[sacw] SACW #1 | 17 June 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire Dispatch #1 | 17 June 2002

South Asia Citizens Web:
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

South Asians Against Nukes:
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/NoNukes.html

__________________________

#1. A Peace Convention and the wisdom of Ali Nawaz (Beena Sarwar)
#2. [India's] Censor Board's war on "WAR AND PEACE" (Anand Patwardhan)
#3. Presentation (Testimony) before the US Government Commission on=20
Religious Freedom, Washington DC, June 10, 02 (Teesta Setalvad)
#4. Wither Democracy? India Brutalizes the Marginalized in the=20
Narmada Valley (Angana Chatterji)
#5. Eduardo Faleiro's letter to India's Prime Minister re relief and=20
rehabilitation Gujarat's victims
#6. Book release on June 18 (Ahmedabad)

__________________________

#1.

June 09 2002

A Peace Convention and the wisdom of Ali Nawaz

Beena Sarwar

Ali Nawaz works at a motorcycle factory at Hub Chowki in Balochistan,=20
near Somiani, the sun-baked coastal area from where Pakistan recently=20
test-fired the nuclear-capable Abdali missile as a warning to a war-=20
ready India. From here, it takes over two hours to get to Karachi,=20
driving east along the coast of the Arabian Sea. On Saturday June 8,=20
along with some two dozen of his fellow workers, Nawaz made this=20
journey using the factory van headed to the noise and rush of Saddar=20
in the heart of Karachi.

The motorcycle workers are not interested in the bazaar; besides the=20
fact that they can't afford the goods on sale, there are more=20
important things on their mind - like the Peace Convention organized=20
at the Karachi Press Club by the Pakistan India People's Forum for=20
Peace and Democracy (PIPFPD) and the National Trade Union Federation=20
of Pakistan.

As many as twenty five out of the forty one workers at Nawaz's=20
factory attended the Convention of their own accord. Why?

At the end of the Convention, waiting for the call to prayer at the=20
open air mosque at the Press Club before traveling back to Hub, the=20
bearded Nawaz patiently and clearly explains in his Pashtu-accented=20
Urdu.

"I earn Rs 6,034 a month. I live with my four brothers. There is a=20
lot of unemployment; I am the only one of us who has a job."

In 2001, the combined military expenditure of India and Pakistan was=20
18 billion dollars. Yet over 40 per cent of our people - 450 million=20
- live below the poverty line. In these circumstances, six thousand=20
rupees a month (about a hundred dollars) are relatively decent wages.=20
The amount might even be enough to support five people who live in=20
frugal conditions. But Ali Nawaz's salary, it turns out, supports not=20
only his four brothers, but also his family as well as their wives=20
and children.

"I have to feed and clothe thirty five people. Things are very bad.=20
We live in a mud hut that collapses when it rains. Our children often=20
go hungry; there is no question of sending them to school. I have=20
four daughters whom I can't marry off because I don't have enough=20
money. If there is war, things will be even worse. We don't want war.=20
It will be devastation."

He pauses and then adds, "To live a decent life, each person must=20
have at least four thousand rupees a month. There are 35 of us. To=20
achieve this basic standard we would need lakhs of rupees."

Standing nearby, two of his fellow workers, similarly dressed in=20
shalwar kurta, with Balochi caps on their heads nod. The azan sounds,=20
and they head for the water taps to begin their ablutions and say=20
their prayers.

Behind us, the hundreds who just attended the Convention -=20
representatives of political parties, trade unions, professional=20
organisations, poets, writers, students - are milling about. The=20
resolution passed at the convention reiterated the demands that peace=20
groups here and in India have been consistently making for several=20
months now: a withdrawal of troops from both sides of the border,=20
dialogue between the two countries, a restoration of the land, rail=20
and air communication links and easing of the visa regimes.

As people catch up with old friends and acquaintances while making=20
their way out, a lean, white haired figure of Sobho Gianchandani=20
towers above the small group around him. In Karachi for a few weeks=20
from his native Larkana, the respected lawyer and political activist,=20
now 83 years old, in his brief speech at the Convention suggested=20
leaving the issue of Kashmir in cold storage for the next 50 years=20
and letting the people of Kashmir have access to each other on both=20
sides of the border.

The real issue is that of basic rights for the people of our=20
countries, he says. He notes that the term `national security' is=20
misleading and should be seen in the context of people's security, of=20
their right to food, education, shelter and clothing. The unlettered=20
factory workers from Hub know this all too well.

Gianchandani is a rare commodity in Pakistan: belonging to the=20
minority Hindu community here, he has stuck to his secular political=20
convictions, refusing to join the exodus to other countries - an=20
exodus participated in enthusiastically not just by those belonging=20
to Pakistan's religious minorities, but also by those from the=20
majority community in search of greener pastures. "I am a son of the=20
soil," he said in an interview once, relating how he withstood the=20
pressure from the government to leave Pakistan while in prison in the=20
1950s.

Recalling the attacks on religious minorities after the Babri Mosque=20
was razed, he asks, "What mosque, what mandir? Who knows where Ram=20
was really born?" He asked Gen. Ayub Khan after the 1965 war, about=20
his famous statement that the Pakistani flag would be hoisted at the=20
Red Fort of Delhi. "If that had happened," replied the General=20
candidly, "we would be in a minority again."

Gianchandani also made the tremendously significant point that while=20
the world is advocating peace between India and Pakistan, the leading=20
players are still engaged in selling arms and ammunitions to both=20
countries.

This hypocrisy is highlighted in Britain by the 9-11 Peace Campaign=20
(www.MoveOn.org). In a recent email urging supporters to lobby=20
against British involvement in Indian and Pakistani arms deals, the=20
Campaign cites the website scotsman.com, according to which the=20
military firm BAe has sold fighter jets to India and is also=20
currently training Pakistani troops in air combat. "Providing such=20
aid to both sides can only increase the damage that will occur if war=20
breaks out."

As Indian writer Arundhati Roy wrote recently, "Tony Blair's `peace'=20
mission a few months ago was actually a business trip to discuss a=20
one billion pound deal=8A to sell Hawk fighter-bombers to India.=20
Roughly, for the price of a single Hawk bomber, the government could=20
provide 1.5 million people with clean drinking water for life."

Ordinary people like Ali Nawaz - the `masses' that our governments=20
claim to act on behalf of - may not know the exact mathematics and=20
figures of these billion dollar deals, but they do know that they are=20
being short-changed.

(ends)

_____

#2.

Press UPDATE:
[India's] Censor Board's war on "WAR AND PEACE"

Our worst fears have come true. We had suspected that the Censor=20
Board's delay in appointing an examining committee to officially view=20
our video War and Peace and the extraordinary measures taken to ban=20
even officially sanctioned non-commercial screenings in the interim,=20
were an ominous sign. We felt that contrary to norms, there was no=20
level playing field and far from being in the hands of objective=20
government officials, we were up against a very interested party with=20
a strong political agenda.

War and Peace had won the Best Film/Video of the Festival at the=20
Mumbai International Film Festival, and the Films Division of India=20
(which comes under the Ministry for Information and Broadcasting)=20
attempted to show it along with other award winning films at their=20
festival in Kolkata. The Regional Officer of the Censor Board in=20
Mumbai boasted to us that he would stop the Kolkata screening. The=20
next day while other films which had no censor clearance were shown,=20
the inaugural film War and Peace was withdrawn. The Kolkata press was=20
duly told that the "film had not arrived" despite the fact that we=20
had a receipt to prove the contrary.

The examining committee of the Censor Board finally saw the film on 6=20
June. After the screening though I was present, I was informed that=20
contrary to norms, the committee members would not discuss anything=20
with me as they could not reach consensus. The following week the=20
final outcome was given to me in writing. It makes remarkable=20
reading. The cuts demanded are unprecedented and the methodical,=20
single-minded approach is inconsistent with that of a group that=20
could not reach consensus.

Cut No.1 sounds reasonable. It is: "Delete the visuals of burning=20
Indian flag". This scene depicting Pakistani jingoism balances=20
sequences of Indian jingoism. But obviously the Censor Board has no=20
objection to scenes showing the burning Pakistani flag. "War and=20
Peace" consistently exposes war-mongers and applauds peace lovers on=20
both sides of the border. This is clearly not something the Censor=20
appreciates.

Cut No. 2 "Delete the entire sequence with visuals and dialogues=20
spoken by the Dalit leader" refers to a sequence in which a Dalit=20
neo-Buddhist argues that it is a travesty that nuclear tests were=20
carried out on Buddha=92s birthday and that the Buddha=92s name was used=20
as a military code to mark the tests despite the fact that the Buddha=20
has always been unarmed.

Cut No. 3 is a demand to cut a Dalit song which describes the killing=20
of Mahatma Gandhi by a Brahmin. So now the Censor feels bold enough=20
to muzzle the voices of those whom our caste system oppressed for=20
centuries, even when they merely make factual statements !

Cut No.4 is an order to cut a sentence by a leading scientist that=20
"China is our next possible enemy". This common justification for our=20
nuclear weapons was endlessly repeated in the media by our=20
politicians including most famously, by our Defense Minister.

Cut No.5 is a predictable though thoroughly unjustifiable demand:=20
"Delete the visuals and dialogues of entire Tehelka episode wherever=20
it occurs in the film." Over 4 hours of these Tehelka tapes showing=20
hidden camera footage of corrupt arms deals were broadcast nationally=20
at prime time. The tiny extracts I used are a mere reference to what=20
the public saw at length on almost every channel. Again, the Censor=20
Board=92s bias is clear. Tehelka is not allowable because it depicts=20
members of the ruling coalition, but my reference to the Bofors arms=20
scandal is deemed OK as it indicts the Opposition !

Cut No.6 is the clincher. Under the heading GENERAL is the amazing=20
diktat: "Delete the entire visuals and dialogues spoken by Political=20
Leaders including Minister and Prime Minister." The censor board has=20
deemed it unnecessary to pinpoint exactly which leader's visuals and=20
dialogues they disliked so much that the public should be protected=20
by suitable deletions. The heading GENERAL applies to all. The Censor=20
Board deems it illegal to report the speeches of Ministers, Prime=20
Ministers and all Political Leaders. Do we have a new Secrecy Act?=20
Should Messrs Vajpayee, etc wear a mask from now on, and speak only=20
in code? Or should only those who elevate every word of politicians=20
into gospel and visualize these politicians only when they are the=20
politician's wearing halos, be allowed to film ?

War and Peace begins and ends with the ideas of Mahatma Gandhi.=20
(Perhaps this too is now illegal as it could come under the Cut No.6=20
dispensation). Focusing on the danger of nuclear war in the Indian=20
subcontinent the video goes on to describe the problems faced by=20
people living near nuclear testing and mining sites, the horror of=20
Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the culpability of the USA in using Atom=20
bombs on a nation that was about to surrender, the globalization of=20
the arms trade, but most of all it derives its power and emotional=20
appeal from the growing movement for peace both in India and in=20
Pakistan. Unfortunately in both countries there is an invisible force=20
that does not want peace, a force that has come to power precisely by=20
spreading divisiveness within the country and the sustained threat of=20
war outside it. This force has cynically used concepts of religion=20
and patriotism to hide its own hate-corrupted psyche and has sought=20
to muzzle the voices of all those who speak out for health, harmony=20
and peace.

So it will not be enough to demand merely that films like "War and=20
Peace" be passed without cuts. Officials of the Censor Board must be=20
made to understand that their brief cannot be to wield their scissors=20
in the interests of particular ideologies. We must demand that the=20
Censor Board and all the vital institutions in our country be freed=20
from the undemocratic grip of "the invisible force".

Anand Patwardhan 14 June 2002

_____

#3.

13th June 2002

PRESS RELEASE

For favour of publicity

Presentation (Testimony) before the US Government Commission on=20
Religious Freedom, Washington DC, June 10, 02

By Teesta Setalvad
(Co-editor, Communalism Combat)

It is a matter of deep significance for me, a journalist and an=20
educationist committed to democratic and plural values, representing=20
an organisation that is independent of government to submit this=20
representation to a significant and influential body such as this=20
=F1the Commission on Religious Freedom and I thank you for this=20
opportunity.

It is at a critical juncture for the world, and for South Asia in=20
particular with two of our countries, India and Pakistan, in the=20
midst of strains and tensions made impossibly dangerous by their=20
access to nuclear weaponry that these discussions are taking place.=20
India, a large, and until recently a stable democracy has been=20
experiencing dangerous schisms carefully implanted by political=20
forces committed to manipulating religion in the pursuit of power.

Guided and inspired by the politics of the party in power, the=20
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) inspired by it's political mentor the=20
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and it's outfits like the Vishwa Hindu=20
Parishad (VHP) and the Bajrang Dal (BD), have been through public=20
statements and actual action leading successful pogroms and attacks=20
against the countries religious minorities, especially Muslims and=20
Christians, who in their ideological construct of a Hindu nation are=20
'outsiders.' The recent state-sponsored Genocide of the Muslim=20
Community in Gujarat is the most brutal expression of this ideology=20
of a an exclusivist Hindu State that has no place and accords no=20
equal citizenship to 'others.' It is an ideology that militates=20
against basic principles of democracy itself.

However, Gujarat did not happen overnight. Since 1998, when the=20
parliamentary wing of the RSS, the BJP came to power in that western=20
state, there have been systematic attempts through policy and violent=20
action, to divest minorities of their democratic rights and terrorise=20
them into silence. The groups involved in this are the RSS, VHP and=20
the BD that openly flout their close connections (ideological and=20
structural/organisational) with the party in power. I refer to the=20
selective census against Christians and Muslims in that state, the=20
brutal attacks on Christian religious persons and their institutions=20
from February 1998 onwards, the directive by the government for all=20
schools to subscribe to a copy of the RSS journal, Sadhana (January=20
2001), the selective disbursement of relief and rehabilitation=20
packages after the ghastly earthquake (Jan 2001), the ostracisation=20
and ghettoisation of Muslim children in schools in the state, the=20
similar ghettoisation of the community into residential areas; and=20
finally similarly hate-filled and violent attacks against the Muslim=20
community in Gujarat in August 2000 when=F3following the attack on=20
Hindu pilgrims to the Amarnath shrine in Kashmir valley, the=20
Lashkar-e-Toyeba (a terrorist outfit that is reportedly supported by=20
some wings of the Pakistani military/intelligence establishment)=20
killed 33 innocent Hindus and, in the crossfire, 100 persons died. In=20
the words of the international general secretary of the Vishwa Hindu=20
Parishad, Praveen Togadia, who frequents this country often, then=20
=ECthe reply for the deaths in Kashmir would be given(avenged), here,=20
in Gujarat=EE. Then as now, the Indian Muslim community is demonised by=20
these groups, accused of having extra-national loyalties, after which=20
brutal violence including quartering and rape of innocent victims of=20
that community is justified.=20

Our journal, Communalism Combat has closely documented Gujarat=20
including it's hate-filled textbooks since 1998 onwards. (Welcome to=20
a Hindu Rashtra, August 1998, How Textbooks Teach Prejudice=F3October=20
1999, Face to Face with Facism=F3April 2000, Great Divides=F3February=20
2001 and finally Genocide Gujarat 2002).

What happened after the ghastly Godhra carnage on February 27,=20
between February 28 until March 15, 02 in the first round; then=20
continued through April and May until the 16th of that month and=20
thereafter and has again resumed this week is nothing short of=20
genocide as defined by the United Nations Convention on Genocide,=20
Article 2 (to destroy in whole or in part..any ethical, racial or=20
religious group); 2(c) adds =EC deliberately inflicting on the group=20
conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction=20
in whole or in part=EE.

Brutal destruction of life, through rape, quartering of bodies,=20
urinating on them and incarcerating them so that there is no trace or=20
evidence of their remains; attempting and partially succeeding in=20
economically annihilating the community (the primary loss through=20
systematic targeting of businesses and properties that the community=20
estimates is at Rs 4,500 crores) and desecrating over 270 religious=20
and cultural shrines belonging to the community---all this took place=20
through systematic planning and targeted action by armed militias=20
ideologically driven by the vision of a supreme and exclusive Hindu=20
rashtra (state). Over 2,000 lost their lives, 500 are missing and=20
250-300 girls and women were gang-raped before being quartered,=20
burned and killed.

The extent of planning and preparation and therefore state complicity=20
cannot be over-emphasised. The Chief Minister Narendra Modi is=20
himself culpable of sanctioning mass murder, in fact in the case of=20
the quartering and brutal murder of former member of Parliament Ahsan=20
Jaffrey who's family members appear here today, there is a case of=20
personal vengeance and vendetta. Mr Jaffrey had campaigned against=20
Narendra Modi in the recently concluded bye-elections in the third=20
week of February and even spoke publicly against him. Among the 100=20
calls made by a desperate man for help that day, one was made by Mr=20
Jaffrey to the chief minister. His reply was callous=F3look after=20
yourself if you can.

Four other ministers of the Modi cabinet in Gujarat are indicted by=20
over 35 witnesses to their crime=F3the home minister, Gordhan=20
Zadaphiya, the health minister Ashok Bhatt, the revenue minister,=20
Haren Pandya, and Narayan Laloo Patel and Niteen Patel. These men=20
elected to power through a democratic election, who have abused their=20
positions and their deeds need to be condemned nationally and=20
internationally to any group wedded to democracy, secularism and=20
basic values of toleration.

The conduct of the police and civil administration-- bound as they=20
are by their employment rules to uphold the basic tenets of the=20
Indian Constitution and Indian law that are immutably committed to=20
equity and non-discrimination--- in not simply failing to prevent=20
rape, quartering, burning alive of human beings and the mass=20
destruction of property actually joined hands with the well-trained=20
and armed mobs requires the most urgent attention. It is not the=20
first time that the Indian police have been exposed for anti-minority=20
biases; in fact as the Rodney king case in the USA and the Stephen=20
Lawrence incident in the UK reveal other democracies are not immune=20
to prejudice in the agencies of government =F1redressal and reform is=20
where we in India lag behind and it is time that the issue of=20
Institutional Police Reform and Greater Representation within the=20
services and the force receive long term political attention. It is=20
the institutions of democratic governance within India that need=20
revitalizing, decentralization and greater responsiveness to people's=20
needs and human rights issues.

The hate speech through pamphlets and propaganda, reproduced by some=20
mainline newspapers in the state of Gujarat reveals a methodology=20
that uses hatred and violence in words and actually translates it=20
into action (see page 132 of Communalism Combat=F3Genocide 2002 issue).=20
The arming of cadres of the RSS/VHP and BD, the fact that they are=20
paid cadres, the fact that much or most of the finances of these=20
organizations comes from expatriate Indians in the US, the fact that=20
three state governments within India=F3that includes Maharashtra,=20
Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan have recommended a ban against the VHP=20
and the BD on grounds that they create terror and are armed are=20
issues that need to be considered while responding to the genocide in=20
Gujarat.

Today, in Gujarat, we face a refugee crisis of momentous and tragic=20
proportions. Over 1,50,000 persons are in relief camps even now and=20
with the rains on their way, epidemics will join hunger, pain and=20
suffering that they have been undergoing for over 100 days. Last=20
Friday (June 7, 02) the chief minister Modi at a meeting with Muslim=20
businessman flatly refused to rehabilitate the victims. =ECI will not=20
buy land nor build houses for those dishoused=EE he is quoted by The=20
Times of India,Jine 8 as saying. After being complicit in the=20
violence the chief executive of the state is brazen in owning no=20
responsibility for life, liberty, shelter and dignity of refugee=20
victims.

Having said this, I would wish to raise a broader issue of=20
communalism within South Asia that the western world responds to=20
extremely selectively. Until the Taliban harmed US national interests=20
what it did to it's own women and children did not concern the most=20
influential country in the world, the US (in fact it supported the=20
Taliban), similarly the US and the west have not been articulate on=20
the issue of the treatment of rights and minorities in Pakistan and=20
Bangladesh (Hindus to a larger degree and Christians in smaller=20
measure have been targeted in that country since elections last=20
September), blasphemy laws single out Hindus and Christians in=20
Pakistan for discriminatory treatment, over 200,000 Hindu Kashmiri=20
pandits are also refugees in their own country (having been driven=20
out of the valley by militants in the name of Islam) and the schisms=20
between the Tamil Hindu majority and the Sinhala Buddhist majority in=20
Sri Lanka are deep and discriminatory to the minority. Unfortunately=20
the west has not been too concerned by either a consistency of=20
response nor a holistic policy on South Asia around these issues.=20
Narrow commercial and strategic interests alone have governed=20
responses cloaked in the garb of human rights and hence the skeptical=20
response. Even today we fear, looking at the US silence on Gujarat=20
that other interests lie behind the silence.

While internally within India these shocking and condemnable state=20
sponsored pogroms and genocides have taken place, Indian public=20
opinion has risen sharply and condemned them. However the crude and=20
brutal attacks inspired in large or some measure by Pakistan's Inter=20
service Intelligemce Services (ISI) and it's Army through armed=20
fanatics on innocent civilians within India is constant factor that=20
complicates and dilutes this public opinion and it's efficacy.=20
Gujarat has gone off the front pages in India following the brutal=20
massacre of women and children in Jammu in mid May; not only that the=20
hype of war has successfully sidelines the sharp and vocal movement=20
for justice in Gujarat.

Western powers need to study and understand the rise of the politics=20
of manipulating religion in the pursuit of power with the seriousness=20
that this tendency deserves. It is this politics that brutally took=20
the life of the father of the Indian Nation, Mahatma Gandhi, an=20
apostle of non-violence who has not received the distinction of being=20
awarded the Nobel Peace Prize when Martin Luther King Junior who was=20
inspired by Gandhi's commitment to this path fortunately received the=20
honour. It was this politics that isolated Frontier Gandhi (Khan=20
Abdul Gaffar Khan) in the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) when=20
India was Partitioned in August 1947. This politics has today come=20
unto it's own in many countries of the region: within India, a=20
democracy, large sections of it's religious minorities are isolated=20
by rhetoric that guides mob furies and even policy where the BJP=20
rules; in Bangladesh where the violent and brutal attacks on Hndus=20
that began with the new government being elected to power on a=20
jingoist anti-minority sentiment last October, continues; within=20
Pakistan where Hindu and Christian minorities and Ahmadis are=20
discriminated against; in Sri Lanka where the Tamil Hindu minority is=20
discriminated and before the US' 'war against terrorism', in=20
Afghanistan where the Taliban (then supported by the US and west) had=20
made life a living hell for it's own, especially women.

The South Asian term communalism, evolved historically in the decades=20
preceding Independence and Partition means just this. The region and=20
its people have been victim to this politics that resulted in the=20
partitioning of the country on religious lines; brutal violence=20
including barbaric killings, rapes and mutilation of women belonging=20
to the 'other' community (be it Hindu, Muslim or Sikh) took place;=20
moreover over 10 million persons were forcibly made refugees and had=20
to leave home and hearth.

Western powers whether it is the British who played some role at the=20
time of Partition or more significantly, now, need to respond to the=20
rise in religion based chauvinism in many countries within South Asia=20
with this wider historical perspective in place. The issue needs to=20
be dealt with in the context of State responsibility, Governance and=20
the Rule of Law=F3in the context of India within a democratic=20
framework. The crisis raises serious questions of the ethics of=20
democratic co-existence and religious pluralism vis a vis the state.

I trust and hope that this opportunity offered following the genocide=20
in Gujarat opens possibilities such an approach in the future. Ends.

_____

#4.

June 12, 2002.

Wither Democracy? India Brutalizes the Marginalized in the Narmada Valley

By Angana Chatterji

In Bhopal, four Narmada Bachao Andolan (Save the Narmada Movement) activist=
s
enter the 23rd day of their indefinite fast. They are protesting the Madhya
Pradesh Government's unethical and illegal treatment of adivasi (tribal)
families in central India.=20

About a thousand families were displaced by the construction of the Maan Da=
m,
one of the 30 big dams planned in the Narmada River Valley in western and
central India. The Maan families, within the 17 affected villages, have not
been compensated according to the terms and conditions of the rehabilitatio=
n
policy defined by the government. The policy states that the displaced must
be compensated with irrigated and adequate land in lieu of lands that will =
be
submerged by the project. However, the dam has been built but those displac=
ed
have not received such compensation.

The Narmada Bachao Andolan asks that those evicted by the Maan project be c=
omp
ensated with land for land. They ask that the approximately 5000-6000 peopl=
e
being displaced be resettled before the reservoir, enraged by the approachi=
ng
monsoon rains, submerges their villages, livelihoods, lands, and futures. R=
am
Kunwar, Chittaroopa Palit, Vinod Patwa and Mangat Verma, the four activists
who embarked on an indefinite hunger strike, were forced to take such
measures because thus far the government has been indifferent to the demand=
s
of the Andolan and acted to suppress their dissent.

The Narmada Bachao Andolan has mounted a persistent and profound human righ=
ts
struggle in the Narmada Valley since the mid 1980s. In a democracy the will
and voice of the people must define the ethical fabric of the polity. In th=
is
instance, it appears that the stronger the voice of the people, the more
callous and brutal the government's response. Whose life matters? Who has t=
he
right to life? Is national interest beyond human rights? If so, what
legitimates the nation?

Ram Kunwar, Chittaroopa Palit, Vinod Patwa and Mangat Verma are held hostag=
e
by their government's refusal to take seriously the people of the Narmada
Valley. As the fast weakens their bodies, perhaps irreparably, their just
demands are dismissed by a morally bankrupt government that finds it
acceptable to deny people their most basic rights to shelter and livelihood=
.
Yet resistance continues steadfastly among the people of the Narmada Valley=
.
The dalits ('lower' caste communities), adivasis and villagers that reside =
in
the Narmada Valley are the primary stakeholders of development. Yet, their
livelihood, their cultural heritage, their histories, their hopes and their
capacities are condemned to a savagely uncaring, unconfined progress. Is it
unreasonable to expect that on the road to progress and prosperity, those
most disenfranchised must be heard and accounted for in development plannin=
g?
Is it unreasonable to expect that when the government displaces people,
apparently in their own best interest, it should be required to negotiate t=
he
terms of displacement? Is it unreasonable that the Maan people want to
exchange land for land rather than to live as squatters in places where the=
y
do not belong or matter?

The lives of the most disenfranchised have become an afterthought in
development processes. Their actions for survival and agency for
self-determination are policed to benefit the advantaged. Human rights have
failed the marginalized, and such failure bears testimony to a deep unconce=
rn
for social and ecological justice. Democracy requires a conscience. In this
instance the Government of India and the Government of Madhya Pradesh have
not given us any evidence of one.

India's record of irresponsible development has placed its marginalized mos=
t
at risk, socially and politically. It has brutalized women, children, adiva=
si
communities, dalits and religious minorities. It has displaced countless
peoples, prompted cultural annihilation, generated appalling working
conditions, unequal distribution of livelihood assets, struggles over
resources, and prompted the progressive and irrevocable depletion of the
country's natural resource base, and the degradation of forests, agricultur=
al
lands, ecosystems, rivers and seas, animal life and mountains. In 2002,
almost fifty-six years after independence, the ideals of democracy --
freedom, security, self determination, access to political processes --
remain most elusive for 300+ million of India's poorest citizens. In the
unacceptable contradictions of postcolonial India, it has become incumbent =
on
those most bereft to confront the injustices that produce hunger,
dispossession and disempowerment.

The real war, the subordination of people to the state, continues. In the
name of the people, governments, corporations and legal systems endorse for=
ms
of social and political violence. Where is public conscience? All around us
lives burn with futility and despair, as we the privileged accumulate great=
er
wealth, greater apathy, greater irresponsibility. It is as if we are
condemned to live in spite of ourselves.

The present balks at its own reflection. As Ram Kunwar, Chittaroopa Palit,
Vinod Patwa and Mangat Verma fast with incomprehensible commitment, their
actions charge all of us to reflect on the present. If they fail, the state
will have been murderously deaf to their cries of ethical protest. Politica=
l
and religious extremism cannot govern a democracy, and India is increasingl=
y
defined by both. One must believe that oppression only strengthens
resistance, and that such dissent prevails. But when? And at what cost?

Angana Chatterji
Professor, Department of Social and
Cultural Anthropology
California Institute of Integral Studies
San Francisco

_____

#5.
June 16, 2002

Dear Prime Minister

Having visited Gujarat and being in touch with the=20
distressing situation there, I intend to contribute a sum of Rs. 1=20
crore from my allocation under "Member of Parliament Local Area=20
Development Scheme" (MPLADS) for relief and rehabilitation of the=20
victims of the recent communal violence in that State. I may be=20
permitted to do so. Under MPLADS every MP is entitled to an=20
allocation of Rs. 2 crore per year for development works in his=20
constituency or State. However, the Rules were relaxed to permit=20
allocation by MPs under MPLADS for the victims of the Gujarat=20
earthquake last year and of the Orissa cyclone in the year before.=20
Similar relaxation may now be permitted for the benefit of the=20
victims of the recent Gujarat holocaust. If the rules are relaxed=20
most MPs would like to utilise a substantial part of their allocation=20
under MPLADS for this noble purpose. A contribution by a large=20
number of Parliamentarians will motivate the people of the country to=20
also contribute for this worthy cause.

I also urge you to kindly issue an appeal to all our countrymen to=20
donate generously for this cause on the same lines of the appeals=20
issued by you at the time of the Gujarat earthquake and the Orissa=20
cyclone.

The above becomes necessary since the State Government=20
has not yet taken effective steps in this matter. The=20
recommendations of the National Human Rights Commission including=20
those relating to relief and rehabilitation are not being implemented=20
effectively. May I, therefore, request you to direct the State=20
Government to take the following measures urgently :

i) The compensation for the=20
damaged/burnt/destroyed houses should be paid as per the norms=20
adopted for the earthquake victims;

ii) The compensation for Ghat Vakhri (compensation=20
for burnt/looted household articles) should be a minimum of=20
Rs.20,000/-;

iii) Immediate allotment of house sites to enable the=20
victims to relocate themselves with honour and dignity;

iv) Involving Housing Finance Institutions like=20
HUDCO, NHB, CANFIN Homes, LIC etc. to advance loans liberally with=20
minimum paperwork and at nominal interest rates. The repayment=20
period should be spread over a period of 20 years and it should begin=20
after three years from the date of construction of the house.

With personal regards,
(EDUARDO FALEIRO)

Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee,
Prime Minister of India,
New Delhi.

_____

#6.

Book release on June 18 (Ahmedabad)
GUJARATI SAHITYA PARISHAD
cordially invites you to attend a reading - cum - release function.
Tuesday, 18th June 6.30 p.m.
Meghani Prangan, Parishad Compound, Behind Times of India, Ashram road
The book to be released is titled 'AANSU LOOCHVA JAU CHUUN' . It is=20
an abridged Gujarati version of Pyarelal's great work "Last Phase"=20
authentically depicting the Mahatma's last years of supreme sacrifice=20
towards Hindu-Muslim Unity.
Regards,
Prakash N. Shah

--=20
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit citizens wire service run by
South Asia Citizens Web (http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996.
To subscribe send a blank message to:
<act-subscribe@yahoogroups.com> / To unsubscribe send a blank
message to: <act-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com>
________________________________________
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.
\\|//\\|//\\|//\\|//\\|//\\|//\\|//\\|//\\|//\\|//|//\\|//|//\\|//|//\\|//|=
//\\|//|//\\|//