of the Madhya Pradesh unit, an opinion=20
has been created that there is a shift in the social position of the=20
Bharatiya Janata Party. There have been indications, over a period of=20
time, that the Sudra/OBC forces in the party have begun fighting for=20
their share. In Gujarat, the Patels and OBCs under the leadership of=20
Narendra Modi, himself an OBC, used their muscle power in the recent=20
riots and gained an upper hand against the "dwija" forces that were=20
controlling the organisational network in that State.

At the time of the demolition of the Babri Masjid, the Sangh Parivar=20
mobilised youth from among the Sudra/OBCs and the Dalits for muscle=20
power. During this period, L. K. Advani was projected as the=20
organisational inspiration. Most of those who participated in the=20
demolition came from a non-Brahminical background as they were, and=20
still are, seen as being most useful for physical energy-related=20
activities.

When the BJP came to power at the Centre, the Brahminical forces got=20
more power. Since then, the Sudra/OBC forces on the one hand and the=20
Dalits on the other, within the organisation, have been getting=20
bitter: they played a key role in the demolition of the Babri Masjid=20
but had no major share in the power structure. This posed a challenge=20
to Mr. Advani's authority as those who provided the muscle power had=20
to be rewarded.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh was the brainchild of Savarkar and=20
Golwalkar, two Maharashtrian Brahmin ideologues. When it began to=20
aspire for political power it was headed by Deen Dayal Upadhyay, a=20
Bengali Brahmin. Now, several branches of the RSS such as the Vishwa=20
Hindu Parishad and the Bajrang Dal have come up. The parent=20
organisation and its branches were quite consciously controlled by=20
Brahmin leaders/intellectuals. When the RSS began working out=20
militant strategies, initially Brahmin youth were mobilised.

When the ideological congruence between the Hindu Mahasabha and the=20
RSS began to take place in the face of the contentious Partition=20
question, the RSS began to transform itself into a mass militant=20
organisation. To take up rioting campaigns and to defend its cadre=20
from Muslim attacks it needed a large number of strong youth. At that=20
stage it had to go beyond the "dwija" social base and recruit=20
Sudra/OBCs and Dalit youth. Given the nature of the Baniyas, they=20
could hardly be recruited into the RSS' militant wings. There are=20
very few Kshatriyas in the Parivar outfits.

After the Jan Sangh was started, a section of Baniyas moved away from=20
the Congress and the Jan Sangh began to emerge as a Brahmin-Baniya=20
party in terms of spiritual ideology. Its social base was basically=20
urban, supported as it was by these two castes which had urbanised=20
themselves in the post-Independence period. The party mobilised=20
enough money from the economy of temples and from the Baniya market=20
and worked as a pressure group for traditional Brahmins and Baniyas.=20
During that period the Congress expanded its social base into=20
agrarian Sudra social forces and for a long time it came to be=20
identified as a "kulak" party. The Jan Sangh never had such a social=20
base.

There is a close nexus between the emergence of Sudra landlordism and=20
the kulak class in rural India. As the Nehruvian state provided=20
large-scale employment opportunities for feudal Brahmins they sold=20
off their properties and moved into the urban economy. Most of the=20
urban Brahmins were with the Congress as it provided them state=20
patronage and urban luxury. At the same time, they were with the=20
Sangh Parivar spiritually and ideologically. Many were not=20
comfortable with Nehruvian secularism.

The Emergency gave a new life to the Jan Sangh. The RSS changed the=20
party's name and tried to expand its social base in the larger towns,=20
mobilising some service castes around it. Its strategy was two-fold:=20
to mobilise the Sudra castes without invoking the caste discourse and=20
to handle the Dalit question quite carefully because a lot of people=20
within its fold still believed in untouchability and casteism. After=20
the BJP was established, its resolve to overthrow the Congress and=20
enter the power structure became stronger. In order to do so it had=20
only one way before it - it had to mobilise the Sudra social forces=20
that had acquired a considerable amount of landed property, and=20
thereby control over labour castes and control over local and=20
regional political power.

Unlike the Gandhian Congress, the BJP did not have any language of=20
social reform because it went against the historical interests of the=20
Brahminical forces that started the Hindutva movement. When a=20
political party without a social reform agenda wants to come to power=20
in a casteised country such as India, Kautilyanism is the only course=20
available. In the context of Mandal social reform, the BJP worked out=20
the Mandir agenda for which it needed a lot of muscle power. This was=20
required for two purposes: to mobilise Sudra/OBC social forces as=20
vote mobilisers and to intensify the rioting campaigns against the=20
Muslims. A lot of Sudra/OBC elements involved in rioting activity get=20
entangled in legal litigations; and after they are discharged in the=20
cases, show their "gratitude" by remaining with the Hindutva=20
organisations. All organisations that believe in rioting as a vote=20
and money-mobilisation activity expand their cadre base like this.

The Sangh Parivar had to handle the peculiar problem of using the=20
Sudra/OBC and Dalit forces for communal activities without allowing=20
them to aspire for spiritual power in the Hindu temple system and=20
also in the "real power" of the Parivar organisations. In an=20
unreformed Hindu social structure even a man such as Mr. Advani, a=20
non-Brahmin, will not easily be allowed to become the Prime Minister.=20
Perhaps to overcome this problem, efforts are now on to link Mr.=20
Advani's heritage with that of Lord Rama.

As part of the process of its so-called social engineering, the BJP=20
tried to establish credibility among the Dalits by making Bangaru=20
Laxman party president. That experiment failed for internal and=20
external reasons. Now, it is making a show of empowering the=20
Sudra/OBC forces within. That is, perhaps, the reason why a Kamma=20
kulak, Mr. Venkaiah Naidu, is its president. If Mr. Advani becomes=20
the Prime Minister the share of Sudra/OBCs in the Government might=20
also increase. But how will the Sangh Parivar resolve the caste=20
contradiction within Hindu religion? The priestly class in Hinduism=20
does not want any reform.

After the massive deployment of muscle power in Gujarat, the=20
Sudra/OBC forces seem to have gained the upper hand. If the Ram=20
temple is built with more deployment of muscle power the Sudra/OBCs=20
may ask for a bigger place in Hinduism. But the priestly class will=20
not allow it.

Organised religions survived and expanded only by establishing=20
spiritual democracy within themselves. There are no indications that=20
Hinduism will allow spiritual democracy within its structure. The=20
Hindutva forces may pretend that the agenda is being Sudraised but=20
Hinduism shall remain Brahminical. This is where Hinduism as a=20
religion, because of the religious civil war conditions the Hindutva=20
forces are creating, may meet its Waterloo.

____

#9.

The Hindustan Times, Aug. 20, 2002

Divide and drool
By A.G. Noorani

RSS spokesman M.G. Vaidya is absolutely right in claiming that its=20
demand for a statehood for Jammu "is not a sudden demand". It is as=20
old as the BJP itself. It was voiced by its ancestor, the Jan Sangh,=20
no sooner than it was born.

After resigning from the Union cabinet in April 1950, its founder=20
Shyama Prasad Mookerjee set about building a platform with issues=20
that could fetch votes in the 1952 elections. The Jan Sangh was set=20
up on October 12, 1951 under a pact with RSS supremo M.S. Golwalkar=20
whereby he would provide the cadres and sotto voce retain a grip. The=20
Jan Sangh guided the Praja Parishad's separatist movement in Jammu.=20
[...].
http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/printedition/200802/detIDE01.shtml

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