[sacw] SACW #1 | 16 June 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire Dispatch #1 | 16 June 2002

South Asia Citizens Web:
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

South Asians Against Nukes:
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/NoNukes.html

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#1. A letter from Pakistan (M.B. Naqvi)
#2. Lessons from the almost-war (Praful Bidwai)
#3. Muslim Shrines & Shops Turned Into 'pseudo- Hindu' Temples (Batuk Vora)
#4. Carving a path to Hindu rashtra (Achin Vanaik )
#5. Before the night falls ( K. N. Panikkar )
#6. June issue of the-south-asian

__________________________

#1.

A letter from Pakistan

M.B. Naqvi
(Karachi June 15)

As one writes on Saturday awaiting the budget after Finance Minister has
issued the annual Economic Survey the day earlier. Normally one would write
on the state of the economy after awaiting for the budget later in the
evening. But Pakistan being the newsy place it is, there are other and
larger matters that demand immediate attention. There is the suicide car
bomb attack on the US Consulate General in Karachi yesterday (Friday) and
the many questions it raises.

Apart from the routine terrorist attacks on the sectarian minority, it is
the fifth major terrorist incident which appears to have an anti-western
dimension, with the fourth having been just three weeks before --- and not
far from the latest place of occurrence. Twelve French engineering workers,
working for Pakistan Navy, were killed. That was clearly a suicide car bomb
attack. But the Friday's outrage could either have a suicide bomber in the
car or it was set off from a remote control, killing the four unwitting
women learning to drive. The organisation that accepted responsibility is a
new unheard-before al-Qanoon, rater than the earlier new name with which
they had struck at the French, though US experts tend to see the al Qaeda
hand in both these cases.

One newspaper here has flashed a story, the headline of which tells it all.
There are more suicide bombers present in Pakistan than there are Americans
targets'. Al-Qaeda's munificence in pre 11/9 Afghanistan to Pakistani
terrorists on the run, it is claimed by a detainee cum suspect in the
Daniel Pearl case, is being repaid by Pakistani beneficiaries when al Qaeda
men are now on the run. Karachi's suburbs are supposed to be teeming with
such persons. The point of it all is that it is just the beginning.
Terrorism, it is feared by some as well as joyfully proclaimed by others,
has arrived in this country in a big way.

The description of Pakistan by this ostensible al-Qanoon organisation as
"slave of America" is eloquent enough. One has underlined the
quintessential Jihadi mind as being the common factor in all terrorist
activity. It is a local product and is found in abundance. Linkage with
terrorist organisations of Arab provenance can only make them more adept
and resourceful. Insofar as Gen. Pervez Musharraf's endeavours are
concerned, he may have set Pakistan on a course of becoming a modern and
moderate Islamic state on the pattern of Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco and Jordan
thanks to the US connection. But this status carries a price tag: soulmates
of al-Qaeda are bound to proliferate here.

The general political and intellectual background is a mixture of multiple
confusions amidst pervasive intellectual fermentation. The policy volt face
by Gen. Musharraf on Afghanistan has produced the local edition(s) of al
Qaeda and a generalised alienation amongst the religiously-oriented
sections. From this source only terrorism, lawlessness and general
restiveness are likely to grow which would preempt the turning around of
the economy. But this was nothing compared to the unrest and ferment caused
by May 21 Musharraf speech.=20

All the rightwing --- in both its manifestations of religious lobbies and a
plethora of mainstream and peripheral parties that are supposedly
modernistic and west-oriented --- are more or less aghast at the scale of
the U turn on Kashmir by Musharraf. It is an equivalent of beating up the
tribe's totem. Anguished cries of sell out, betrayal and Judas rise up from
the heart of sentimentalists. But by the time they reach the lips the
realisation smothers them that it is America, the bigger god has ordained
it. But heart burning goes on and the urge to shout Judas is strong.
Indeed, the Jamat-e-Islami chef Qazi Hussain Ahmed --- the link party
between modernist rightwingers and the more religiously oriented parties
and groups --- has been out in front wanting to have a full-time COAS, as
Musharraf can only give part of his time to Army with the Indians pushing
at the door.

General Musharraf's politics is a joker in the pack. He wants to pose as a
brave warrior against India as well as to regularise and legitimise his
power through democratic procedure. This latter raises a clutch of huge and
tricky problems. There is a commitment to hold a general election by Oct.
12 next. But his political agenda demands that elections should yield a
National Assembly and provincial Assemblies that say yes to his reforms.
'Reforms' he is to propose are anti-democratic. No opposition party,
rightwing or leftwing, can support them. There are many questions that have
no answers from Musharraf and only he can give them.

Under what political framework will the new polls are held, for there is no
Constitution in force except his say so? Will he restore the Constitution
that is supposedly alive but in suspension before the polls? If so, where
will he stand? He has yet to specify what amendments he wants to make in
the organic law and how? If he writes them in his own hand, will that
compel the newly-elected Assemblies to remain within the four walls of the
amended Constitution? Above all, what will happen if the elected Assemblies
do not comprise a two thirds majority of Musharraf supporters? How will he
get himself elected, as there were indications from him that he did not
regard the April Referendum to be a proper election for himself? Would he
resign if the new Assemblies refuse to elect him, give him the indemnity
for transgressing the Constitution or to accept his 'reforms'? And so
forth.

The opposition Alliance for Restoration of Democracy has just refused to
met Gen. Musharraf on June 18 because the General did not agree to discuss
the political demands of ARD (which combines the two biggest mainstream
parties of Nawaz PML and PPP. The General wanted to talk on just one point:
India's menace of the massed troops on the borders --- with a view to
getting their support against a possible Indian aggression. Nawaz loyalists
are however protesting against the new Musharraf policy on Kashmir and many
top leaders and nearly 300 workers of the PML(N) have been arrested by the
police.

The leftwing in Pakistan has been in tatters as a political force for a
long time. The implosion in the Soviet Union hit them too hard and none of
their leading lights has even the foggiest notion of what programme or
policy they can or should adopt --- beyond a few simple notions of Social
Democracy, anti-imperialism, minority rights and secularism, regional
autonomy etc. But there are many intellectuals who are groping. Abul Fazal,
a former Ambassador, is one of them who has in a Dawn article called
Pakistan a neo-colonial state presumably requiring a national liberation
struggle.

Others are freely describing Pakistan as an occupied state --- indeed it is
seen as being under double occupation: of a neo-colonial Army and of the
overlordship of the American imperialism which has chosen to stay on
militarily in Pakistan, indefinitely, to fight terror. Now, these
descriptions are made with a variety of motivations. While some politically
insignificant lefties say this to empty benches, so to say, it is now
rightwing religious parties who are the new significant inheritors of the
mantle of anti-imperialism who are pushing an entirely different agenda
from that of earlier anti-imperialists. Well, such is life.

A fledgling school of thought has made its appearance. It is just beginning
to walk. It is of NGO provenance. It thinks that Subcontinent's biggest
problem is religious intolerance bequeathed by centuries of social stasis
and stagnant religious thought and an ante-deluvian world view. Dire need
is seen of dragging South Asia into Modernism and even 20th Century, let
alone the 21st. But without violence and through political education.
Secularism --- in the sense of keeping the states totally outside the
sphere of religions --- is the crying need of the hour. Both India and
Pakistan are seen to need it badly. Votaries of this school think that
secular and democratic forces in the two countries need to coordinate their
work and explore the possibility of joint campaigning.

This is in piquant correspondence with the quasi official American urging
that Pakistan and India face a common enemy in terrorism --- which
incidentally favours a war between the two countries. It would not mind if
the war graduated into a nuclear one. It is certainly not invalidated by
the fact that some Americans also say this. Moreover one detail makes all
the difference: it is that secularism as a stark political need has to be
accompanied with the concept of extending as well as deepening of democracy
as the first social and political priority. Let's say Amen to the Americans
and go beyond them.

_____

#2.

India's brinkmanship and over-reliance on America are no signs of=20
wisdom and maturity

Lessons from the almost-war

By Praful Bidwai

By nominating APJ Abdul Kalam as its presidential candidate for=20
despicably opportunist reasons, the ruling alliance is putting into=20
practice The Advani Thesis. This philistine thesis contemptuously=20
dismisses Amartya Sen's well-reasoned argument that health and=20
education hold the key to development. It maintains that defence and=20
militarisation open the doors to true progress.

Kalam has many outlandish ideas, including combining the occult with=20
hardcore science, powering airliners with nuclear fission, and=20
putting "bio-implants" into "deficient" brains. But in common with=20
The Advani Thesis is his abiding faith in the military-industrial=20
complex as the motor of progress.

Dogged advocacy of militarisation is the sole public face of Kalam,=20
an engineer-turned-manager, wrongly called a "scientist" by sections=20
of the media which go into a paroxysm each time a missile is=20
test-flown. Militarist nationalism is also a trade-mark of our ruling=20
dispensation. And its figleaf.

Just as anti-Pakistan jingoism and the post-Kaluchak border-buildup=20
rescued the NDA from a devastating Opposition-civil society attack=20
over the Gujarat pogrom, its leaders hope that Kalam's candidature=20
will cover up the rabid communalism of its core, the BJP. But Kalam=20
may be too much of the RSS' "poster-boy Muslim" to serve even as a=20
figleaf.

Echoing The Advani Thesis, militarism's media-drums continue to beat=20
out propaganda. We are told the Vajpayee government's reckless gamble=20
of cranking up the war machine with 700,00 soldiers was a strategic=20
"master-stroke". A "determined" India, through its show of might,=20
made Pakistan "blink", and called its "nuclear bluff".

Even better, goes the chorus, India blasted its way out of the=20
burdensome "mental block" imposed by nuclear deterrence. Now, free of=20
both that block and cross-border infiltration, New Delhi now can=20
militarily do what it likes, especially in Kashmir.

These propositions are deceptive, if not dangerous, half-truths. For=20
instance, it was not New Delhi which stared Islamabad down. It was=20
Washington. India's "coercive diplomacy" was no more than crude=20
brinkmanship, directed less at Pakistan than at the Major Powers,=20
especially the US. When bitter nuclear rivals confront each other=20
with a million troops, their brinkmanship of necessity has a=20
nuclear-blackmail dimension. The US's pervasive role as mediator,=20
go-between or peace-maker between India and Pakistan falls just short=20
of Camp David.

This high-risk gamble seems to have (partially) succeeded for reasons=20
which favour New Delhi, but which are hardly of its making: the=20
claimed presence of Al-Qaeda elements in the Kashmir Valley, Pervez=20
Musharraf's growing political weakness, especially after the=20
referendum, and Pakistan's overt nuclear threats and missile=20
test-flights in late May.

Islamabad particularly alarmed the world when its UN representative=20
demanded that "India should not have the licence to kill with=20
conventional weapons while Pakistan's hands are tied=8A" This generated=20
a diplomatic disaster and turned the tide further against Islamabad.

This happened within a larger context defined by a realignment of the=20
US-India-Pakistan triangular relationship since the Cold War's end,=20
the ascendancy of the most right-wing and pro-US government in=20
Independent India's history, vigorous promotion of India-US=20
"strategic partnership" since the Clinton visit, Bush's "discovery"=20
of India as a useful junior ally and especially, the post-September=20
11 emergence of counter-"terrorism" as the central axis of US policy,=20
focused on Al-Qaeda/Taliban.

If triumphalism is wrong, it is downright delusional to hold that=20
India called "Pakistan's nuclear bluff". Pakistan wasn't bluffing. It=20
has the weapons-which it brought into the open at India's taunting=20
and goading-, the delivery vehicles, the excuse (conventional=20
"asymmetry"), and the doctrine, of first use. We are plain lucky=20
there was no nuclear catastrophe.

Some hawks who wanted to "call the bluff", reposed their faith not in=20
nuclear deterrence-their sole rationalisation for the Bomb in the=20
first place-, but in the US's presumed ability to disarm Pakistan's=20
atomic arsenal before it could be used.

It defies credibility to argue that Pakistan's military would not=20
disperse or hide its jealously guarded "trump-card" nuclear weapons,=20
and it would cede control over them to the US. And it is ludicrous to=20
attribute to the US the magical power to locate and destroy=20
golf-ball-sized nuclear cores-without risking serious mishaps.

Admittedly, India's massive show of military strength played a role=20
in the drama. But that role was minor. International opinion favoured=20
India not because it was impressed by its nuclear brinkmanship or=20
might, but because it saw it as the "aggrieved party".=20

It is because India was able to produce some evidence of infiltration=20
of fidayeen militants into Kashmir-and because it invited the US to=20
verify this-that Washington stepped up pressure on Islamabad. It was=20
in America's own interest to force Islamabad to cooperate more fully=20
in hunting down Al-Qaeda militants.

It is open to question if India could have used largely non-military=20
means to attract world attention. But it is beyond question that=20
both India and Pakistan practised dangerous brinkmanship-to frighten=20
the world about the likelihood of war. If war did break out, its=20
dread logic would impel escalation to the nuclear level-with=20
unspeakable consequences.

Nuclear war is everybody's business. That's precisely why the US=20
could intervene so actively to defuse the South Asian flashpoint.

Rather than reflect on how close South Asia's one billion-plus people=20
came to a nuclear catastrophe, and why US-USSR-style nuclear=20
deterrence does not operate here, our self-styled strategic "experts"=20
are busy patting themselves on the back for smashing the "mental=20
block" of deterrence. Rather than draw lessons from Kargil-where=20
Pakistan prepared a nuclear attack-, and devise risk-reduction=20
measures, our policy-makers want to expand their mass-destruction=20
arsenals, accepting no restraint or discipline.

Two issues are now critical: who verifies that there is no=20
cross-border infiltration, and what policy India takes towards=20
Kashmir. India can't be both complainant and judge as regards the=20
cessation of infiltration. Pakistan has rejected joint-patrolling=20
proposals since 1972 for fear they would make the LoC a permanent=20
boundary and cheat it of a negotiated Kashmir deal. India dreads=20
empowering UN agencies for fear of "internationalising Kashmir".

Perhaps the best compromise would be a multilateral agency composed=20
of different governments and non-governmental organisations like=20
Verification Technology Information Council and International=20
Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, which have some=20
expertise/experience in such matters. This would be vastly preferable=20
to US-UK aerial surveillance or US-controlled sensors.

Kashmir will be India's litmus test. Like it or not, Kashmir stands=20
internationalised thanks to Pokharan-II, Kargil and the latest=20
almost-war. India can no longer avoid discussing the issue with=20
Pakistan, nor indefinitely resist reasonable demands for ending its=20
repressive approach.

India must evolve a coherent Kashmir policy which goes beyond holding=20
elections and announcing unattractive economic "packages". Going by=20
the arrest of Syed Ali Shah Geelani and Yasin Malik, the cruel=20
harassment of journalist Iftikhar Geelani, and official briefings on=20
ending the Hurriyat's "appeasement", the government is moving in the=20
wrong direction.

Official signals are likely to put off various moderate currents=20
whose participation could make the coming elections meaningful and=20
give Kashmiris a much-needed breather. But a change of course means=20
repudiating The Advani Thesis.-end-

_____

#3.

MUSLIM SHRINES & SHOPS TURNED INTO 'PSEUDO- HINDU' TEMPLES

by Batuk Vora

Ahmedabad: People outside Gujarat may not believe this but it can be=20
seen here with naked eyes ? defiling the Muslim religious shrines and=20
replacing them with fake Hindu gods of Sangh Parivar!

Most of the 267 shrines ? mosques, dargahs, idgahs, Peer dargah and=20
scores of Muslim owned shops and properties and even madrassas have=20
been turned into Hindu 'temples' where people go everyday with=20
coconuts or garlands and lamps worshipping them as if there was no=20
Muslim shrine or shop here!!

One funny name of a stone laid on many destroyed shrines is 'Hulladia=20
Hanuman' (riotous Hanuman), and of course, 'Jai Shri Rama' idols can=20
be seen placed in most of the burnt down properties of Muslims ?=20
including garages, shops and cabins! One can see such an organized=20
desecration in Eastern Ahmedabad, in particular. Paresh Tanna, a=20
resident of Bapunagar, said "we see those saffron-banded boys of=20
Bajrang Dal everyday with coconuts and lamps and pretending to=20
worship those gods at burnt down Muslim shops."

Among those 55 mosques and dargahs destroyed in Ahmedabad city alone=20
(as enumerated and identified by Bombay based magazine 'Combat=20
Communalism') are Saras Peer Mazar at Paldi, Zafar Row House Masjid=20
at Vatva, Peer Hazarat Samsuddin dargah, 400-year old mosque at=20
Menhdikuva in Dudheshwar, Sabarmati Highway mosque, Bibima Kabrastan=20
durgah, Idgah Kankaria, Mariambibi historic mosque, etc.

Places and shops owned by Muslims since decades where the Sangh=20
Parivar boys have 'proudly' placed their stone gods, are located at=20
Thakkarbapa Nagar, Bapunagar, Rahematnagar, Naroda, Odhav, Nikol and=20
Khokhra areas, according to local daily Gujarat Today. Police=20
complaints made by the original owners of these properties have not=20
brought any result so far. Affected victims have tried to remove such=20
intrusions through collector, police commissioner or even ministers=20
at Gandhinagar but without any success.

During a spree of announcements made by the chief minister recently,=20
he said that destroyed shrines would be handed over to NGOs to=20
rebuild. But not a single such NGO has come forward yet to undertake=20
this job as the government has not allocated a single paisa for the=20
purpose.

A Jaihind Bakery existing since last 30 years at Thakkarbapa Nagar=20
has a temple put up overnight! Nurjehan Abdul Pathan owned this=20
Bakery but it was looted and then burnt down on February 28 Gujarat=20
Bandh day itself. One can see a temple over there at present. Pathan=20
said ?it was in the presence of police that this property was looted=20
and burnt down by a mob.? His 26 year old son Wahindkhan and 16 year=20
old daughter Sairabanu are missing till today.

In the same way at Naroda Krishnanagar area Shaukatbhai Ganibhai=20
Mansuri ran his cotton works since a decade which also has been tuned=20
into a temple now after looting and burning it down. A 'Mini-Auto=20
Centre' at Thakkarnagar char raasta area is also replaced by a fake=20
temple! Police has not removed it so far despite several complaints.=20
A non-vegetable shop at Naroda Patiya area has also been turned into=20
a temple. Akbar Yakub's shop at Nikol char raasta area has also a=20
'temple' at present.

Worst picture one gets is on several sites of Ahmedabad's historic=20
monuments which have been desecrated or looted and burnt down by the=20
frenzied Sangh Parivar led mob. Some of the famous heritage monuments=20
under the protection of Archeological Survey of India (ASI) and the=20
state archeology department still await survey of the huge damages.=20
Of them, Malik Isan mosque at Isanpur was supposed to be protected by=20
the state archeology department, while Hasan Shahid mosque also known=20
as Paththarwali Masjid was under the ASI. In the same way, Muhafiz=20
Khan mosque is located in the hot riot area of Gheekanta in the=20
walled city lying now desecrated.

"No work of survey had been started as yet" admitted D.R.Gehlot, "due=20
to the prevailing volatile situation." Initial damage at Malik Isan=20
mosque was considered to be worth Rs 12 lakhs, according to=20
Y.S.Rawat of the state archeology department. He said it could take=20
five years to repair it if funds were available and peace prevailed-=20
nothing of which permeates the situation at present. There are scores=20
of other sites which lie in ruin all over the state. THE END

_____

#4.

The Hindu
Thursday, Jun 13, 2002
Opinion - Leader Page Articles

Carving a path to Hindu rashtra

By Achin Vanaik

The next Lok Sabha elections could well be the key turning point in=20
the struggle pertaining to the future of Indian democracy - whether=20
it has one or not.

SOME OF the wider strategic implications of the Gujarat pogrom and=20
the latest bout of war-mongering (including nuclear brinkmanship by=20
both India and Pakistan) over cross-border terrorism are now becoming=20
clear. The moderate mask has been dropped and the Sangh has decided=20
that an unequivocal Hindutva posture is its preferred route to=20
achieving greater power and influence in the future. But this still=20
leaves key issues open. First, we have to be clear not only about the=20
immense danger that the Sangh represents to Indian democracy's future=20
but also about the path it is most likely to take in order to fulfil=20
its ambition of establishing a Hindu Rashtra. Then, we can try and=20
assess the obstacles and difficulties facing it, explore what tactics=20
the Sangh might adopt, so that forethought and challenge can stymie=20
its effort at advancement.

Though Hindutva ideologues often try and confuse matters by claiming=20
that India is already a Hindu Rashtra, which in English translation=20
means a "Hindu nation", they know that their model of Indian society,=20
if it is to come about, requires the prior establishment of a Hindu=20
state comfortably under Sangh control, which in coordination with the=20
RSS, can then carry out the dramatic re-shaping of Indian=20
society/polity demanded by a proper Hindu Rashtra. But there are only=20
two routes to achieving or attempting to achieve such sufficiently=20
strong state power - the electoral one of securing an absolute or=20
near-absolute majority for the BJP in Parliament; or bypassing=20
altogether the constitutional-electoral route and carrying out an=20
authoritarian coup either of a military-police kind, or a civilian=20
unconstitutional coup of the Emergency-type.

Fascism in Germany and Italy combined the electoral and=20
unconstitutional processes. A dominant but minority party comes to=20
power in a coalition through elections but then overthrows all=20
democratic-electoral restraints and establishes its authoritarian=20
state. For a number of reasons, the BJP cannot do this (as evidenced=20
by its period in power at the Centre since 1998), not least because=20
of the profound regionalisation of Indian politics. Nor does it seem=20
likely or possible for the BJP and the Sangh Parivar to repeat the=20
Emergency-type coup as a minority party though dominant in a ruling=20
coalition. The Congress, it should be remembered, was in 1975 already=20
the majority party in the Lok Sabha when it took that measure.=20
Moreover, once bitten twice shy. There is no way that the other=20
parties or the Indian public would quietly accept a repeat of the=20
imposition of Emergency-type rule.

The only realistic route for the Sangh, therefore, is in trying to=20
secure an absolute majority in the Lok Sabha elections or as close to=20
it as possible. Here it is faced with an obvious dilemma. Given its=20
static performances in the last two elections and the enduring=20
strength of regional parties, there seems to be no escape from=20
coalition rule whether it is led by the Congress or by the BJP at the=20
Centre. The earlier strategic perspective of the Sangh (before=20
Gujarat) seemed to be a more patient and longer term one. It was a=20
kind of two-stage approach. For sometime to come, coalition rule at=20
the Centre would be the norm and the Sangh should make sure the BJP=20
remained at the hub of successive coalition Governments. This would=20
help make it the "normal" party of national-level governance=20
enhancing its credibility in ever widening circles of the electorate=20
as well as giving it time to pursue a differentiated geographical=20
strategy aimed at weakening all its rivals. So, a somewhat more=20
aggressive Hindutva could be pursued in places where it was strong=20
but a more cautious approach would be adopted, e.g., in the South,=20
where it had yet to achieve a strong enough implantation. But Gujarat=20
has shown that the dominant sections within the Sangh no longer have=20
patience for such a strategy, one that is also uncertain and provides=20
no guarantees for delivering the final desired outcome. The next Lok=20
Sabha elections could well be the key turning point in the struggle=20
pertaining to the future of Indian democracy - whether it has one or=20
not. Obviously, the Sangh would like to get a sense of where it=20
stands, and of its wider prospects, after the Gujarat Assembly=20
elections which some believe can be called this October. If it=20
retains power or does not fare badly then this will be read as a=20
strong endorsement of the value of pursuing an aggressive Hindutva=20
stance. But even were the BJP to fare badly, aggressive Hindutva is=20
almost certainly still going to be seen as the only viable or=20
preferable option for it to pursue elsewhere in the country.

After all, so far nothing else has worked, with the BJP's inept=20
record of State-level governance leading to today's situation where=20
it is ruling only in Goa, Jharkhand and Gujarat. Thus, the key=20
tactical tasks of the Sangh are what steps or measures it must take=20
to create the circumstances that can polarise the next general=20
elections into a referendum on the ideology of the Sangh and help it=20
obtain enough support!

Two approaches are likely to be combined. One could be to instigate=20
communal violence and riots in other States. Furthermore, in the=20
ideology of the Sangh, being anti-Muslim, anti-Islam and=20
anti-Pakistan are all linked together. In fact, the constituency that=20
can be tapped through anti-Pakistan sentiments is much wider than the=20
constituencies available for the first two. Relations today between=20
India and Pakistan are at a nadir. And the BJP has noted how its=20
principal political opponent, the Congress, was effectively=20
outflanked by the Government's resort to `coercive diplomacy' over=20
the issue of cross-border terrorism, and how it successfully brought=20
around an otherwise secular constituency which in a time-honoured=20
manner convinces itself that in regard to external `security matters'=20
the Government's policies somehow stand above the narrower=20
party-ideological considerations of the BJP. Hence, the enduring=20
political attraction of pushing anti-Pakistan jingoism through the=20
creation of wartime or near-wartime tensions.

True, the U.S. presence in the region does act as a dampener against=20
waging a war or enacting the kind of `limited' incursion as a=20
response to a future act of cross-border terrorism that could then=20
escalate into a military exchange between the two official armed=20
forces. But it is not a guarantee that such an outbreak cannot happen=20
in the future despite the current receding of war clouds.

While winding down tensions between India and Pakistan is clearly a=20
current priority, one must not allow the deeper meaning of what has=20
happened in Gujarat to recede from public discourse and attention. It=20
is not Pakistan or cross-border terrorism inspired by Islamist=20
fundamentalist groups or the dilemmas in Kashmir (despite their=20
seriousness) that poses the greatest danger. It is our home-grown=20
version of religious-political fanaticism striving for ever greater=20
power that poses the greatest threat to our very existence as a=20
secular and democratic polity and society.

_____

#5.

The Hindu
Saturday, Jun 15, 2002
Opinion - Leader Page Articles
Before the night falls

By K. N. Panikkar

The Gujarat events are attempts to enforce a divided and=20
discriminative citizenship based on religious differences. Indian=20
democracy hasn't had such a body blow in its history.

WHAT HAPPENED in Gujarat has been chronicled by many and has=20
understandably aroused national and international indignation. Never=20
before have the dreadful possibilities of communal hatred so brutally=20
come to the fore. Notwithstanding the attempts to push them under the=20
carpet and to seek an alibi for the horrors perpetrated in the name=20
of religion, it is unlikely to be so easily erased from public=20
memory. Yet, it is necessary to outlive the inhuman experience of=20
this attempt at genocide with the collaboration and connivance of the=20
state and come to grips with its implications for the future of the=20
Republic. For what is at stake are the fundamental principles on=20
which rest the well-being of the society.

There is no simple answer to why Gujarat happened. The how is often a=20
reflection of why. Even a preliminary reading of the data collected=20
by several organisations and individuals reveal its fairly long=20
period of gestation, ideologically and organisationally. The theories=20
of retaliation and spontaneity have by now been laid to rest. The=20
evidence about planning and organisation is so overwhelming that the=20
extent, the intensity and the continuity of violence are not the=20
least surprising. Communalism, by general scholarly consensus, is an=20
urban phenomenon, with the middle class as its social base and the=20
poor and the marginalised as its fodder. But the recent events in=20
Gujarat indicate a change: the conflict has spilled over from the=20
urban to the rural sector. Not only the geographical but also the=20
social reach has undergone visible change. Unlike on previous=20
occasions, this time around the number of people involved in violence=20
- arson, looting, murder and rape - is very large, in some areas=20
numbering 10,000 to 15,000. And they were drawn from all sections of=20
society - the Adivasis, the Dalits, OBCs and upper castes. The reach=20
of communal consciousness in Gujarat society has expanded in recent=20
times, both vertically and horizontally.

No single cause would explain the massive mobilisation of communal=20
sentiment witnessed in Gujarat. Several interests - economic,=20
political, cultural and ideological - have converged to create a=20
social situation in which the irrational and the coercive gained=20
dominance. The social disruption it brought about inhered in it=20
several characteristics of fascism - intolerance, hatred, brutality=20
and urge for ethnic cleansing. And the triumph of fascism, as Peter=20
Fritzsche has observed, "has to be sought as much in the realm of=20
ideas and loyalties as in the convergence of economic and military=20
crisis". It is in this context the sustained ideological work by the=20
members of the Sangh Parivar, particularly during the last 20 years,=20
which has induced a social consciousness informed by communal=20
solidarity and religious antagonism, becomes meaningful.

The ideas and loyalties which communalism represent have percolated=20
into both civil and political society in Gujarat. In creating such a=20
situation, the cultural and social intervention by the volunteers of=20
the Parivar has indeed played a crucial role. More important,=20
however, is the contribution of agencies such as the media, education=20
and culture. They have grievously misrepresented both the past and=20
the present. The past is so constructed in innumerable pamphlets=20
circulated all over Gujarat, invoking history from the time of the=20
attack on the Somnath temple by Muhammad Ghori to events leading to=20
the partition of India, in order to demonise the Muslims and thus to=20
ostracise them. The Christians were similarly portrayed in the=20
context of conversion. The present, on the other hand, is vitiated by=20
the circulation of rumours like the possible attack of Hindus by the=20
Haj pilgrims, returning with lethal weapons and explosives. The=20
notion that non-Hindu is an enemy has been widely popularised and has=20
unfortunately gained acceptance in the minds of many. The=20
unprecedented participation of people drawn from different social=20
strata was partly the result of the shared feeling of common=20
community interest and antagonism to others thus created in society.

Gujarat society is undergoing an almost complete religious=20
demarcation. Ghettoisation, though a defensive mechanism, promotes=20
aggression and is likely to enhance the possibilities of violence. A=20
major casualty in Gujarat the right of the citizen to the protection=20
of his life and property by the state. Acting in a partisan manner=20
the institutions of the state discriminated the citizens on the basis=20
of their religious denomination. If a former Member of Parliament=20
failed to get help from the Government, the plight of ordinary people=20
is better imagined. A large number of people suddenly realised that=20
they had no citizenship rights or they had become second-class=20
citizens because of their religious belonging. This was not=20
accidental but wilful negligence by the state. M. S. Golwalkar had=20
advocated that non-Hindus had no right to equal citizenship unless=20
they subject themselves culturally and politically to the dominance=20
of the Hindus. The Government in Gujarat was implementing this=20
dictum, both in letter and spirit. As a result the non-discriminatory=20
citizenship, which is the essence of democracy, ceased to exist in=20
Gujarat. The state institutions, which were slowly but surely=20
communalised over the last few years, were privy to this partisan=20
attitude. Thus the protectors themselves turned into persecutors. The=20
Gujarat pogrom was the result of the convergence of purpose of a=20
communalised state and a part of civil society.

Those who claim to represent the `majority' are now imposing=20
conditions for the return of those displaced. These unfortunate=20
victims are forced to renounce their citizenship rights as a=20
precondition for their right to live on their own property. The=20
Government does not seem to have intervened to restore their rights.=20
This has serious implications for democracy as no nation with a=20
demographic composition drawn from different religious communities=20
can claim to be democratic if discrimination, either social or=20
political, based on religious identity is practiced. Majoritarianism=20
is essentially anti-democratic as it denies the principle of equality=20
in social and political life. Both the state and society appear to=20
have come under the influence of majoritarianism, as interpreted not=20
only in terms of the rights of the religious majority but also=20
antagonistic to the rights of the minority. The Gujarat events are=20
attempts to enforce this divided and discriminative citizenship based=20
on religious differences. Indian democracy hasn't had such a body=20
blow in its history.

Gujarat is therefore a political marker, heralding a new stage in the=20
advance of Hindutva to the realization of its fascist potential. The=20
forebodings of fascism have been in the air for quite some time. Its=20
ideological origins are rooted in the Hindu revivalism in the 19th=20
century and further articulated in the early part of the 20th by=20
communal ideologues such as V. D. Savarkar and M. S. Golwalkar. The=20
praxis of Hindu communalism in recent years has foregrounded its=20
fascist possibilities, more clearly in the events of Gujarat. Those=20
who believe that fascism has arrived may not be very much off the=20
mark, as it is only waiting to cross the doorsteps when the state and=20
society finally succumb to Hindutva. The question then is whether the=20
secular forces, scattered in a variety of social and political=20
formations, are ready and willing to take cognisance of the war cry=20
fascism raised in Gujarat. That is before the night falls.
_____

#6.

The June issue of the-south-asian has been published=20
(<http://www.the-south-asian.com>www.the-south-asian.com) . The=20
contents of this issue include:

<http://www.the-south-asian.com/June2002/Mt_Everest_1.htm>Mt.=20
Everest - beginning of 50th year celebrations ;=20
<http://www.the-south-asian.com/June2002/Mt_Everest_3.htm>Sherpas -=20
the Real Men who bring glory to others ;=20
<http://www.the-south-asian.com/June2002/Mt_Everest-facts_4.htm>Everest=20
Facts ; <http://www.the-south-asian.com/June2002/K2_Expedition.htm>K2=20
- an account of a winter expedition ; Super Achievers & Success=20
- <http://www.the-south-asian.com/June2002/Arjan_Singh.htm>Marshal of=20
the Air Force Arjan Singh ,=20
<http://www.the-south-asian.com/June2002/Super_achievers_Arts.htm>Shovana=20
Narayan, Sidhartha Basu & Anjolie Ela=20
Menon , <http://www.the-south-asian.com/June2002/Gill_and_Trehan.htm>KPS=20
Gill & Dr. Trehan ; Sciences=20
- <http://www.the-south-asian.com/June2002/Indra_Varma_Polymers.htm>Indra=20
Varma - Polymers ;=20
<http://www.the-south-asian.com/June2002/Gujarat_Sahir_raza.htm>Sahir=20
Raza - capturing Gujarat images ; Interview with=20
<http://www.the-south-asian.com/June2002/Jeev_Milkha_Singh.htm>Jeev=20
Milkha Singh ;=20
<http://www.the-south-asian.com/June2002/Baba_Saheb_Kite_aficionado.htm>Bab=
a=20
Saheb - the grand old man of kite-flying ;=20
<http://www.the-south-asian.com/June2002/Raja_Bundela_Pratha.htm>Raja=20
Bundela's=20
'Pratha' ; <http://www.the-south-asian.com/June2002/Cycle-Rickshaw_1.htm>T=
he=20
reincarnated Rickshaw ;=20
<http://www.the-south-asian.com/June2002/Ananda_retreat.htm>'Ananda'=20
spa in Garhwal Himalayas ;=20
<http://www.the-south-asian.com/June2002/Tanjore%20Art.htm>Indu=20
Gupta's new dimension to Tanjore paintings

--=20
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