[sacw] SACW | 18 August 02

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Sun, 18 Aug 2002 03:01:04 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire | 18 August 2002

__________________________

#1. Complete text of India's Election commission order on Gujarat Elections
#2. Human Rights in Bangladesh : Focus on Communal Persecution (Shahriar Ka=
bir)
#3. Pakistan's First Digital Feature Film to Show in Los Angeles and=20
San Francisco (23 & 28 Sept)
#4. UK group probes Hindutwa groups' terror links
#5. India: Centre Turns Education Gun on Bengal (R. Venkataraman)
#6. India: Democracy, at 55 (Shashi Tharoor)
#7. Cricket and peace in Lahore Excerpts from 'A Corner of a Foreign=20
Field', by Ramachandra Guha
#8. War, Terrorism and Rights: What stands to take - on ground=20
realities of political life in India (Los Angeles, 20 Aug)
#9. India: Everyday is an ordeal in this unequal world (Anjali Mody)
#10. India: Land ahoy! (Editorial, Economic Times)

__________________________

#1.

The Election Commission of India
http://www.eci.gov.in/

Election commission order on Gujarat Elections dated August 16, 2002=20
is available
in the press release section at the address:
http://www.eci.gov.in/press/current/PN_16082002.pdf

_____

#2.

Human Rights in Bangladesh : Focus on Communal Persecution (*)

Shahriar Kabir

If we want to ascertain the human rights situation in any country=20
basically we have to look into five areas.

a) How much constitutional guarantee a country gives to its people=20
regarding equal rights as well as individual status.

b) Then we need to find out how sincere is the government in ensuring=20
the basic rights as enshrined in the constitution.

c) Is there an independent judiciary to address violations of such rights?

d) The existence of a free press that can boldly write about any=20
wrongs on these matters. And

e) The last, but not the least is to watch if the human rights=20
organisations and activists can work freely and independently without=20
the pressures of a political party or government.

Looking into the constitution of our country, Bangladesh, one would=20
come across that basic rights have been ensured, but with some=20
serious anomalies and contradictions.

In the second part, Article 11 of the constitution ('Democracy and=20
Human Rights') says 'The Republic shall be a democracy in which=20
fundamental human rights and freedoms and respect for the dignity and=20
worth of the human person shall be guaranteed.' Again, in the same=20
Article (IA) says, 'Absolute trust and faith in the Almighty Allah=20
shall be the basis of all actions.' These two parts are contradictory.

In Part III Article 28(1) of the constitution says, 'The state shall=20
not discriminate against any citizen on grounds of religion, race,=20
caste, sex or place of birth.' This article and several other similar=20
ones become meaningless when section 2A of part one of the=20
constitution says, 'The state religion of the Republic is Islam '.'=20
The second paragraph of the Preamble also starts: 'Pledging that the=20
high ideals of absolute trust and faith in the Almighty Allah ''

There was no discriminatory clause between Muslim and non-Muslim in=20
the original constitution of Bangladesh. Pro-Pakistanis captured=20
power after the 1975 assassination of Bangladesh's founding father=20
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Bangladesh had emerged as a=20
secular state on the grave of Pakistani religious ideals.

After the assassination of Bangabandhu two military rulers, General=20
Ziaur Rahman and General H.M. Ershad removed the roots of the=20
country's secular, non-communal and humane ideals. They changed the=20
constitution to serve a vested quarter and thus eliminated the clause=20
of equal rights for the Hindus, Christians and Buddhists along with=20
indigenous ethnic communities like Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Maug,=20
Hajong, etc.

In the original constitution, which was written in 1972, Article 12=20
in Part II enshrined 'secularism and freedom of Religion' in the=20
section called Fundamental Principle of State Policy. General Ziaur=20
Rahman's military government totally erased this part of the=20
constitution and that was how the religious and ethnic minority=20
groups became second-class citizens to suffer state discrimination.

State discrimination and torture had its influence on the political,=20
economic, social and cultural lives of the minority groups, and as a=20
result their basic human rights as per the constitution, have been=20
trampled.

Now if we look at Part III of the constitution under the heading=20
'Fundamental Rights', one will come across 23 Articles (26 to 47A)=20
where the duties of the government relating to human rights have been=20
clearly stated.

Sadly, I must say that the government has to face regular court cases=20
for violating these articles. The government is not very disturbed=20
because the judicial system and the administration are not free from=20
its influence. The incidents of influence in the higher courts have=20
increased sharply since the BNP-Jamaat alliance came to power in last=20
October.

(II)

Annual reports on Bangladesh's state of human rights are regularly=20
published by a number of national and international organizations,=20
including the 'United States State Department', 'Amnesty=20
International', 'Transparency International, etc.. The reports on the=20
situation in 2001 show that human rights situation has dangerously=20
deteriorated in Bangladesh.

'US Department of State -- Country 'Report on Human Rights Practice'=20
was published on 4 March 2002. Six points of the report have been=20
widely discussed. They are; 1) Respect for Human Rights, 2) Respect=20
for Civil Liberties, 3) Respect for Political Rights, 4) Government's=20
Attitude Regarding International and Non-governmental Investigation=20
of Alleged Violations of Human Rights, 5) Discrimination based on=20
Race, Sex, religion, Disability, Language, or Social Status, 6)=20
Workers Rights, etc..

There are many subsections. Under 'Respect for Human Rights', the=20
sub-sections are a) Arbitrary or unlawful deprivation of life, b)=20
Disappearance, c) torture and cruel inhuman or degrading=DD treatment=20
or punishment d) arbitrary arrest, detention and exile e) denial of=20
fair public trial and f) arbitrary interference with privacy, family,=20
home or correspondence.

The subsections of Section-2 are a) freedom of speech and press, b)=20
freedom of peaceful assembly and association, c) freedom of religion=20
and d) freedom of movement within the country, foreign travel,=20
emigration and repatriation.

Subsections under section 5 are a) women, b) children, c) persons=20
with disabilities,
d) indigenous people and religious minorities.

Subsections under section 6 are
a) right of association, b) right to organize and bargain=20
collectively, c) prohibition of forced or compulsory labor, d) status=20
of child labor practices and minimum age for employment, e)=20
acceptable condition of work and f) trafficking in person.

The State Department's country report carries a lot of importance on=20
Bangladesh's human rights situation, as all sides of the issue have=20
been dealt with in detail. Since this report does not take sides, it=20
has always been a matter of concern for all governments that ruled=20
Bangladesh. Even then, the US avoids those areas which goes against=20
its own interests and in comparison the Amnesty International is more=20
neutral and has given more importance on the torture of religious=20
minorities.

TODAY, I want to discuss precisely this aspect of human rights=20
violation in Bangladesh.

(III)

The fierce persecution against the religious minorities that started=20
soon after the October, 2001, general elections still continues even=20
after the lapse of one year. The main opposition Awami League and a=20
large section of Bangladesh's civil society have opined that the=20
election was 'unacceptable' to them as the voting was influenced in=20
many ways, including intimidation of opposition supporters and=20
religious minorities.

Various kinds of rigging took place and the Awami League has=20
published a book called 'A Rigged Election: An Illegitimate=20
Government' along with a White Paper. So far five White Papers have=20
been published by different groups on the torture and intimidation of=20
religious minorities, specially the Hindus, during the elections.=20
After the takeover of the administration by the interim caretaker=20
government which oversaw the elections, torture or intimidation was=20
carried out in a very 'planned way.'

=DDThe issue of communal torture has many dimensions in Bangladesh. If=20
we take the recent incidents of communal atrocities in Bangladesh and=20
link them only to elections or politics then it will not be fair or=20
accurate. We need to know the historical, political, geographical,=20
economical, cultural and psychological aspects of communal problems=20
of Bangladesh to understand it in its entirety.

Islam came to Bangladesh during the rule of the Sen dynasty in the=20
twelfth century. In the Western part of India Islam came in the form=20
of warriors. Mohammad bin Kasem conquered Sindh with his sword and=20
then spread Islam while in the eastern part of India Sufis came with=20
the traders and they preached Islam.

Hinduism and Buddhism came to Bangladesh much before Islam did, while=20
there were also other faiths. The Bengalees are generally very=20
tolerant and believed in co-existence of people from different=20
faiths, even though conflicts were forced upon them by the rulers at=20
different times. The political character of communalism raised its=20
head in the Indian sub-continent during the British rule that pursued=20
a policy of 'divide and rule' so that the followers of the two major=20
religions --Hindus and Muslims -- could not unite against the rulers.=20
The British have blamed the two religions for wrongs against each=20
other and tried to portray themselves as ideal rulers.

At the end of the 19th Century communal incidents increasingly took=20
political shape between the two faiths. The political career of=20
Pakistan's father of the nation Mohammad Ali Jinnah started from the=20
Indian National Congress Party as a secularist which was appreciated=20
by a leader like Sarojini Naidu who called Jinnah 'the champion of=20
Hindu-Muslim unity'.

At one stage Jinnah left the Congress Party to join the Muslim League=20
and became so virulent a Hindu-hater that he demanded a separate=20
state for the Muslims i.e. Pakistan. The British had either direct or=20
indirect hand in the communal riots that took place in the=20
sub-continent in the 1940s, which was in fact the final result of the=20
British rulers' 'divide and rule' policy among the religious faiths.

The British rule ended in 1947 leaving a broken sub-continent with=20
the birth of Pakistan on the basis of religion. But Jinnah himself=20
later rejected his own two-nation theory by saying that the followers=20
of all religious faiths would get equal rights and status in=20
Pakistan. He said, '..... in course of time Hindus would cease to be=20
Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious=20
sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in=20
the political sense as citizens of the state.' (Presidential address=20
to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan at Karachi; August 11, 1947)=20
The Western-educated Jinnah wanted to see Pakistan as a modern=20
democratic state, but the feudal and the military entente buried=20
Jinnah's dream turning it into a theocratic-military state.

Bengalee Muslims soon came out of their erroneous and blind support=20
for Pakistan when they saw that they were being treated like=20
residents of a colony. For 23 years Pakistani rulers sold Islam to=20
carry out their repressive policies on the Bengalees. They labeled=20
all movements of the Bengalees starting from the one for the language=20
itself and the 1971 independence war as 'anti-Islamic' and an 'Indian=20
conspiracy.'

The Bengalees, despite being religious, never liked the use of=20
religion for political or repressive purposes. In 1971 Bengalees were=20
labeled as 'enemies of Islam' by the Pakistani junta and their local=20
collaborators the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Muslim League. They even=20
carried out genocide and rape in the name of Islam.

During the nine month long liberation war of Bangladesh the Pakistani=20
army and their collaborators killed three million Bengalees, raped=20
more than a quarter million women and destroyed invaluable=20
infrastructure, which are considered to be the worst crimes against=20
humanity since the Nazis in the World War II.

The constitution presented to the nation by Bangabandhu Sheikh=20
Mujibur Rahman after the birth of Bangladesh was a milestone for a=20
backward country where the vast population are muslim by faith. The=20
four pillars of statehood enshrined in the constitution were 1)=20
secularism, 2) democracy, 3) (Bengalee) nationalism and 4) socialism.=20
It was categorically stated that none can form a political party on=20
the basis of religion. Very few constitutions across the world=20
contained the clauses for equal rights for minorities and respect to=20
the United Nations Universal Declaration on human rights.

The killing of Bangabandhu in 1975 and takeover of power by=20
pro-Pakistanis clearly demonstrated that Pakistan never accepted the=20
birth of a Bengalee nation. General Ziaur Rahman might have fought in=20
the Bangladesh war, but the party he formed during his term as army=20
chief comprised of those who collaborated with the Pakistani army or=20
were against the independence of Bangladesh. His first act was to=20
place 'Bismillah' at the beginning of the constitution and lifting=20
the ban on religion-based parties, which in reality is taking the=20
country back to the Pakistani era.

The religious and ethnic minorities started to flee to India since=20
the time Ziaur Rahman grabbed power because of torture and=20
intimidation. This was the beginning of Islamization or=20
Pakistanization of Bangladesh. During the 1971 war of the total 10=20
million Bengalees who took shelter in India, 7.2 million were Hindus.=20
Most of them returned after the independence of Bangladesh, but again=20
started to leave for India after the 1975 coup and most of them never=20
returned after that.

But cases of intimidation or repression on the minorities drastically=20
came down during the rule of Bangabandhu's daughter and former Prime=20
Minister Sheikh Hasina between 1996-2001. Her Awami League government=20
repealed the 'Enemy Properties Act' of the Pakistani period and=20
removed the unwritten obstacles in the way of placing Hindus in high=20
government posts. A peace treaty was signed in the hill tracts ending=20
two decades of tribal insurgency, which improved the human rights=20
situation in the region.

There has been a serious decline in the communal situation of the=20
country after the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and=20
Jamaat-e-Islami government came to office after the October 2001,=20
general elections.

(IV)

The religious minorities had been facing torture by Muslim religious=20
fundamentalists and communal rightwing groups since the inception of=20
Pakistan. Even during the parliamentary election of 1996, one that=20
brought the Awami League to power, various communal groups subjected=20
them to intimidation but they kept silent possibly because the Awami=20
League came to power.

However, the torture and repression the Hindus faced surrounding the=20
2001 elections were unprecedented in the country's history. The=20
Hindus were intimidated, their homes and businesses looted or burned,=20
they were victims of extortion or rape -- just to ensure they stayed=20
away from voting, and they left the area.

I traveled across Bangladesh before the elections on behalf of the=20
'Ekatturer Ghatok Dalal Nirmul Committee' and recorded the statements=20
of victims of those savage incidents. Both the BNP and Jamaat used=20
fiery communal statements to get votes. In the constituency of Jamaat=20
Member of Parliament Delwar Hossain Sayeedi such a slogan was=20
chanted'this election is a fight between Hindus and Muslims'.=20
Supporters chanted this slogan in presence of BNP chief Khaleda Zia=20
at a public meeting in Pirojpur district. Sayeedi's rival was=20
Shudangshu Shekhar Halder, a Hindu lawyer, of the Awami League.

One of BNP's main leaders and former president Dr. Badruddoza=20
Chowdhury, despite his reputation as a responsible man, also spread=20
communal hatred ahead of the elections, which created the fertile=20
ground for the unprecedented communal violence before the October 1,=20
2001, elections.

A number of national and international human rights organizations,=20
including the 'Ekatturer Ghatok Dalal Nirmul Committee', 'Ain O=20
Salish Kendra', 'Sammilito Samajik Andolon', 'Bangladesh Mahila=20
Parishad', 'Bangladesh Hindu, Buddhist, Christian Oikkya Parishad'=20
etc. carried out surveys on the communal violence centering the=20
elections. Many newspapers, including pro-government ones, published=20
reports on communal violence. However, it is impossible to get the=20
real picture of what happened before and after the elections. The=20
reasons being:

1) Victims stayed away from registering complaints/cases with police=20
fearing more repression as the attackers belonged to the ruling=20
BNP-Jamaat coalition;

2) It is impossible to get information on the incidents that took=20
place in remote areas;

3) Victims of rape rarely report it to the police not only fearing=20
further torture, but also because of social conservativeness. In many=20
countries of Asia including Bangladesh the rape victim is more=20
ostracized by the society than the rapist;

4) Police consciously refused to record incidents of communal=20
violence as the government denied that such incidents took place from=20
the very start;

5) It is impossible to get the facts from those thousands of Hindus=20
who fled to India from Bangladesh to save their lives, leaving behind=20
all their belongings.

Except during the nine months of the 1971 Independence War, such=20
gruesome communal incidents never took place in the history of=20
Bangladesh. In 1971 the attackers were outsiders, the Pakistani army,=20
but this time it was more tragic and fearsome than that of 1971 --=20
this time the attackers were Bengalees and neighbours of the victims.=20
Those religious minority people who fled the country during the 1971=20
war came back after independence, but those who fled in 2001 told me=20
that they would never return.

Communal violence, which started soon after the caretaker government=20
took charge in July 2001, took an alarming turn after the elections.=20
Not a single day passed without an incident after the new government=20
came to power and the pattern was torching of homes, looting,=20
extortion and rape.

Even those aged six or sixty years were not spared by the rapists,=20
who also killed females of all ages, including babies. The list of=20
those killed includes priests of Hindu temples, Buddhist monks and=20
elderly educationists who could not have ever caused harm to anybody.=20
Some Christians also fell victim to this insaneorgy.

The government ignored all appeals from human rights organisations=20
and political groups to stop communal persecution. One of the rights=20
group 'Ain-O-Salish Kendra' even filed a case with the High Court=20
aggrieved by government indifference, and even after nine months have=20
elapsed the authorities have given no explanation. Instead, the prime=20
minister and the home minister repeatedly denied that any communal=20
violence took place and accused newspapers of publishing baseless,=20
exaggerated and partisan reports. The top brasses of the government=20
never gave any importance to communal violence even after the Amnesty=20
International expressed its grave concern about the incidents during=20
meetings with the prime minister and home minister.

Police never took any action against the culprits, who were=20
encouraged because of the government stand. The victims, those who=20
gathered courage to report communal incidents to the press or human=20
rights groups, were intimidated by police, backed by ruling party men=20
and were made to sign bonds saying newspapers reports were untrue,=20
that there was no violence or torture. During the last Durga Puja,=20
the most important religious festival of the Hindu community, the=20
authorities in many cases forced faithful to celebrate in a festive=20
manner who were not in a position to celebrate the Puja festival with=20
any joy.

Social scientists have described the incidents of recent communal=20
persecution in Bangladesh as nothing less than 'ethnic cleansing.'=20
Nearly three months ahead of the elections BNP-Jamaat gangsters=20
publicly proclaimed that no Hindus could stay in Bangladesh, as these=20
political parties believe that only non-Muslims support the Awami=20
League and the easiest way to take revenge on their opponents was to=20
resort to communal repression.

The BNP-Jamat coalition government also believes, if the non-Muslims=20
leave the country because of communal violence then a) Awami Legaue's=20
vote will shrink and b) it will be easier to turn Bangladesh into a=20
monolithic Islamic country like Pakistan.

Our findings show that religious minorities irrespective of their=20
party affiliations became victims of communal violence. Veteran=20
educationist Gopal Krishna Muhuri, who supported the Workers Party,=20
was killed in Chittagong by criminals affiliated with the Jamaat,=20
while Buddhist Monks Gyanjoty Mahathero, Dulal Barua and Hindu priest=20
Madanmohan Goswami had no links with any political party. Despite=20
promising to vote for the BNP, Bashana Rani, the mother of gang-raped=20
minor girl Purnima of Sirajganj district, was not spared.

Thus it will be wrong to assume that only those who supported the=20
Awami League were victims of communal repression, although there is=20
definitely a political reason for which Awami League workers are=20
facing repression for the last nine months. However, attacks on the=20
religious minorities were basically communal in nature as they were=20
attempts by fundamentalists to turn Bangladesh from a pluralist state=20
to a monolithic one.

The major daily that reported the communal violence more than the=20
others was the 'Janakantha' newspaper. Stopping government=20
advertisements has punished the 'Janakantha' and similar newspapers,=20
a major source of subsistence, and its publisher, editor and=20
journalists frequently face prosecution on various charges. The NGOs=20
that are working against communalism and fundamentalism are facing=20
the same fate.

In November last year I was arrested, jailed and charged with treason=20
for writing, giving an interview to the BBC and planning to make a=20
documentary film on the communal violence. I was tortured physically=20
and mentally. Despite being freed on bail by orders of the High=20
Court, all my activities are watched by police detectives, besides my=20
mails are censored and my telephone is tapped. I and my family are=20
constantly threatened over telephone and e-mail and by religious=20
fundamentalist newspapers. Police did not register any complaint when=20
I tried to do so, and the detectives are harassing even my friends.=20
My publishers are being threatened not to bring out my books and that=20
is why I told a press conference after coming out from the Dhaka=20
Central jail that I have come to a bigger prison from a smaller one.

I have to write hundreds of pages to give the nightmarish account of=20
my two months in jail. I would like to point out here that many=20
international rights organisations have published country reports on=20
Bangladesh, but they never studied the jails of Bangladesh where=20
conditions were primitive.

(V)

None can deny the fact that ethnic and religious minority communities=20
in many parts of the world suffer from neglect and are victims of=20
discriminations. An idea has emerged in parts of the western world=20
after the September 11 horrible attack on the United States by Muslim=20
terrorists that all Muslims are terrorists. The way the Muslims were=20
being treated in these parts are definitely violation of United=20
Nations human rights charter.

Religious fundamentalism and communalism are enemies of humanity,=20
democracy and socio-economic progress, although it exists among all=20
religious faiths. The recent communal violence in India's Gujrat=20
state tarnished the image of secular India of Gandhi and Nehru, and=20
it would take a long time to heal the wound and remove the fear from=20
the minds of the Muslims there. Not only Muslims, but also those who=20
believe in secularism including those of you here must have been=20
anguished by what happened in Gujrat.

The civil society in South Asia is concerned about capital=20
punishments being handed down to both Muslims and non-Muslims under=20
the Blasphemy Law in Pakistan as we are concerned about the rise of=20
Zionism in Israel whose victims are the innocent Palestinians.=20
Similarly, we are concerned about state and I or foreign sponsored=20
terrorism on ethnic and religious minorities in Philippines, Myanmar,=20
Bosnia, Chechnya, Kurdistan Kashmir and in Xjingian.

We have seen the chain reaction in the relationship and the rise of=20
communalism and fundamentalism in South Asia. When religious zealots=20
destroyed the Babri Mosque in India, hundreds of temples were=20
destroyed in Bangladesh and Pakistan. The rise of religious=20
fundamentalists and communal terrorists under state patronage in=20
Pakistan has made their growth smooth as is the case of India, which=20
has become a threat to the existence of the Hindus in Bangladesh and=20
Pakistan.

They are now a threat to human civilization.

Talibans were created by the Capitalist America to oust the=20
Soviet-backed socialist government and that Taliban has become a=20
Frankenstein which is now not only threat to the US but to the entire=20
human civilization.

In the era of globalization, all democratic forces and humanists=20
should come forward must unite to resist communalism and=20
fundamentalism all over the world.

* This paper was written for the conference on 'Human Rights in=20
Bangladesh' held on 17 August 2002, at Concordia University in=20
Montreal, Canada.

_____

#3.

Pakistan's First Digital Feature Film to Show in Los Angeles and San Franci=
sco

Thirdi - Underground South Asian Cinema - is screening the Los=20
Angeles and San Francisco premieres of Pakistan's first digital=20
feature film "Raat Chali Hai Jhoom Ke" ("The Long Night", subtitled)=20
directed by Hasan Zaidi, written by Mohammed Hanif. The film won a=20
Special Jury Award at the KaraFilm Festival 2001 as well as one for=20
Best Supporting Actress and has been screened at the Commonwealth=20
Film Festival 2002 in Manchester. The Commonwealth Film Festival=20
called the film "a
triumph - It provides a window into a world rarely seen in Pakistani=20
films and not at all outside of the country. This is required=20
viewing."

*************************Los Angeles***************************

IAM, 3RD I & PSA
Presents Pakistan's First Digital Feature Film

Hasan Zaidi's
RAAT CHALI HAI JHOOM KE
(The Long Night) Subtitled

Friday, August 23rd, 2002 @ 7:30pm
Limited Seating
Suggested Donations: $10
Students: $5

Lucas Room 108, University of Southern California
Cross streets: Figueroa and Jefferson, Los Angeles

For More info: Underground South Asian Cinema (www.thirdi.org)
Contact: thirdi_@h...
Phone: 323-258-7299

********************San Francisco*************************

3RD I
Presents

Pakistan's First Digital Feature Film

Hasan Zaidi's
RAAT CHALI HAI JHOOM KE
(The Long Night) Subtitled

Saturday, September 28, 2002 @ 7:30pm

Admission: $7

Mission Cultural Center, 2868 Mission Street (near 24th St.)
San Francisco, CA 94110

For More Info: Underground South Asian Cinema (www.thirdi.org)

Contact: thirdi_@h...
Phone: 323-258-7299

_____

#4.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow.asp?art_id=3D19388049

UK group probes Hindu groups' terror links

PTI [ SATURDAY, AUGUST 17, 2002 9:11:43 PM ]

LONDON: Britain's Charity Commission has launched
a preliminary investigation into allegations that the
Vishwa Hindu Parishad, UK and Hindu Swayamsevak
Sangh (HSS) here are linked to terrorist activities.

While general secretary of Vishwa Hindu Parishad,
UK, Kishore Rupralia was not available for comment
despite repeated efforts, chief of Sewa International,
an independent charity linked to HSS said that they
had not received any letter from the Charity
Commission till Saturday morning.

A spokesman of the Charity Commission said that the
Commission had contacted the trustees of VHP, UK
and HSS to provide more details of their operations.

Several London-based Muslim organisations had
recently demanded banning VHP and HSS, the UK
counterpart of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)
and probe into their accounts, alleging that they were
responsible for attacks on Muslims in Gujarat.

Lord Adam Patel resigned as the patron of Sewa
International, a charity linked to HSS, last week
alleging that Sewa International was a front for military
activity, "which incites racial hatred, is both outrageous
and offending," a charge denied by the organisation.

C B Patel, patron of Sewa International, welcomed the
probe saying "if anybody can prove that it is being
used for terrorists activities, I am prepared to resign
straightaway."

Denying the allegations of Lord Adam Patel,
Shantibhai Mistry, Sewa International chairman, said
on Saturday "I am somewhat surprised and dismayed
at Lord Adams doubts and concerns about the work of
Sewa International UK."

As regards the Charity Commission's decision, he
said: "We have not received any letters until this
morning."

______

#5.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/national.htm#head6

Centre Turns Education Gun on Bengal

R. Venkataraman

New Delhi, Aug. 1: The Centre today took on the West Bengal=20
government in the Supreme Court with an 'anti-national' question=20
paper set for the state's inter-school higher secondary test.

Solicitor-general Harish Salve presented the entire set of question=20
papers for the year 1992 before a three-judge bench presided over by=20
Justice M.B. Shah, and pointed out its 'anti-national' tone.

During the hearing of a public interest litigation on=20
'saffronisation' of education, Salve dramatically brought out a=20
question paper and started reading it out aloud.

Students appearing for the Hindi (Group-A) second paper examination=20
were asked to write an essay on any one of the following topics :

=A8 National unity and integrity are false political slogans
=A8 In Hindustan, there is no place for Hindu and Hindi
=A8 Five-year plans are a sham
=A8 Statistics on national development are a fraud
=A8 Democracy is a conspiracy
=A8 National revolution is the only way for progress
=A8 National means of broadcasting are useless

The students were also asked to write a precis of the following passage:

"The guardian of national politics... Delhi is a heartless=20
administrative seat, on which sit not elected representatives of=20
people, but anti- social poisonous snakes coming out of the caste=20
jungle. Progress has been destroyed by tradition, education by the=20
English medium, religion by political secularism, human beings by=20
greed, idealism by dirty consumerism... Litterateurs have turned=20
alcoholic, democratic representatives and administrators have become=20
national villains, who only like secret accounts
in foreign banks."

A choice was given between writing the precis or expanding the following:

"Red Flag in Red Fort, Is the demand of Hindustan."

>From the Hindi paper, Salve went to the mathematics paper set in the=20
1999-2000 annual examination for Class VI students in a Burdwan=20
higher secondary school.

"How much money did Clinton give Atal and Pervez?" Salve started,=20
when Justice Shah stopped the court room drama, telling him "not to=20
read any more".

The question that the solicitor-general was referring to, asked: "All=20
right children, tell us how much money did Bill give Atal and Pervez?

"Three friends, Pervez, Atal and Bill went on a picnic. Pervez bought=20
750 grams of meat at Rs 120 a kg, Atal bought other food for Rs 75=20
and Bill gave some money to Atal and Pervez, so that their=20
expenditure was equal. How much money did Atal and Pervez receive=20
from Bill?"

Salve also attached BJP propaganda material against this question:
"Marxists, who have reached ideological bankruptcy, are now targeting=20
young students through education in West Bengal. They are making an=20
attempt to sow poisonous seeds, reflective of their low thinking,=20
into the consciousness of the children in Burdwan district of West=20
Bengal..."

Salve will continue his arguments tomorrow before the three-judge=20
bench, including Justice M.B. Shah, Justice D.M. Dharmadhikari and=20
Justice H.K. Sema.

_____

#6.

The Hindu, 18 Aug. 2002
Magazine

Democracy, at 55
Shashi Tharoor
http://www.hinduonnet.com/mag/stories/2002081800230300.htm

____

#7.

The Hindu, Sunday, Aug 18, 2002
Magazine

Cricket and peace in Lahore

A Corner of a Foreign Field, by RAMACHANDRA GUHA, seamlessly=20
interweaves biography with history, the lives of famous or forgotten=20
cricketers with wider processes of social change. C.K. Nayudu and=20
Sachin Tendulkar figure in this book, but so too, in unexpected and=20
arresting ways, do Mahatma Gandhi and Muhammed Ali Jinnah. Later=20
chapters explore the competition between Hindu and Muslim cricketers=20
in colonial India and the destructive passions now provoked when=20
India plays Pakistan. Exclusive extracts from a-soon-to-be-released=20
publication which looks at the ramifications of sport in society at=20
large.
http://www.hinduonnet.com/mag/stories/2002081800400100.htm

_____

#8.

War, Terrorism and Rights: What stands to take
Speaker: Dr. Shivanand Kanavi, Journalist and activist with Lok Raj=20
Sangathan, India

Tuesday, August 20
7:30 p.m.
Loyola Marymount University
One LMU Drive
Los Angeles, CA 90045
University Hall Room 1000

Dr. Kanavi brings an Indian activist's perspective on the ground=20
realities of political life in India, and how people are responding.=20
Faced with the danger of war, privatization and militarization of=20
economy, "war on terrorism" and increasing state-terror, carnage in=20
Gujarat, violation of rights and passing of draconian laws such as=20
POTA, and marginalization of people, it is urgent we raise the=20
questions - how do we view these developments, what stand must people=20
take, and what must they do. We will have an opportunity to discuss=20
these and other questions with Dr. Kanavi on tuesday.

For more information/directions, please call Bedo at (323) 655-1276

____

#9.

The Hindu
Aug 18, 2002
Opinion - News Analysis=20=20=20
Everyday is an ordeal in this unequal world

A society in which one half of the population, because it is female,=20
is denied the liberty of using public spaces with the same ease and=20
sense of security as the other half, which is male, can is violating=20
a basic principle of equality. Anjali Mody on the widespread evil of=20
sexual harassment.
http://www.hindu.com/stories/2002081800281600.htm

____

#10.

The Economic Times
FRIDAY, AUGUST 16, 2002=20=20
EDITORIAL

Land ahoy!

There are 94 excellent reasons for the RSS and its affiliates to be=20
grateful to urban development minister Ananth Kumar and his=20
predecessor Jagmohan.
Since the BJP came to power in 1999, these worthies have reportedly=20
handed out huge chunks of valuable real estate in the heart of New=20
Delhi at prices ranging from one-fiftieth to one-tenth their market=20
value to the BJP, the RSS, its front organisations - and even to=20
'trusts' controlled by relatives of Vijay Goel, a minister of state=20
in the prime minister's office.
Of about 204 allotments of government land since 1996, 94 have gone=20
to the sangh parivar and its affiliates. Ironically, Jagmohan, the=20
man who was lionised for his attempts to clear out 'encroachments'=20
from state-owned land, is now exposed for parcelling out real estate=20
to buddies at ridiculously low prices.[...].
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow.asp?art_id=3D19191879

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