[sacw] SACW | 22 June 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire Dispatch | 22 June 2002

South Asia Citizens Web:
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

South Asians Against Nukes:
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/NoNukes.html

__________________________

#1.Sri Lanka: Imperfect peace: A critique and a defense (Jayadeva Uyangoda)
#2. Interview with Pakistani dancer Sheema Kermani
#3. Text of Sign On Appeal/Letter to India's Members of Parliament=20
and State Legislators
#4. Observations of a June Visit to Gujarat (Dunu Roy and Imrana Quadir)
#5. Recounting anecdotes from a Gujarat the relief camp (Shabnam Hashmi )
#6. Letter to Editor - Facing the RSS Challenge (Hasan Abdullah,=20
Ather Farouqui)

__________________________

#1.

Daily News (Colombo), Saturday 22 June 2002

Imperfect peace: A critique and a defense
by Jayadeva Uyangoda

There seems to be some considerable concern among observers of Sri=20
Lanka's peace process that the cease-fire arrangements have primarily=20
helped the LTTE. In their view, the rebels have regained access to=20
and control of areas in the North and East that had earlier been=20
under military control. Some critics argue that the government has=20
not so far made any substantial gains from the MoU with the LTTE=20
while the LTTE has cleverly utilized the no-war condition for its=20
advantage.
Whereas the SLFP-JVP-MEP opposition alliance most vehemently=20
articulates this point of view, many media commentators too share=20
deep scepticism about the MoU and its consequences. In the meantime,=20
in the NGO sector that basically defends the peace process, there is=20
a growing unease about a range of issues including human rights,=20
democracy, pluralism, the LTTE's expanding hegemony and the nature of=20
politics in the North and East under a proposed interim=20
administration.
Curiously, the NGO activists have been less than enthusiastic about=20
the prospects for peace this time around. Even the guarded optimism=20
which they have expressed during the initial stages of the peace=20
process is slowly giving way to doubt, uncertainty and despondency.=20
This change of mood and of course the alteration of ground realities=20
during the past few weeks is hardly surprising given the enormity of=20
the task that is peace making in a protracted armed conflict.
To maintain hope for peace, one needs to be a little realistic about=20
what a peace process with as limited potential as the one we have in=20
Sri Lanka at present can or cannot achieve. Indeed, when new=20
complexities emerge in preparation to formal negotiations, hitherto=20
unseen shortcomings and vulnerabilities of the process also become=20
apparent. In such a context, we need to take steps to prevent=20
cynicism from entering into our consciousness. A commitment to=20
understand the political dynamics of peace, backed by a serious=20
analysis of the events, trajectories and processes, can certainly=20
help.
A colleague who has just returned from Batticaloa district told me=20
the other day that some Tamil people were bitterly complaining about=20
the way in which the LTTE has been spreading its control over the=20
populace there. According to her sources in the Eastern province, the=20
so-called political work of the LTTE cadres, which the MoU allows=20
them to carry out, is basically spreading militaristic propaganda,=20
even in schools and kovils.
In one instance, while the kovil ceremonies were going on, the LTTE=20
cadres are said to have shown, in the temple premises, videos of the=20
LTTE's past military operations. The LTTE's Eastern command has also=20
extended its network of taxation and extortion to areas to which they=20
had earlier no access.
Some Tamil citizens in Batticaloa are said to have expressed the fear=20
that the Ranil Wickremesinghe administration, in exchange for some=20
peace with the LTTE, was ready to abdicate its responsibilities=20
towards the citizens in the Northern and Eastern provinces.
Obviously, 'peace' has generated some sense of fear and it is a=20
paradox that needs to be addressed. What does one make out from all=20
these negative reports of the peace process? Is there a way of=20
interpreting them so that a better understanding of the unfolding=20
processes could be gained?
I suppose we can discern many things from them and construct a very=20
complex picture of Sri Lanka's North and East under post-MoU=20
conditions. Firstly, people, particularly the Tamil people, are=20
beginning to be both critical of the LTTE and trying to be=20
politically assertive. Of course, only a small minority would dare to=20
be like that at the moment. Even they fear reprisals. Nevertheless,=20
the point is that only under conditions of no-war can we expect the=20
Tamil society and its citizens to take those very risky steps towards=20
political autonomy and self-assertion.
The conditions of war, which influential sections of Sinhalese=20
society appear to prefer, can hardly open up that space in the Tamil=20
society. The war does not enable the Tamil society to re-discover its=20
democratic politics or re-build its political community. Only=20
conditions of peace, however imperfect they may actually be, could=20
provide space as well as impetus for disenchantment, dissent and=20
critique that constitute the first stage of resistance to=20
authoritarian politics.
We need to be patient about the dynamics of democratic emancipatory=20
politics against a backdrop of militarized authoritarianism. This=20
point the peace-oriented civil society groups should begin to=20
acknowledge sooner than later. In the rather inadequately framed=20
conversation that has been going on among peace constituencies in=20
Colombo, there seems to be some reluctance to appreciate what an=20
imperfect peace could entail in terms of democratic transition in Sri=20
Lanka in general and the North-and-East in particular.
By linking the future of the post-MoU North-East politics exclusively=20
to the LTTE, they also fail to perceive how some new dynamics could=20
emerge that might render irrelevant the LTTE's present authoritarian,=20
militaristic politics to Sri Lanka's Tamil society. I personally=20
don't think that the LTTE leadership, at least some sections of the=20
leadership, is unaware of this possibility. Some might try to block=20
it while some others might come to terms with it and live with it. A=20
democratic transition within the LTTE, if that is possible at all,=20
might even be a bloody affair.
Meanwhile, it is not very correct to hold on to the belief that=20
political movements that have become exceptionally militaristic under=20
conditions of protracted war are destined to remain static under=20
protracted no-war conditions as well.
Although many Sinhalese and Tamil critics of the LTTE argue that its=20
militaristic authoritarianism is exclusively a creation of Mr.=20
Prabhakaran as the so-called 'fascist LTTE' thesis suggests an=20
alternative interpretation would be that the communalized Sri Lankan=20
state and the protracted war have been largely responsible for the=20
creation and evolution of Mr. Prabhakaran and the LTTE.
If the Sinhalese society wants to see that Mr. Prabhakaran and the=20
LTTE become de-militarized and de-authoritarianized or even=20
politically irrelevant if they refuse to reform themselves, the=20
Sinhalese society's accredited political leaders will have no option=20
but to take a series of bold steps to politically engage with the=20
LTTE.
Only a cease-fire, however imperfect it may actually be, can provide=20
the opportunity and space for Sinhalese political leaders to take=20
that constructive and politically necessary risk. Peace making is an=20
exercise in immense risk taking, as much as the war has always been.
The risk is multi-dimensional. A dreadful risk that is inherent in=20
Sri Lanka's present peace process is the possibility of both sides=20
the government and the LTTE returning to war in case the negotiation=20
process breaks down. This risk and possibility is there, not because=20
the government and the LTTE are inherently evil, but because it is=20
the structural logic of an imperfect peace process.
The present cease-fire in Sri Lanka does not offer a basis for stable=20
and permanent peace. It is merely a condition of no war. But this=20
condition might fast approach what the Italian political philosopher=20
Giorgio Agamben (1998, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life) has=20
called a 'zone of indistinction' a condition of neither peace nor=20
war. It is a zone of uncertainty where both war and peace might=20
co-exist in dangerous liaison where events cannot be predicted or=20
controlled.
This I hold represents the greatest risk in Sri Lanka's present=20
imperfect peace process. What can we do in this emerging conjuncture=20
of uncertainty in Sri Lanka's peace process? The democratic civil=20
society and the peace constituencies need to address this question=20
with utmost seriousness. It indeed necessitates a qualitatively new=20
political conversation among the peace and democratic constituencies.
One proposal they might want to consider in their conversation is to=20
persuade both the government and the LTTE to initiate a fresh=20
political dialogue parallel to the proposed Bangkok talks that seem=20
to suffer perpetual postponement. In the worst- case scenario, the=20
Bangkok talks might not take place for months to come. But, the=20
government and the LTTE should not go back to war, even for tactical=20
purposes. They should not give up the process of dialogue. Now the=20
time has come for them to explore the possibilities for a mechanism=20
of dialogue alternative to formal, mediated talks.
Inadequacy of dialogue is one defining feature of the present=20
imperfect peace process that is slowly entering into a zone of=20
indistinction between war and peace. Propelling Sri Lanka's imperfect=20
peace process forward amidst its continuing vulnerability requires=20
re-examination of the MoU in relation to ground realities developed=20
during the past three to six months.
Given the fact that both the government and the LTTE have their own=20
experiences of dissatisfaction with some key provisions of the MoU as=20
well as their interpretation and implementation, the most=20
constructive option for both sides would be to re-negotiate the MoU.=20
There is absolutely nothing wrong in reviewing and reworking an=20
agreement that had been conceived, drafted and signed upon in some=20
hurry. Such agreements usually have a life of their own.
The post-agreement events, or the consequences of the agreement, have=20
the tendency to render ineffective and irrelevant some provisions of=20
the agreement itself. On this point, the editorial comments of the=20
Sunday Leader last week were both perceptive and penetrating.
Against this backdrop, a position which the civil society groups=20
should begin to articulate without delay is for the LTTE and the UNF=20
government to initiate a joint mechanism to review the MoU while it=20
runs its own course. This review process could function in=20
conjunction with the preparations for formal talks.
The results of such a joint process can then productively be=20
incorporated into the substance of the forthcoming Bangkok talks,=20
perhaps resulting in a fresh MoU that can reflect and account for new=20
ground realities in the North and East.
Meanwhile, opening up and strengthening of a multiplicity of=20
mechanisms for continuing dialogue between the government and the=20
LTTE has become absolutely crucial under the present conditions of an=20
imperfect MoU and an imperfect peace.=20=20

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#2.

National Public Radio
Fresh Air (Jun 21, 2002)
Interview with Pakistani dancer Sheema Kermani
http://www.npr.org/ramfiles/fa/20020620.fa.02.ram

_____

#3.

[Text of Sign On Appeal/Letter to India's Members of Parliament and=20
State Legislators. Please join us in supporting Cap. Sahgal as=20
India's future President. Those willing to sign on the letter to=20
legislators should send their signatures to: <aiindex@m...> . The=20
letter will be dispatched on the 26th June 2002]

o o o

To

Respected members of Parliament and State legislators,

>From Women's Organisations and concerned citizens

APPEAL FOR A CONSCIENCE VOTE FOR CAPT. LAKSHMI SAHGAL

Dear Madam/ Sir,

As women and as citizens we urge you to support the candidature of=20
Capt. Lakshmi Sahgal for the post of the President of India. Not only=20
is she the first woman candidate in our country's history to run for=20
the highest constitutional post but her unblemished record in the=20
service of the country qualifies her as the most suitable candidate=20
for the post. She has in unambiguous terms committed herself to the=20
basic principles of secularism, self-reliance, social justice and=20
peace

We believe that our country is passing through dark and difficult=20
times. Although the post of President has limited powers, we have=20
seen how crucial those powers become at times when the Constitution=20
is challenged. We need a President who will be able to boldly stand=20
up in defence of secular principles at a time when communal forces=20
threaten to tear our country apart as they are doing in Gujarat. We=20
need a President who will advise caution and maturity in defence of=20
our country's integrity, at a time when the nuclearisation of the=20
sub-continent threatens to submerge this poverty stricken region into=20
a punishing arms race and into mutually assured destruction. We need=20
a President who will defend India's self reliance at a time when our=20
economic sovereignty is under severe threat. And we need a President=20
who will speak for the oppressed, for women, for members of=20
discriminated castes and communities, for the working people, at a=20
time when basic needs of the people are being sacrificed in the name=20
of security.

Some have said her's is a token fight. For us her candidature=20
represents the best traditions of democracy that provides the=20
electors an opportunity to vote for principles and values enshrined=20
in the Constitution of India that under such grave threats from the=20
very forces that have arbitrarily decided the name of the "=20
official" candidate of the Government.

The Election Commission has clearly stated that there can be no party=20
whips issued in the Presidential election. If ever there was a need=20
for legislators to rise above party considerations in defence of=20
constitutional values it is now. We appeal to you to listen to the=20
voice of your conscience, that has no doubt been appalled by recent=20
events, including those in Gujarat.

We appeal for a conscience vote in favour of the most suitable=20
candidate; Capt. Lakshmi Sahgal.

We enclose a folder with details of her life [Posted below is the text].

Yours sincerely,

[Signatories]

0 0 0 0

Curriculum Vitae of Dr. (Capt.) Lakshmi Sahgal (INA)
Lakshmi Sahgal was born Lakshmi Swaminadhan on 24.10.l914 in what was=20
then still called Madas. Her father was Dr. S. Swaminadhan, a=20
brilliant and leading lawyer practising criminal law at the Madras=20
High Court. Her mother was A.V. Ammukutty, a social worker, freedom=20
fighter and tireless campaigner for womens rights who successfully=20
contested elections to the Madras Municipal Corporation, the=20
Constituent Assembly, the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. She also served=20
as National President of the All India Womens Conference.
As a young girl, Lakshmi participated enthusiastically in nationalist=20
programmes of burning of foreign goods, including her own clothes and=20
toys and picketting of liquor-vends. She decided to study medicine=20
not from the point of view of embarking upon a successful career but=20
because she wanted to be of service to the poor, especially to poor=20
women. As a result, she received the MBBS degree from Madras Medical=20
College in l938. A year later, she received her diploma in=20
gynaecology and obstetrics.
In l940, Lakshmi left Madras for Singapore. Here she quickly=20
established a clinic where the poorest of the poor, especially=20
migrant Indian labour, could receive medical treatment. Not only did=20
she establish herself as a successful, compassionate and extremely=20
competent doctor, but she played an active role in the India=20
Independence League which contributed greatly to the freedom movement=20
in India.
In l942 came the historic surrender of Singapore by the British=20
colonial power to the Japanese. Lakshmi was kept extremely busy=20
tending to the many casualties and injuries that resulted from=20
skirmishes. She also came in contact with many of the India POWs who=20
were deliberating over the Japanese proposal to form an Indian army=20
of liberation. She was extremely enthusiastic about this possibility=20
and argued strongly in its favour. As a result, she was very much=20
part of the deliberations that finally resulted in the formation of=20
the INA under Gen. Mohan Singh.
Events moved very fast with the arrival of Subhas Chandra Bose in=20
Singapore on 2nd July, l943. In the next few days, at all his public=20
meetings, Netaji, as he was popularly known as, spoke of his=20
determination to raise a women's regiment, the Rani of Jhansi=20
regiment, which would also fight for Indian independence and make it=20
complete. On the 7th, hethe on 5th July, spoke to Shri Yellappa, and=20
enquired whether there was any Indian woman in Singapore who would be=20
suitable for the task of leading such a regiment.. Shri Menon=20
immediately suggested Lakshmi's name. Netaji insisted on meeting her=20
immediately and she was brought to meet him quite late the same=20
night. As soon as he put his proposal to her, she accepted it without=20
a moment's hesitation and, the very next day, she closed her clinic=20
and began preparations for the formation of the Rani of Jhansi=20
Regiment of the INA.
These preparations were underway very soon and, in a short time, a=20
well-trained fighting force of women recruits took shape. On 21st=20
October, l943, when the Provisional Government of Azad Hind was=20
announced, Lakshmi was the sole woman member of its Cabinet.
The Rani of Jhansi Regiment saw active duty on the front. Lakshmi who=20
was given the rank of Colonel, although in the popular imagination=20
she remained 'Captain Lakshmi' was active both militarily and on the=20
medical front. She played a heroic role not only in the fighting but=20
during the terrible days that INA personnel were hunted by the=20
victorious British troops and saved many lives because of her courage=20
and devotion. She was finally captured and brought to India on 4th=20
March, l946 when she received a heroine's welcome. The British=20
authorities realised that keeping her a prisoner would be=20
counter-productive and she was released.
After her release, Capt. Lakshmi campaigned tirelessly for the=20
release and rehabilitation of imprisoned and de-mobbed INA personnel=20
and for the freedom of India. She travelled the length and breadth of=20
the country and was able to collect huge funds for the INA soldiers=20
and also mobilise people against the colonial power.
After the release of the prisoners, including Col. Prem Kumar Sahgal,=20
from the Red Fort on the campaign for freedom continued. In March=20
1947, Col. Sahgal and Capt. Lakshmi were married in Lahore (Col.=20
Sahgal was the son of Justice Achhru Ram Sahgal, a member of the=20
Punjab High Court Bench who was one of the judges in the Gandhi=20
Murder Case). After their marriage, they settled down in Kanpur.
In Kanpur, Lakshmi plunged into her medical work almost immediately=20
because the influx of refugees started even before August, l947 when=20
it became a flood. She worked tirelessly among them for several=20
years. Later on she established a small maternity home in a hired=20
premise where it continues till today. Her compassion and service to=20
the poor have become legendary in the city.
In l971, when huge numbers of refugees came from what was East=20
Pakistan into West Bengal, Lakshmi worked at a camp in Bongaon for=20
several months.
After this, she became very active in left politics and in, first,=20
the trade union and, then, the womens movement although she never=20
neglected her medical work. When the All India Democratic Womens=20
Association was formed in l981, she became Vice-President of the=20
largest womens organisation in the country and has been actively=20
involved in its activities, campaigns an struggles ever since.
In October, l984, when anti-Sikh riots broke out in the city in the=20
wake of Smt. Indira Gandhi's assassination, she came out on the=20
streets in defence of Sikh families and shops near her clinic and did=20
not allow any of them to be harmed.
In l998, she was awarded the Padma Vibhushan by the President of India
Today, at 87, she still leaves for her maternity home at 9.00 every=20
morning, seven days a week and works till late in the afternoon.=20
Adulation and awards mean very little to her. Her unassuming manners=20
and modesty are a source of amazement and inspiration. Her untiring=20
and undying commitment to humanity and its service are truly=20
exceptional.

_____

#4.

[The below note has been received from Dunu Roy and Imrana Quadir in=20
New Delhi recounting their recent trip to Gujarat]

[ 20 June 2002]

Observations of a June Visit

We spent a brief while in Ahmedabad from June 11 to 16 and had the=20
privilege of meeting several people who are actively involved in the=20
relief and rehabilitation efforts. Some observations on the visit=20
follow, which might help in formulating some strategy for the coming=20
months.

Damage Assessment

We saw several houses and small industrial units in Gomtipura and=20
Sundaramnagar that had been damaged and burnt. The physical signs on=20
the masonry and doorlatches indicated that heavy crowbars and hammers=20
had been used to damage the structures. The soot marks on the walls=20
clearly showed that incendiary and explosive materials had been=20
placed on floors and shelves and set fire to. The flames must have=20
leapt up 10 feet above to the roof. Some remnants of these materials=20
still remain on site and one of them is definitely industrial plastic=20
waste. This means that these materials were deliberately brought to=20
the sites in large quantities, along with individuals who were=20
professionally skilled and trained in their use, for the purpose of=20
burning the houses. Such an act is deliberate and pre-planned and=20
cannot be said to be 'spontaneous' in any way.

Government officials have reportedly surveyed these damaged houses.=20
But the compensation awarded has been pitifully meagre. A list of 89=20
households kept at the Sahara Camp revealed that they had received Rs=20
1250 each as the first instalment for house repairs. Considering that=20
a Mangalore roof tile costs Rs 7.50, this amount would be just enough=20
to buy 160 of them, and these would barely cover one-third of the=20
roof of a 20'x12' house commonly present in the chalis of Ahmedabad.=20
Of the 89 families, 21 had received no further compensation, and the=20
rest had got another cheque with amounts ranging from Rs 400 to Rs=20
41,000, but mostly averaging around Rs 10,000. Considering the scope=20
and extent of the damage, this is hopelessly inadequate for any=20
meaningful reconstruction work.

Hence, one of the requests from the St Xaviers Social Service Society=20
and Citizen's Initiative was for an independent assessment of the=20
damage. We were able to meet architects of the Ahmedabad Study and=20
Action Group (ASAG), who are already doing damage assessment work and=20
they have agreed to assist other groups in Ahmedabad in this=20
activity. However, there is a need for many more people to help out=20
in this. One of the possibilities, therefore, is to mobilise student=20
architects and engineers, and skilled workers such as masons and=20
carpenters and plumbers to give some time for this kind of work. We=20
have already requested the professionals of ASAG and the People's=20
Science Institute (who have been doing similar work for earthquake=20
affected buildings) to share their assessment formats with other=20
groups and train them in using these formats.

Relief

The State Government is trying hard to close down the relief camps.=20
One way of doing this is to reduce or completely stop the food=20
rations being supplied to the camps. The other is to say that people=20
are leaving the camps of their own volition and, therefore,=20
conditions are returning to normal in their original habitations.=20
Another is to bring criminal charges against some of those running=20
the camps. Much of this interpretation is dependent on the head=20
counts that are done at the camps by the survey teams of the=20
government. It is true that the number of people in the camps is low=20
at the time the survey teams come. But that is because they=20
deliberately come during the afternoon. The conditions in the camps=20
are terrible, many of the cloth shelters are in tatters, temperatures=20
are soaring, there are no fans or other cooling devices, even water=20
is hard to come by, the toilets are dirty and unusable, and it is not=20
possible to sit out in the open in that heat. So many people go to=20
their original homes during the day because there is at least some=20
shade and protection from the merciless sun.

Also many of them are thinking of what will happen when it begins to=20
rain and so are trying to partially clean up their devastated homes=20
and at least restore part of the burnt out roof. This itself is=20
dependent upon how much compensation they have received from the=20
Government or what assistance they can get from social service groups=20
and community organisations. Hence, in this context, it becomes=20
important for relief workers to both preserve the camps as well as=20
construct rain shelters. They are trying to do the former by telling=20
the State Government that it cannot close the camps because it didn't=20
set them up in the first place. This needs to be widely supported and=20
one of the ideas that came up during discussions was for support=20
groups in different cities to organise daylong dharnas at Gujarat=20
Bhavans and/or institutions of the State Government. There has to be=20
some expression of 'public sentiment' on this score and, at the same=20
time, a boycott of the Gujarat agencies responsible for the present=20
state of affairs.

As far as the rain shelters go, these are to be constructed of bamboo=20
frames covered with plastic sheets. Many of the relief agencies are=20
asking for technical help in designing and constructing these=20
shelters. Once again, we spoke with ASAG and they are willing to help=20
out in this respect. At the same time, it has to be remembered that=20
there is significant expertise already available in bamboo=20
construction, particularly from relief agencies in Assam, Bengal, and=20
Orissa where the material is commonly used in severe cyclonic=20
conditions (as well as in building wedding pandals these days). This=20
expertise has to be urgently mobilised because the monsoons are=20
imminent. Furthermore, the rain shelters cannot be seen only as=20
places to protect people from the rains. There has to be adequate=20
storage space for food and whatever domestic goods people have left.=20
A good place for this might be in the space just below the roof. In=20
addition, the rain shelters have to provide adequate access to=20
services (particularly toilets) during the rains. Jaundice, diarrhea,=20
and cholera have already begun appearing and conditions are going to=20
get worse during the rains. Mere provision of medicines is not the=20
answer; it has to be coupled with environmental measures. Hence,=20
proper design of features such as roof water harvesting, drainage,=20
and sanitary facilities have to be built into the rain shelters.

Rehabilitation

Not only have the walls and doors been set fire to, but also all=20
household goods (which were not carried away) have been burnt. These=20
include cupboards, cycles, scooters, sewing machines, utensils,=20
stoves, furniture, refrigerators, trunks, carts, and fans. Because=20
March onwards is a festive season for most people, several of the=20
cupboards contained clothes, gifts, and jewelry for special events=20
like weddings. There has been no assessment by the government of this=20
kind of property damage, particularly of productive assets. This is=20
in line with the systematic attempts to completely shatter the=20
economic base of the community. It is in some way connected to the=20
earlier closure of the textile mills in Ahmedabad, which threw=20
thousands of people out of jobs and forced them into the insecurity=20
of the informal sector. There is a remarkable parallel with the=20
closure of industries in Delhi. The similarity stood out further when=20
we learnt that slums along the Sabarmati river were being removed=20
(and burnt) as part of the pogrom, but in the name of "river-front=20
development".

Relief agencies, especially Action Aid, are asking for help in=20
estimating the productive damage and the occupational base of the=20
affected people, so as to design a rehabilitation programme,=20
particularly for those with limited resources. We have already sent=20
them a basic format for assessment designed for the slums of Delhi.=20
But, learning from the experience of the earlier anti-Sikh pogrom in=20
Delhi, what would be crucial for the economies of many families would=20
be the provision of survival kits. These would include kits for=20
masons, carpenters, plumbers, tailors, embroiders, and so on. While=20
much of this could come from relief agencies, it may be a good idea=20
to explore whether self-help groups in other parts of the country=20
would be willing to contribute materials to the fellow artisans and=20
workers in distress. This could be linked up to the ideas of people=20
participating in establishing a just and humane society, as well as=20
in engaging in social boycott of those who destroy such a society.

An issue of particular importance is the future of the children.=20
While the government makes its standard claims about examinations=20
having been held successfully, many residents of the camps reported=20
that their children are unable to go to school. This is reinforced by=20
what relief workers had to say. There is considerable fear and=20
uncertainty in this regard. It is also likely to be an emotive issue=20
for those who wish to support the affected communities, and should=20
become part of a wider campaign to build a better society.

Cultural Nationalism

There is already great concern about the potential appointment of A P=20
J Abdul Kalam as the next President. He seems to have a technocratic=20
vision which fails to recognise the socio-economic (and political)=20
dimensions of 'development'. Coupled with the recent declaration of=20
rath yatras, the preparations within the Modi administration for=20
elections, and the abdication of Constitutional responsibilities by=20
both the Governor and the Central Government, the future looks bleak.=20
Therefore, it is not just a matter of demanding the removal of Modi=20
and Bhandari, it is now also an imperative issue of how democratic=20
institutions are being dismantled of in the name of "nationalism".=20
This "culture" has to be debated and exposed. As friends in Ahmedabad=20
asked, "Who will end up paying for the damage? It will either be the=20
poor who will have to resurrect their lives through their labour. Or,=20
for the others, it will be the nationalised insurance companies. That=20
means that the premium rates are going to go up for everybody from=20
this year."

Eventually, the nation is weakened in all respects by this expression=20
of 'Hindu sentiment'. Which leads us to the fundamental idea of 'Ram=20
Rajya'. Who is this Rajya for? What will be the social and economic=20
basis of such a Rajya? Who will rule and who will be ruled and what=20
will be the civil contract between them? What will be the role of the=20
Ram Mandir in all this? What does the mythology of Ram teach us about=20
the ideology of the Rajya in his name? Do we need to try and=20
re-appropriate Ram or to re-examine his Rajya? Where does the idea of=20
'democracy' fit into all this? These appear to be questions of=20
immense importance which need to be carried into the public domain.=20
The production of literature and cultural material for this purpose=20
is a task that has to be taken up with great vigour. It was,=20
therefore, greatly refreshing to meet the 'Insaan Hain Hum'=20
collective in Ahmedabad who have been using the medium of song and=20
commentary to explore the human dimensions of society - even in these=20
dark days in Ahmedabad and Gujarat.

It may also be relevant to mention here that while the Gujarat events=20
have more or less disappeared from the pages of the national media,=20
they still continue to be reported in the English dailies published=20
from Ahmedabad. There were several statements appreciating the=20
courage and the tenacity of those reporters who are still continuing=20
to cover these events. It may therefore, be appropriate to give some=20
national recognition to these reporters and correspondents. We are=20
trying to trace the names of these individuals from the websites of=20
the Ahmedabad Times of India and Indian Express. It would be=20
befitting if they could be felicitated at a public function in=20
Constitution Club. Equally, there is a need to hold to account those=20
who inflamed passions - newspapers like Gujarat Samachar and Sandesh.=20
We have already asked friends to provide us with cuttings from these=20
so that the Press Council and the NHRC could be approached. However,=20
these two papers also have websites and somebody who can read and=20
translate from the Gujarati would be a welcome addition to our ranks.

In conclusion

We have attempted to provide some observations and ideas from a brief=20
visit that we hope to be able to carry further into the future. We=20
offer them here so that there can be a wider discussion on them and=20
other groups may wish to modify and expand them and develop a larger=20
network for the preservation of democracy. Do let us know if we can=20
help in any way.

Dunu and Imrana
June 20, 2002

_____

#5.

Date: Fri, 21 Jun 2002 16:32:18 +0000
[From Shabnam Hashmi in New Delhi]

The woman must have been 80 years old. She was wearing a white salwar=20
kameez. Her head was covered with a thin white dupatta. Her face was=20
full of wrinkles, her back slightly stooped. I was sitting in a=20
corner near the window in Inamul bhai=92s office at the Darya Khan=20
Gumbad relief camp. Noorjahan was standing next to me leaning on a=20
broken table. Outside Uzma was announcing on the mike.

I was talking to Noorjahan in a low voice when the old woman entered=20
the office, came up to me and asked =93Are you giving money to the=20
widows here?=94 Before I could reply Noorjahan told her that sewing=20
machines were being distributed outside, she should go there and try=20
her luck.

It took me a few minutes before I put my camera and the recorder in=20
my bag. I rushed out after her. Darya Khan Gumbad relief camp is in a=20
school building and a few tents and at that time there were about=20
6000 victims in the camp. I had to make my way into the crowd which=20
had gathered in the tent outside to collect the machines and the=20
handcarts. Pushing my way through women and hundreds of children I=20
kept on searching for the old woman for over 20 minutes but that=20
woman was nowhere to be seen. I came back to the office tears were=20
rolling down my cheeks. Noorjahan was shocked to see me in that=20
state. This was my fifth meeting with her and she had seen me=20
spending time with the victims and making them laugh and even if for=20
a few moments make them forget their grief.

Noorjahan could not understand why I was so upset. I don=92t know why=20
I have started breaking down so often.

But that should not bother the civil society.

The old woman was a nameless, faceless woman. A widow with just one=20
set of clothes and a rag to sleep on. The woman who has perhaps lost=20
all her family, her sons, her daughters, perhaps her daughters were=20
also gang raped and burnt alive like hundreds of other women. Her=20
house was also looted and raised to the ground perhaps. Perhaps she=20
used to help other poor people around her a few months ago. Today she=20
was almost begging for money from a total stranger.

Imagine it did not happen somewhere else in a distant land.

Imagine VHP is about to knock at your door next.

Imagine RSS is about to do a Gujarat in your city.

Imagine she is not a faceless and nameless old woman.

Imagine she is your own mother.

Will you shed a tear before its too late?

Shabnam Hashmi, New Delhi June 20, 2002

_____

#6.

EPW
June 15, 2002
Letter to Editor

Facing the RSS Challenge

The RSS Bangalore declaration, which includes the 'Minority Guide to=20
Good Behaviour', is the unsurprising product of an organisation=20
which, for making such pronouncements, can, perhaps be banned under=20
the Indian Constitution. We need to note the timing of this guide -=20
against the backdrop of the ethnic genocide of Muslims in Gujarat,=20
accompanied by brazen justifications. The Sangh parivar has to quite=20
a large extent succeeded in implementing a fascist ideology. And=20
today, at least in Gujarat, if one is born a Muslim one has to forget=20
all other attributes of one's identity. People in large numbers have=20
lost their properties and lives - for the single reason that they=20
were born Muslim. Even now appropriate relief by the state is not=20
being provided to the victims because they happen to be Muslims. We=20
need to pay heed to K N Panicker's warning: "Narendra Modi's Gujarat=20
is a blueprint of the future, if the Indian state comes fully under=20
the control of the Sangh parivar. If India is not to be decimated by=20
a civil war as in the case of Bosnia, the agony of Gujarat should not=20
occur anywhere in the country" (The Hindu).

We request the secular parties, particularly of the Left, to=20
appreciate the import of the RSS Guide and of Panicker's foreboding,=20
and organise a mass movement for emancipation of all Indians, because=20
the slide of society towards fascism led by the saffron brigade (and=20
aided and abetted by reactionaries of all hues) cannot be halted by=20
courts and symbolic actions of the non-fascists. There is no=20
alternative to a resolute progressive mass movement. That alone can=20
halt the fascists' onward march.

The declaration purports to be a guide to good behaviour for the=20
minorities, and in particular for the Muslims. The other minorities=20
therefore have to pay special attention to these guidelines. But, we=20
hope that others too have not forgotten the onset of fascism and=20
lessons of the second world war. We ask them to recall the=20
unforgettable words which the famous pastor Nicmoller uttered when he=20
came out of a Nazi prison: "When Hitler attacked the Jews I was not a=20
Jew, therefore, I was not concerned. And when Hitler attacked the=20
Catholics, I was not a Catholic, and therefore, I was not concerned.=20
And when Hitler attacked the unions and the industrialists, I was not=20
a member of the unions and I was not concerned. Then, Hitler attacked=20
me and the Protestant church - and there was nobody left to be=20
concerned."

The objective of the Sangh parivar as also that of the reactionary=20
organisation working under the banner of other religious=20
denominations is to divide the people on the basis of religion, and=20
proclaim themselves as representatives of their respective=20
communities, thereby leaving no space for progressive thinkers.

We appeal to all progressive social and political formations to form=20
a joint anti-fascist front around the following four demands and save=20
the Indian society from further ruin.

- Proper rehabilitation of Gujarat victims.
- Institution of an enquiry commission headed by a sitting judge of=20
the Supreme Court to probe into the Godhra massacre and the Gujarat=20
pogrom.
- Repeal of POTA.
- Demand that the RSS withdraw its Bangalore resolution, and failing=20
this, that the government of India should take action.

Last year in the wake of earthquake in Gujarat the government of=20
India levied a 2 per cent surcharge. This year a similar surcharge=20
needs to be levied for the rehabilitation of riot victims, and an=20
independent central organisation needs to be set up for the=20
disbursement of relief, to be overseen by an all-party committee.

Hasan Abdullah, Ather Farouqui
New Delhi

--=20
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