[sacw] SACW #2 | 9 June 02 [Gujarat / Communalism / India]

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire #2 | 9 June 2002

South Asia Citizens Web:
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

South Asians Against Nukes:
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/NoNukes.html

__________________________

#1. Geography and economics of Gujarat's violence (J Sri Raman)
#2. Testimonies + Program of Gujarat Hearings, US Commission on=20
International Religious Freedom
#3. The Killing Fields of Gujarat Public Forum at UCLA (Los Angeles, June 9=
)
#4. India: TV Spots on Peace & Harmony
#5. Drama in New York - Shabana Azmi in New York ... Reading from=20
"Riot". (Shahshi Tharoor)
#6. Human Rights In India - The Lessons Of Gujarat and Kashmir (J.S.=20
Bandukwala)
#7. Booklet on how each of us can help reduce communal prejudice and violen=
ce
#8. War threat helps BJP consolidate, opposition falters (Ajit Sahi)

__________________________

#1.

The Daily Times (Lahore)
9 June 2002

Geography and economics of Gujarat's violence

J SRI RAMAN
The ground has been shifting from states like Uttar Pradesh with=20
Muslim ghettos to those where India's largest minority has acquired=20
affluence and assertiveness. My unfriendly caller was doubtless as=20
agitated about the affluence of Muslims working in Dubai as about the=20
distant Somnath
The grisly events in Gujarat, among other things, point to the new=20
geography of communalism in India. The violence also had its economic=20
dimension. There is an obvious need to understand both as also the=20
dominant political strand that led to the violence.

The geography of violence has, in fact, not gone entirely unnoticed.=20
The riots have shocked the Indians not only by their scale (with the=20
toll rising to 2,000 in three months) but also by where they have=20
occurred, the unlikely territory so to speak. True, Ahmedabad has=20
long been considered a "communally sensitive" city (as the persistent=20
colonial coinage still puts it); also, the Bharatiya Janata Party has=20
been in power here. Yet, no one expected the whole of Gujarat to=20
behave like another Uttar Pradesh, the state which forms the=20
heartland of the militant 'Hindutva' creed.
Gujarat is Mahatma Gandhi's land, his legacy. How could this come to=20
pass in Gujarat? Secondly, how could this happen in a state, to which=20
one could readily apply an old aphorism about America: the business=20
of Gujarat is business. Whoever expected communal passions to move=20
the 'Patels', the generic name for the commercially successful=20
immigrants from the coastal State in the USA, the UK and Africa?
The practitioners of the politics of historical revenge, however, say=20
they expected Gujarat to blow up as it did. One of them, apparently=20
an ordinary member of the extended Sangh Parivar in the southern city=20
of Chennai, phoned me after a public rally on Gujarat. Did I know, he=20
said, that Gujarat had its 'mandir (temple)' issue long before Uttar=20
Pradesh acquired its in Ayodhya? That the Somnath temple had been=20
pillaged by Mahmud of Ghazni? Yes, I knew the story from the school=20
textbooks. And some of us thought that the militarists of Pakistan=20
had dealt a cleverly provocative blow to our cause by naming their=20
new missiles 'Ghaznavi'. But, did Somnath, or deep-rooted revanchism,=20
suffice to explain the latest riots?
Romila Thapar, one of the historians whom the 'Hindutva' camp would=20
like to outlaw, raised an uncomfortable question in this context. She=20
drew attention to a Sanskrit-Arabic inscription of AD 1264 from=20
Veraval-Somnath, recording acquisition of land for building a mosque.=20
"The land was acquired through the agreement of the local=20
pancha-kula, a high-level administrative body whose membership=20
included the Shaiva priest presumably of the Somnath temple, the=20
merchants and the elite of the area. The maintenance of the mosque=20
was also arranged through the purchase of the estates of various=20
temples. No mention is made of the raid of Mahmud on Somnath". Nor=20
does it find mention, she notes, in Bilhana's history written not=20
long after the raid.
Asks Thapar: "Were memories surprisingly short or was the destruction=20
of the temple... exaggerated in the Turko-Persian accounts? Or were=20
the profits of trade - doubtless the lucrative horse trade of Gujarat=20
- of surmounting concern for the priests and elite of Somnath? Or=20
were the Arabs and Persians from the Gulf treated in a friendly=20
fashion... ?"
A different question can be raised in today's context. If economic=20
interests shortened memories then, do similar interests serve now to=20
perpetuate the theme of historical revenge?
Indicative is the choice of the land of hard-headed businessmen as=20
the first "laboratory of Hindutva" (as the high priests of the=20
ideology have labelled it). Especially, if seen in the light of the=20
fact that this is only the latest in a series of signs pointing to=20
the communalism shifting its ground. Recall this decade's major=20
communal violence - in Mumbai, Maharashtra, Coimbatore, Tamilnadu -=20
where pelf seems to have played a bigger role in what seemed crimes=20
of passion and politics.
The ground has been shifting from states like Uttar Pradesh with=20
Muslim ghettos to those where India's largest minority has acquired=20
affluence and assertiveness. Some of the Muslim names associated with=20
Mumbai's underworld have been used to communalize the country's=20
financial capital. My unfriendly caller was doubtless as agitated=20
about the affluence of the minority community working in Dubai as=20
about the distant Somnath.
Television interviews of Gujarat's tribesmen testified that they were=20
influenced by propaganda against Muslim "exploiters". The assaults on=20
the prosperous Bohra community, spared in the past riots, are an=20
additional illustration. The minority has become an unlikely=20
substitute for Jews of the Shylock-like image to indigenous fascism.
Those using the fig leaf of "cultural nationalism" have provided more=20
such evidence with looting by members of a "respectable" middle class=20
during the riots. Says Arvind Lodaya, an Ahmedabad designer: "When I=20
overheard two neighbours in my apartment block discuss the goodies=20
they had looted, I started wondering if this was the right place for=20
my kids to grow up in." The hope is that many more parents will begin=20
to ask themselves the same question.
The writer is a journalist based in Chennai, India. A peace activist,=20
he has contributed the main essay to "The Media Bomb," a study of=20
Indian media responses to India's nuclear-weapon tests of 1998. He is=20
also the author of a sheaf of poems under the title 'At Gunpoint'

____

#2.

The US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) which=20
is holding a hearing on the recent anti-Muslim violence in Gujarat,=20
on June 10 at 9 AM, in the Longworth House Office Building, at the=20
Capitol Hill in Washington DC.

Several people are scheduled to present submissions and testimonies=20
in this hearing. Teesta Setalvad (commnalisn Combat, Bombay, Father=20
Cedric Praksh (Prashant, Ahmedabad) from India are in Washington from=20
8th to 12 June, are present at USCIRF hearings

Among prominent people that have submitted written testimonies there=20
are: Mrs Nishrin Hussain and Mr Najid Hussain, daughter and=20
son-in-law respectively of late Mr Ehsan Jafri, former member of=20
Indian parliament who was burnt alive in the carnage in Gujarat .
Their written testimonies are available at:
(Testimony - Najid Hussain :=20
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/NajidHussainTestimony2002.html
(Testimony : Nishrin Hussain :=20
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/NishrinHussainTestimony2002.html

o o o o o o o o o o

[The Programme at the hearing is given below]

U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
June 6, 2002
Contact: Lawrence J. Goodrich, Communications Director, (202) 523-3240, ext=
. 27

Commission to Hold Hearing on Religious Violence in Gujarat, India

WASHINGTON - The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom,=20
an independent government agency advising the Administration and=20
Congress, will hold a hearing on Monday, June 10 in Washington, D.C.,=20
on "Recent Communal Violence in Gujarat, India, and the U.S.=20
Response." The hearing is scheduled from 9:00 a.m. to 11:30 a.m. in=20
the Longworth House Office Building, Room 1302.

Background
Recent communal violence in the Indian state of Gujarat has killed at=20
least 1,000 people, the majority of them Muslims. The Commission is=20
holding a hearing to examine evidence suggesting that the violence=20
was carefully planned and involved the state government's officials=20
and police. The information gathered from witnesses at this hearing=20
will assist the Commission in developing further recommendations for=20
U.S. policy.

To date, the confirmed witnesses and schedule are as follows:

9:00-9:15 Welcome and Introductory Remarks by Felice D. Gaer,=20
Commissioner
9:15-10:20 Panel I: Events on the Ground in Gujarat

Najid Hussain, University of Delaware
Kamal Mitra Chenoy, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi

10:20-10:25 Break
10:25-11:30 Panel II: The Future of Communal Relations in=20
India and the U.S Policy Response

Sumit Ganguly, University of Texas
Robert Hathaway, Woodrow Wilson International Center

______

#3.

COALITION FOR AN EGALITARIAN AND PLURALISTIC INDIA, L.A.
and the Southern California Colloquium on South Asian History present

THE KILLING FIELDS OF GUJARAT

One thousand people or more, largely Muslims, have been killed in=20
Gujarat since the outbreak of violence three months ago. Many=20
commentators and political observers familiar with Indian politics=20
and history recognize that this is no mere communal riot, but=20
something quite out of the ordinary, perhaps even a state-sponsored=20
pogrom. "Genocide in the land of Gandhi" is how the violence has been=20
described. How does one understand it? What is the relationship of=20
this violence to the rise of Hindu militancy, contemporary world=20
politics, and globalization? What does it mean for the future of=20
Indian democracy? Come attend a public forum to discuss these=20
questions with panelists
John Ishvaradas Abdallah
Shonali Bose
Vinay Lal
& Nikhil Shah

on Sunday, June 9th, on the UCLA Campus, in Bunche 6275, 2-6 PM

For further information, send an email to ssamee@a...,=20
SRMahdi@h..., vlal@h..., or ikshukla@h...

_____

#4.

Date: Tue Jun 4, 2002 1:08 am
Subject: TV Spots on PEACE & HARMONY

ADVERTISEMENT
TV SPOTS 'LET'S BUILD A BETTER INDIA TOGETHER'

A series of 4 TV Spots on 'stop the violence' theme has been recently=20
produced by f-20 Communications, a Bangalore based production house.=20
The spots, ranging between 30 to 45 seconds duration, are produced in=20
both English as well as Hindi. The series was a result of voluntary=20
efforts of the team.

Support in terms of funds (needed to cover the equipment and other=20
technical costs) came from 3 reputed NGOs working on developmental=20
issues (VOICES, OXFAM INDIA & MADHYAM) who found the idea worth=20
giving a shot. Individuals like Padmini Jaikrishnan (Art Director),=20
Jimmy (Voice over artist), Preksha (child voice over artist) and many=20
others contributed towards the project in their own ways.

These spots, carrying a positive messages for 'building a better=20
India together' will be played during the 'Peace Festival' being=20
organized by the 'Bangalore Initiative for Peace' at Gandhi Bhavan on=20
the 8th & 9th of June at the 'White Ribbon Campaign' stall throughout=20
the two days. They have also been sent to various national TV=20
channels to be aired as public service messages.=20

The idea was developed against the backdrop of the senseless violence=20
that erupted in Gujrat more than 2 months ago. The team feels that=20
there is an urgent need for broad based media intervention. It is=20
time perhaps to remind ourselves that we Indians are a peace loving=20
people. Violence and hatred does not have any place in any decent,=20
civil society.

f-20 Communications intend to continue with more work on similar=20
lines of 'positive communication'. People or organizations=20
interested in funding the next project or getting VHS or CD copies of=20
these Spots can contact f-20 Communications at f20com@y... or=20
call 91-80- 5494250.

Dr. Parvez Imam

_____

#5.

http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/mag/stories/2002060900100300.htm
The Hindu
Sunday, Jun 09, 2002
Magazine

Drama in New York

Shabana Azmi in New York ... Reading from "Riot".

[By Shahshi Tharoor]

"I CAN see the double standard here," Shabana Azmi snapped. "Muslims=20
say they are proud to be Muslim, Christians say they are proud to be=20
Christian, Sikhs say they are proud to be Sikh, and Hindus say they=20
are proud to be ... secular."

Alright, Shabana Azmi didn't really say it. Not as Shabana Azmi: she=20
was on stage in New York's New School University auditorium, reading=20
lines I wrote in my novel Riot, which had been adapted for the=20
occasion by the American director Michael Johnson-Chase. And she was=20
playing the angry Hindutva chauvinist Ram Charan Gupta, a character=20
as far removed from Shabana Azmi's own perceptions of communal=20
realities in India as, say, Shri Ashok Singhal might have been.

But that was the whole point of the event. Its principal organiser,=20
the Indo-American Arts Council's tireless Aroon Shivdasani (who=20
despite her name is a woman, and a feisty dynamo of a woman at that)=20
wanted to create a piece of literary theatre that went to the heart=20
of the communal divide of our times. She saw in my novel Riot an=20
opportunity to give voice to the different viewpoints articulated by=20
the characters in the book (who are caught up in a riot in the=20
fictional Uttar Pradesh town of Zalilgarh during the Ram Sila Poojan=20
agitation of 1989), in order to set the stage for a discussion of=20
communal issues in India and the recent tragic violence in Gujarat in=20
particular. So the novel was adapted to a staged reading for four=20
characters, whose contending views - of the Hindu-Muslim divide in=20
India, the merits of the Ram Janmabhoomi dispute and the nature of=20
the Indian nationhood to which all of us lay claim - would play off=20
each other dramatically. Shabana Azmi agreed to lend her considerable=20
prestige as actress, activist and parliamentarian to the event. So=20
did the wonderful thespian and culinary celebrity Madhur Jaffrey (who=20
took on the part of the liberal Muslim historian Mohammed Sarwar) and=20
the pugnaciously articulate Wall Street Journal editorialist Tunku=20
Varadarajan (who played his fictional fellow-Tamil Brahmin, the=20
novel's District Magistrate V. Lakshman). I added my own voice to the=20
list, reading the part of the hard-drinking, hard-swearing Sikh=20
police officer, Gurinder Singh, whose family had suffered in the 1984=20
Delhi riots but who still affirmed a vision for himself in building a=20
pluralist India from which no group would feel excluded.

For any author to hear his words read aloud by actors of this=20
calibre, who are eminent personalities in their own right, would be=20
extraordinarily thrilling; but it was even more humbling to see their=20
commitment to dialogue and diversity as the hallmark of the India=20
they all cherished. Shabana lost her father, the magnificent poet=20
Kaifi Azmi, the week before the event but came to New York anyway,=20
shrugging off jetlag and grief to attend every rehearsal like the=20
consummate professional she is. To share the experience with her was=20
a real privilege.

And it was made more so by the antics of a fringe group of Hindutva=20
agitators, calling themselves alternately the "Hindu Swayamsevak=20
Sangh" and (a nice Orwellian touch, this) "Indian-Americans for Truth=20
and Fairness in the Media", which embarked on a hate campaign against=20
Shabana and, incidentally, myself in the weeks leading up to the=20
reading. But their attempts to stir up hostility to the event, by a=20
hysterical, and somewhat indiscriminate, series of e-mails asking=20
people to protest outside the hall (one of which I even received=20
myself!) backfired; it simply prompted a number of secular Indians to=20
organise a counter-demonstration. So while the four of us declaimed=20
to a full house of 500, a noisier scene took place outside the=20
auditorium. Since I was on stage, let me take the liberty of quoting=20
from an account circulated on behalf of a coalition of anti-communal=20
and Left groups in New York by someone who participated in the rally:=20
"The IATF group was a motley group of 20 (all middle-aged men) who=20
... had posters that screamed Shabana is a Traitor, a Communist, a=20
Fascist, a supporter of Al-Qaeda and the Taliban. Their demonstration=20
was a personal attack on Shabana. It failed miserably because=20
[American] passers-by were clueless and wondering who the hell is=20
Shabana? Our rally was 60 people strong, a colourful group,=20
old/young, men/women, with wonderful posters .... We were penned in=20
by the police, a few feet from each other on the same side of the=20
sidewalk .... We effectively howled and shouted the [IATF] down.=20
Their only slogan was Go Back Shabana! We had a range of slogans in=20
Hindi and English and out-performed them completely. After a while,=20
their frustration was clearly evident. They stopped their=20
sloganeering, and started showing us the finger and other vulgar=20
gestures, and finally turned their backs on us."

The problem is precisely with those who would turn their backs on=20
dialogue, and that is what the four-member cast stressed in the=20
lively discussion with the audience that followed the reading. If we=20
could all understand that - as my novel tries to show - the very=20
pluralism of our arguments is a metaphor for the pluralism of India=20
itself, we might again be able to find ways to live together as we=20
have done for hundreds of years. That is why it was important that a=20
convinced leftist and secularist like Shabana should read the=20
impassioned rage of Ram Charan Gupta (which she did so well, I found=20
myself remarking, that I was almost convinced myself!) Understanding=20
the point of view of those with whom we profoundly disagree is the=20
first step towards learning to create a society which manages such=20
disagreement. Tunku and I would both be considered right-of-centre by=20
most Indians (a detail lost on the IATF e-mailers who denounced the=20
entire reading as a communist plot), but we found common ground with=20
self-described leftists on the fundamental issues of democracy,=20
diversity, and pluralism in our needlessly divided land.

To quote the counter-demonstrators' e-mail again: "The son and=20
daughter (along with their spouses) of the murdered MLA Ehsan Jaffri=20
were there too at the rally. They had driven from Philadelphia and=20
Delaware to be there, invited to take part in the discussion period=20
after the reading. They came after the programme had begun and were=20
not allowed inside by the security at the New School.

Some of us got a chance to chat with them and they spoke to us about=20
the tragic events. What was remarkable was that they spoke without=20
hatred and anger, only a great deal of sadness and grief." That is=20
the true measure of Indianness - not the hatred and anger of those=20
who want to overturn the injustices of centuries past, but the grief=20
and sadness of those who mourn the loss of justice and harmony in the=20
present. And fear its absence in the future.

Shashi tharoor is the author of Riot. Visit him at www.shashitharoor.com

_____

#6.

http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=3D20020607&fname=3Dbandukwala&=
sid=3D1
Web | Jun 07, 2002

HUMAN RIGHTS IN INDIA
The Lessons Of Gujarat And Kashmir
No society can progress, if it is steeped too deeply in the past --=20
and India, where the past is more divisive in nature, tending to=20
generate hatred and bigotry against one's own fellow citizens, the=20
need to move on is even stronger.
J.S. BANDUKWALA

World focus is on India and Pakistan. .A million strong armies of two=20
nuclear armed states are facing each other. The memory of Hiroshima=20
lies deep in the human psyche. In 1947 a geographical boundary was=20
drawn along religious lines. Hatred based on religion was converted=20
into a cold war, sometimes hot, between two countries: India and=20
Pakistan

The horrifying passions lurking just below the South Asian surface=20
were revealed by the attacks in early March, by extremists Hindus,=20
against Muslims in the state of Gujarat, following the equally=20
horrible attack by Muslim extremists at Godhra. The frightening=20
aspect was the involvement of the Government machinery in this pogrom.

Religious passions have bedeviled all the countries of South Asia.=20
The collateral damage due to this fanaticism has also affected the=20
United States, as seen tragically on 9/11.How do we control these=20
primordial hatreds, and channel them towards growth and development,=20
in a region widely considered among the poorest in the world?

India is the predominant state in South Asia, in terms of population,=20
economy and diversity. In every sense it is at the heart of South=20
Asia. It also has the best potential for tackling this religious=20
madness. It is a functioning democracy, with a vibrant media and an=20
alert but very slow, judicial system. Mahatma Gandhi is an iconic=20
figure in India, and a central aim of his life was the harmony of all=20
religious faiths Human rights are very much incorporated into the=20
Indian Constitution. The National Human Rights Commission is a=20
powerful and prestigious body.

Then why is it that India has not been able to control religious fanaticism=
?

The answer lies in the democratic structure of India. Democracy=20
involves elections. Politicians have to seek and cajole voters to=20
give them power. That is exactly how it should be. Ironically that=20
has a severe negative effect. As the average Indian is very=20
traditional and oriented towards religion, it gives a window of=20
opportunity to any unscrupulous politician to exploit religious=20
bigotry to draw political support. This has been the curse of India=20
since independence.

The tragedy of India lies in its past. Hindu-Muslim interactions=20
started within a hundred years of the advent of Islam in Arabia. This=20
interaction produced a rich cultural heritage, in the arts (the Taj=20
Mahal), music (Tansen), and in Sufism with its two remarkable=20
exponents: Guru Nanak and Kabir.

The Islamic precept of equality was superimposed on the Hindu caste=20
structure. This had far-reaching sociological implications for both=20
faiths. But it also involved Muslim rulers and Hindu subjects.=20
Sometimes it was Hindu rulers and Muslim subjects. The result is a=20
past that continuously haunts India. One can find countless cases of=20
horror, perpetrated by a Muslim forefather against a Hindu=20
forefather. Or it may be vice versa.

Is it fair to expect the present generation to settle that account, and how=
?

The issue becomes ultra sensitive, when it concerns a mosque or a=20
temple. In the Middle Ages, such places of worship used to be very=20
rich in terms of gold, and jewels. They attracted the plundering eye=20
of many kings and even far away invaders. Today, the memories of=20
those plunders and destruction can drive atavistic passions to a=20
crescendo.

It is estimated that the Ayodhya mosque temple dispute may have=20
caused the death of about ten thousand Indians in the past fifteen=20
years.

The future of India, and by extension, that of South Asia, is closely=20
tied to its capacity to control these religious passions. Basically=20
that calls for the people of India to have a modern, scientific=20
attitude. They must turn to the future .It is imperative that they=20
move away from the past. No society can progress, if it is steeped=20
too deeply in the past. This is more true for India, where the past=20
is more divisive in nature, tending to generate hatred and bigotry=20
against one's own fellow citizens.

The problem of Kashmir could have taken a different turn if we had=20
held free and fair elections in the state. Regrettably the only free=20
elections ever held there were in 1977, when the then Prime Minister=20
Morarji Desai expressly forbade any tampering. The argument that we=20
have to prevent anti Indian elements from being elected, overlooks=20
the tremendous price we have been paying, for rigging elections.

The last fifteen years of bloody conflict could have been avoided if=20
we had not rigged the 1987 elections. I wish Muslim United Front=20
MLAs, had sat in the Kashmir Assembly. I would much rather have them=20
inside the Assembly, than have them outside, shooting at our security=20
people .One hopes that the forthcoming Kashmir elections will be as=20
free and fair as possible. It may go a long way in calming the state.

No words are too strong to emphasis the importance of human rights in=20
India, including Kashmir and Gujarat. A great deal of death and=20
destruction in Gujarat could have been avoided if the Modi Government=20
had given due importance to the human rights of all citizens. The=20
police machinery must be fair and just to all. That automatically=20
prevents people from taking the law into their own hands

Gujarat is one of the few states that have refused to appoint a State=20
Human Rights Commission. Such obstinacy reflects the indifference the=20
Gujarat Government has for human rights. The Kashmir tragedy has been=20
compounded by the gross violations of human rights. There is no=20
faster way to lose the support of a beleaguered population than to=20
violate their human rights.

Possession of land may be redundant, if we have lost the trust of the=20
people. India's strongest card on Kashmir has always been the=20
presence of an Indian Muslim population, comparable with that of=20
Pakistan. Their well being and general integration into the Indian=20
population, was proof that Kashmiris could also integrate with the=20
country. Unfortunately the Gujarat pogroms make such a claim hollow.

There is a qualitative difference between Pakistan and India. It=20
would be unfair to treat both on a par in terms of women's rights,=20
minority rights and even the general emphasis on human rights.=20
Pakistan deliberately chose a theocratic structure, making its state=20
polity subservient to religion. Pakistan is widely viewed as a failed=20
state.

The reason is its theocratic nature. Minorities have practically no=20
say in Pakistan public life. There is a steady decrease in minority=20
population percentage in Pakistan. What does it indicate? It is=20
exactly the reverse in India. Secularism is a cornerstone of Indian=20
polity. Gandhi gave his life, to enable Muslims to live with dignity=20
in the country. Which country can boast of a Father figure who=20
sacrificed his life for the minority people?

Our founding fathers, including Sardar Patel, realized that the soul=20
of India lies in its diversity. As Swami Vivekananda so wisely=20
mentioned, religions are like rivers, flowing ultimately into the=20
same vast Ocean, we call God. In another comment, he dreamt of an=20
India with a Muslim body and a Hindu mind.
Secularism is vital for the very survival and emergence of India as a=20
great and prosperous country. The day we abandon secularism, India=20
will be reduced to the level of Pakistan, but on a larger scale. That=20
is the inherent danger of Gujarat.

India's survival demands an honest separation between Government and=20
religion. All Indians have to be treated as equal citizens of the=20
same Mother India. That is the essence of secularism. But we as a=20
people have failed to make secularism operational. If we succeed, the=20
benefits for Hindus, for Muslims and for the country as a whole will=20
be tremendous. Hindus must get over the holier than thou feeling=20
towards Muslims.

Secularism is not an act of charity towards Muslims. Rather it is a=20
national imperative.

Muslims too have to change, not only in their own interests, but also=20
for the wider interests of Muslims throughout the world. Muslims and=20
Hindus have to learn to live together. Special efforts must be made=20
to respect each other's feelings. Confrontation must give way to=20
adjustment, for the larger good of all of us, particularly our poor.

How long will our people suffer from Ayodhya? Can't we solve it=20
mutually in a spirit of give and take? Haj subsidy and polygamy will=20
have to go. I fail to understand how a secular Government can grant=20
subsidy for Haj, for that invalidates the Haj itself. Similarly why=20
should Indian Muslims insist on polygamy, when even the Holy Koran=20
mentions that such a practice is only to be followed under very=20
strict conditions, which are not possible today. Based on this, even=20
Egypt and Pakistan have outlawed polygamy.

The highest priority must be given to business and industry, second=20
to education, particularly for girls, and finally to smaller
families. Muslims have to realize that science and modernity are not=20
incompatible with Islam. To assume otherwise is a great injustice to=20
Prophet Mohammed.
------------------------------------------------------------------------

(The author is on the faculty of M.S. University, Baroda. He is the=20
Gujarat vice-president of the People's Union of Civil Liberties=20
(PUCL) and the general secretary of the Baroda Welfare Society, an=20
organisation that focuses on the economic and educational uplift of=20
Muslims, particularly women. The above is the text of a lecture he=20
gave today
at MIT, Boston)

_____

7.

We have published a small booklet on how each of us can help reduce=20
communal prejudice and violence in our midst. This booklet, called=20
"What kind of India shall we give to our children?" has been printed=20
in a trilingual version (Urdu, Hindi and English - together in 90=20
pages) and is available for Rs.10/- each. Thius booklet is most=20
suitable for
parents, teachers and anybody who cares to make India a tolerant and=20
prejudice free society. A list of some topics discussed in the=20
booklet are given at the bottom of this mail.

We would request all of you to buy a copy and also help us spread it=20
to as many people as you can. If you are in Delhi, kindly pick up a=20
copy from any of the following addresses. Otherwise, send us your=20
postal address and we will send you a copy.

The writing and publication of this booklet has been an entirely=20
voluntary effort, made possible by contributions from many friends.=20
We would like more people to contribute to our battle against=20
communal prejudice and violence. You could participate in it by some=20
of the following ways:

- Buy many copies of this booklet and distribute them to your=20
friends, and persuade them to read it.

- Tell us about more people (with their addresses) who might be=20
interested in reading this booklet.

- You could also help us by monetary contributions, or by supplying=20
us postal stamps which we can use to send the book to more and more=20
people. The cheque/DD can be made in favour of Communicators'=20
Cooperative Ltd.

Please send your postal address to the following email or fax:

<mailto:yousufsaeed@i...>yousufsaeed@i...
Phone: 9810379016, fax: 91-11-6822414
Website: <http://www.cc-india.org/>http://www.cc-india.org/
Postal Address: Communicators=ED Cooperative Ltd.
C-2/1, Church Compound, Sukhdev Vihar, New Delhi-110025 India

Also: Yousuf Saeed, N-13 Batla House Ext., Sailing Club Road, Jamia Nagar,
New Delhi-110025

Some of the ideas discussed in the booklet:
1. Being 'Secular' is not being anti-religion
2. India belongs to many communities
3. Seeds of prejudice at home
4. Why do you look like that?
5. Can I wear your clothes?
6. Children need wide exposure
7. Which school is best for my child?
8. Are you a teacher?
9. Reading textbooks, history
10. Why and how do we read history?
11. Sending your child to a religious school
12. Is my religion better than others?
13. Don=EDt wear your faith on your sleeves
14. Intervene in the public opinion
15. "Who began it all?"
16. Maintain peace in your mohalla
17. Passing through "their" mohalla
18. Facing the "mob"
19. Dealing with the Law
20. Is it news or rumour?
21. Who are the "terrorists?"
22. Television and Media
23. Inside your office/workplace
24. Shopping with a bias
25. Know your politician
26. Participating in corruption
27. What makes you loyal to your country?

Yousuf saeed
Communicators' Cooperative

______

8.

War threat helps BJP consolidate, opposition falters (NEWS ANALYSIS)

By Ajit Sahi, Indo-Asian News Service

New Delhi, June 8 (IANS) Just three weeks of tensions along the troublesome
India-Pakistan border, and the country's political kaleidoscope has
undergone a near complete change.

When terrorists said to be Pakistanis massacred 32 people, including wives
and children of Indian soldiers, near Jammu city on May 14, the ruling
coalition of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee was in deep trouble.

Vajpayee's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had been mauled in a string of stat=
e
elections in February and a bloody outbreak of sectarian violence in
BJP-ruled Gujarat had sullied the party's image both within and outside the
country.

The BJP was literally having its back to the wall when the terrorists
struck. Two days later Indian and Pakistani troops along the winding border
in Jammu and Kashmir began firing and shelling at each other.

Within a week it was evident the two countries may again go to war, and the
world sat up - fearing a disastrous nuclear conflict in a region that is
home to more than a billion people.

The Vajpayee government's decision to up the ante against neighbouring
Pakistan, on charges of fuelling a violent insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir,
has paid rich dividends.

Vajpayee and his colleagues are not exaggerating when they claim that the
country is solidly behind them. If India were to attack terrorist training
bases in Pakistan now, nothing would please the mass of Indians more.

"The border trouble has come at a most opportune moment for the BJP, and it
is obviously breathing a sigh of relief," remarked V.B. Singh, who heads th=
e
Centre for the Study of Developing Societies here, a think tank.

"Not only has the war situation forced people's attention away from the
Gujarat violence, it has also eased pressure on BJP governments both in New
Delhi and in Gujarat to book those who carried out the mass killings."

A majority of the killers, investigators admit, were Hindu rightwing
activists allied to the BJP. For a little over three weeks, the happenings
in Gujarat have disappeared off the front pages of newspapers.

Added bonuses have been a good electoral showing in Goa that helped the BJP
to retain power in the small western state, and a political crisis in nearb=
y
Maharashtra state that could bring the BJP and its ally Shiv Sena to office
in Mumbai, the country's financial capital.

But more than anything else, it is the war rhetoric that has virtually
rallied the entire political spectrum behind the government - just as it
happened when India hit back at Pakistan-backed guerrillas after they seize=
d
strategic hills along the Jammu and Kashmir border in 1999.

There is also across-the-board appreciation of the Vajpayee government for
standing firm against Islamabad's threats - later denied - to unleash
nuclear weapons if Indian troops bombed the terrorist training centres in
Pakistan.

All this is a far cry from just about a month ago when even government
allies came out against the BJP for failing to control the largely
anti-Muslim violence in Gujarat that has killed nearly 950 people and left
thousands homeless.

It even led to the exit from the cabinet of Coal Minister Ramvilas Paswan.

In contrast to the BJP's fortunes, the opposition is appearing far more
disjointed -- although for an altogether different reason -- than it did
before the war threats began looming.

There is simmering disagreement among the mainline opposition political
parties over the choice of India's next presidential candidate.

While the main opposition Congress party and the Communist Party of
India-Marxist (CPI-M) vociferously backed President K.R. Narayanan for a
second term, the Samajwadi Party refused to back him.

All three parties had worked rather in tandem when they launched a volley o=
f
attacks on the Vajpayee government over Gujarat - both in Parliament and
outside. But the impending presidential election has driven a wedge between
them.

One opposition leader, P.A. Sangma, has again raked up the issue of Congres=
s
president Sonia Gandhi's foreign origin, saying the opposition would not
unite behind her in the event the Vajpayee-led coalition collapses.

Said analyst Singh: "The opposition appears disjointed because it is
disjointed. The Gujarat issue brought them together but that was a temporar=
y
phase.

"The problem with both CPI-M and the Samajwadi Party is that they want to
keep the Congress out of any combination that aims for power. This is
obviously good news for the BJP."

--Indo-Asian News Service as/mr
--=20
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South Asia Citizens Web (http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996.
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