[sacw] SACW #1 | 6 April. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire - Dispatch | 6 April 2002
http://www.mnet.fr

__________________________

#1. Spare Pakistan from Adhocism: No to Referendum (Dr. Iftikhar H. Malik)
#2. We are all Guilty (Mallika Sarabhai)
#3. Muslim schoolkids targeted in Gujarat (Vinay Menon)
#4. Political economy of communal terror (Manabi Majumdar )
#5. Is India going the way of 1930s Germany? (Arun R Swamy )
#6. India: A Public Meeting on The Carnage in Gujarat and POTA ( Bombay)

__________________________

#1.

Spare Pakistan from Adhocism: No to Referendum.
(Dr. Iftikhar H. Malik)
Certainly, it is not wise for our military leaders and their=20
advisors to push Pakistan into the throes of another unnecessary=20
political polarisation, which has serious ethnic, constitutional and=20
ideological ramifications in the making. While the official machinery=20
is all geared upon getting General Pervez Musharraf `elected' to a=20
five-year term by simply ignoring the constitutional and other=20
electoral proprieties, several voices from within the country are=20
counseling against such a unilateral and dare-devil pursuit. It is=20
true that in terms of objective realties, Musharraf, albeit the=20
Pakistani Army, is the de facto political force and specially given=20
the post-11 September Western validation of the military coup for=20
their own interests, resisting one more army chief donning a mufti=20
may sound rather idealistic. Yet, this single step-however innocuous=20
and harmless it may appear to its detractors-- will simply push=20
Pakistan yet into an abyss of serious crises making it more=20
ungovernable. The issue of referendum involves not just the=20
legitimization of Musharraf's coup and his self-assumed presidency;=20
it affirms the prioritisation of personal, sectional and ad hoc=20
interests over the societal, democratic and pluralist imperatives.
This article simply highlights some of the serious problems=20
waiting in wings for Pakistan, if Islamabad, pushed by the GHQ,=20
follows the referendum route to sanction Musharraf's cherished desire=20
of concurrently holding on to the four top-notch offices of the army=20
chief, presidency, chief executive and prime ministership. This=20
rather uncalled-for concentration of powers in one person is neither=20
good for these offices nor for the country as it simply smacks of=20
authoritarianism besides the primacy of an individual or of the GHQ=20
over all other national institutions. It equally substantiates the=20
claims that Pakistan's major difficulties have come from the=20
concentration of powers and her inability in developing sovereign,=20
accountable and participatory institutions.
If history is to be our guide, Pakistan underwent two=20
referenda under the past military rulers; and all of them turned out=20
to be disasters. Even the contemporary supporters of such exercises=20
fully remember the lack of public support and enthusiasm, which had=20
resulted into massive rigging. Zia's referendum, despite its=20
`Islamising' postulations and `koshered' support from B teams, was=20
called Rigrandom; Musharraf's white wash will be no exception, and=20
the more the intelligence agencies and other props would try to show=20
the higher percentage of turn out and `yes' votes, the more ridicule=20
it will attract. In a serious sense, referendum-especially with only=20
one candidate and no alternative agenda or choice-- is itself an=20
arcane process, which simply debilitates the laid-out constitutional=20
norms of seeking an office through universally, acknowledged public=20
mandate. It also affirms that the General, while seeking the highest=20
office in the country, is basically shying away from the laid norms=20
and is skirting around the issues. It also shows that due to his=20
untenable and constitutionally insecure situation in the=20
post-election scenario, the General is preempting through a buffer=20
fa=E7ade.
Secondly, the proposed referendum-despite all the low=20
turn-out or even negative voting-will make the future parliament=20
totally redundant as the latter will be under the strong thumb of a=20
uniformed president. Instead of the constitutional powers as commonly=20
agreed in the Constitution of 1973, Musharraf will be following in=20
the footsteps of General Zia. On the contrary, if the future=20
parliament refused to be a mere rubber stamp despite some kowtowing=20
Prime Minister in place, the president will simply dissolve it, or=20
the country will suffer from another costly polarisation, or a=20
possible fragmentation. We saw that time and again under General Zia=20
and the wily Ghulam Ishaque Khan, when parliaments were coming into=20
office to be shown out through presidential vetoing powers. Thus,=20
neither a cowed down parliament sans powers nor a body asserting its=20
legislative and sovereign role-which it would deserve and desire-will=20
be acceptable to the General and his serving and retired colleagues.=20
It may be packed with so-called technocrats and such other elements=20
but then it will prove another sham like Zia's Shoora. Related to=20
that is the worrying ethnic situation in Sindh, where the Urdu=20
speakers may support Musharraf but Sindhis will simply boycott it or=20
vote against it besides demanding the return of Benazir Bhutto, which=20
will definitely escalate the ethnic polarity.
Thirdly, Musharraf's proposed amendments in the Constitution=20
seeking indemnity and consolidation of powers a la Zia style=20
assuredly mean that Pakistan is, once again, in for the vicious cycle=20
of musical chairs. The amendment process is properly laid out and any=20
person fiddling with it that may simply aggravate country's travails=20
where, once again, temporary personal gains or insecurities may be=20
overriding national prerogatives. This had already happened in 1969,=20
1971, 1977, 1985-5, 1988 and so on. Isn't it time to make a fresh and=20
healthy start in the country's interests unless the GHQ wants to=20
continue ruling us by ruling out all the autonomy of judicial,=20
political, economic and constitutional institutions? Ironically, the=20
Supreme Court has also created a very dangerous precedent-one more=20
time-of allowing an individual to amend the constitution. Regardless=20
of the fact who is wearing the military uniform at the time, isn't it=20
a mockery of justice and constitutional proprieties? With due respect=20
to the higher judges, there is no possibility of their being=20
remembered as shining examples in the country's history; they had a=20
chance to put this country on the right tracks but alas that golden=20
opportunity was once again squandered!
Fourthly and very seriously, it is not proper and beneficial=20
to the military-on the payroll of the nation's taxpayers-to be=20
running the country, aborting/suspending/amending the constitution;=20
tailoring the country's domestic and foreign policies as these jobs=20
are best left to the public representatives. Since our army has=20
deeply mired itself in the national policies-internal and=20
external-both the armed forces and the country have been on the=20
losing side. Governance is simply not their job as their prime duty=20
by virtue of being paid officials is to defend the country's borders=20
and not tamper its constitution. The betrayal of Jinnahist vision and=20
meddling in the country's political affairs or running its foreign=20
polices have already seriously compromised army's professionalism and=20
its commanders cannot repeating the stale mantra that all the=20
politicians have failed the country and that it is under a sever=20
threat from India. These two excuses do not carry anymore weight. Not=20
only the southern Pakistan has a different outlook towards the army=20
and security forces running the roost even the sober and critical=20
elements from within Punjab resent this daily uniform rehearsal. A=20
responsible and cool-headed army command would be rather extricating=20
itself from this extra-professionalism instead of getting further=20
sucked into it. It appears as if the sad events of 1958, 1965, 1971=20
or 1977 and others have failed to augur any change in the GHQ=20
thinking. However, it must be taken aboard that accoring to a=20
critical view the Pakistani generals, so involved in the country's=20
affairs, are neither willing nor properly equipped to fight, nor are=20
desirous of establishing peace with its neighbour, simply because in=20
both these scenarios they would be the main losers, though the=20
country may benefit.
Fifthly, the supporters of referendum must realise that every=20
time the army has tried to bypass the laid out political and=20
constitutional processes and instead offered its own so-called=20
systemic short-cuts, they all gruesomely failed. In fact, the tragic=20
separation of East Pakistan could have been avoided or at least=20
bloodshed and humiliation could have been spared if the political=20
processes through civilian representatives were allowed to function.=20
Musharraf's political formula will meet the same death as that of=20
Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan and of Zia ul Haq but only after rendering=20
Pakistan further marooned and hapless. No doubt, some of our=20
political leaders in the last ten years failed to strengthen the=20
democratic and accountable credentials, but majority of the=20
representatives was patriotic and meant well. General Musharraf does=20
not hold a magic wand to offer us new leaders altogether; let us rest=20
assured we will be dealing with the same feudalist families and=20
regional influentials. Thus, all the promises and hopes of a=20
breakthrough are not true.
Sixthly, the fact remain that the military coup was brought=20
in for personal reasons; it was a counter coup and thus heralding it=20
into revolutionary heroics is irresponsible. General Musharraf was=20
brought in by generals and he will stay as long as they desired;=20
thus, the entire political map under consideration is meaningless=20
unless the GHQ is ready to make a substantial break with the past by=20
allowing an uninterrupted working of the normal democratic and=20
representative institutions. If Musharraf has introduced some=20
reforms, even after three years their economic, social and general=20
impact remains limited. The promises for a liberal Pakistan were made=20
under the external pressures and not because the civil society in the=20
country had been heard for the first time by a benevolent leader in=20
Islamabad.
Instead of pursuing referendum and other ad hoc and costly=20
diversionary schemes it is crucial for Pakistan to seek a tangible=20
solution to its growing misgovernance through the full implementation=20
of 1973 constitution. Certainly, the solution to the flawed democracy=20
is more democracy and not another coup that leads us into an unending=20
maze of dilemmas and uncharted territory. Individuals, especially the=20
public servants, are there to serve the nation and not vice versa. If=20
Musharraf could make a break with the past generals and their=20
disastrous policies, history will remember him with respect and=20
Pakistan will be the main beneficiary. On the contrary, if he pursues=20
the tested path of his discredited predecessors then he would=20
certainly prove another of those tin-pot dictators whose power and=20
authority sprang from the barrel of a gun and whose departure left=20
their societies in a deeper mess.

____

#2.

Mainstream (April, 6, 2002)

We are all Guilty
by Mallika Sarabhai

I stand amidst the ruins of civilisation as I knew it. In a penumbra=20
that seems unending. In a winter fog where "our" kind get into their=20
fancy cars and loot and pillage while SMS-ing friends about the best=20
places for satisfying unbridled greed. In a land where "friends"=20
speak a language of vile hatred. In a State where Kubera is the only=20
mantra and Lakshmi the only woman to bed. In a city where the R word=20
desecrates humaneness.

I accuse. For they have taken away my pride at being a human being,=20
the smile that lurked on my lips when I spoke of my city. They have=20
emptied my wardrobe of the colour saffron. They have taken away my=20
joy of belonging to a land of understanding and compassion for=20
difference. And the ability to say with a glint in my eye that I=20
belong to the people who gave Gandhiji his non-violence.

I accuse, for they have turned us all into puppets, pulled by the=20
strings of selfish opportunism. Into a voiceless, gutless race. For=20
having taken away the worst names we could call those others: animal;=20
junglee; rakshasa; beast. For leaving us with only one name=20
deregatory enough for what we have become: mankind.
I accuse, for I have let myself be numbed into docility. Into feeling=20
that I could get on with my work and things would be all right. That=20
ultimately good would prevail. For letting the educated and "should=20
know better, should care more" group become the silent majority=20
neutered by the vociferous lunatics set on self-destruction. For=20
letting myself become a part of that silence. For trusting=20
incorrectly. For letting everyday inanities dull my soul to the=20
genocide being planned and executed.
I accuse. We have become a country of the blind and the deaf, the=20
self-centred and the soulless. We have become a country where our=20
leaders lead us on superfluous paths of promises. Where leaders have=20
become bleeders. Where warped priorities become the toast of the town=20
while reality withers with the disenfranchised.
Was it always this way? Am I old enough to hanker after "the good old=20
days"? I am sure I remember a time, not so long ago, when we were not=20
known by caste alone but as people. When values were not yet the red=20
spit that paan-chewers bloodied the walls with. And when you could=20
have a conversation at a dinner table without someone you knew well=20
saying, "Serve the bloody people right; they need to be wiped out=20
once and for all." I remember a time when schoolchildren still stood=20
up for the national anthem. A time when something was sacred, valued,=20
beyond bigotry.
I accuse, for I, we, have allowed things to come to this pass, I, we,=20
have given a new meaning to the period called Kalyug. I, we, have=20
become the Mahishasuras that swallow and destroy the world. Our only=20
answer, our only sanity lies in plumbing our depths to find the=20
Mardini in each of us, that vanquishes the Asuras. There are no=20
external solutions left. There is no "we" and no "they". We are them.=20
Myself and every citizen of this once great nation.
Yes, I accuse. Myself and every citizen of this once great nation.

_____

#3.

The Hindustan Times
Saturday, April 6, 2002
=20=20=09=20
Muslim schoolkids targeted in Gujarat
Vinay Menon
(Ahmedabad, April 5)
The pogrom in Gujarat may be far from over. Intelligence collated by=20
the Gujarat Police reveals that "Hindu activists" are piecing=20
together a survey to identify students from rich, educated Muslim=20
families in some prominent schools here.

The objective, sources say, is to sustain the fear psychosis that has=20
overcome the minority community, resulting in a sharp drop in the=20
number of Muslim students attending school. "By conducting the=20
survey, these religious maniacs are trying to force Muslim families=20
to get their wards to leave these schools for good. A kind of=20
cleansing of the education system, without spilling any blood," said=20
a senior police officer.

The three schools targeted are Xavier's Loyola Hall, Diwan Ballu Bhai=20
and Ankur.

This is the second time since the riots began that a "survey" like=20
this has been conducted. On February 27 (a day before the riots=20
began) meetings were reportedly held in several pockets of Ahmedabad=20
city to identify Muslim properties and houses. This information was=20
then passed on to mobs that attacked the targets.

Several VHP and Bajrang Dal leaders have FIRs registered against them=20
for leading these mobs - a charge both organisations deny.

Intelligence inputs have not identified specific organisations that=20
are responsible for the latest 'survey', but the needle of suspicion=20
points in a familiar direction.

"Our report shows that school staff, bus drivers, and autorickshaw=20
drivers who ferry the children to school have been asked to assist in=20
leaking information about Muslim students," said the police officer.=20
"The idea this time being not necessarily to attack the targets, but=20
to scare the children to the extent that it becomes difficult for=20
them to attend schools without fear of being attacked."

Collecting such information, sources say, is not a difficult task for=20
these 'surveyors' since they have popular support. "It is not strange=20
to see a schoolbus driver, who is also an activist or relative of an=20
activist of one of the many Hindu organisations, assisting these=20
goons in their job," the officer said.

Information, it is reported, is also being collated by the same group=20
of Hindu activists on what remains of Muslim business establishments=20
across Gujarat.

Such behind-the-scenes legwork continues even as eight areas with=20
some minority presence in Ahmedabad city alone remain tense and under=20
curfew. "The Prime Minister's speech was an effort in confidence=20
building. But today, after more than 36 days of rioting, we still=20
cannot walk on the streets of the city like free men, without fear of=20
communal violence," said Anwar, a resident of Daryapur.

One dead, 6 hurt

Communal violence continued in Ahmedabad and other parts of Gujarat=20
on Friday. One person was stabbed to death and six others were=20
injured. Police opened fire to disperse mobs in Ahmedabad. In=20
Lunavada town, an accident between a rickshaw and a tractor sparked=20
off communal clashes. Night curfew continued to be in force at many=20
places in south, central and north Gujarat where the situation was=20
under control but tense.

______

#4.

The Hindu
Saturday, Apr 06, 2002

Political economy of communal terror
By Manabi Majumdar
Hardly any cracks have developed in the hegemonistic rule of the=20
elite in Gujarat, further facilitating the consolidation and thriving=20
of reactionary forces.
http://www.hinduonnet.com/stories/2002040600091000.htm

______

#5.

http://www.fpif.org/commentary/2002/0203indhind.html
Foreign Policy in Focus
[March 27, 2002]

Is India going the way of 1930s Germany?
By Arun R Swamy

The recent rounds of violence between religious groups in India do=20
more than reveal the fragility of India's secular state. They=20
highlight the inability of Indian democracy to combat what is=20
essentially a fascist onslaught.
At first glance what is happening in India appears to be another - if=20
extreme - case of religious passion gone awry. A train carrying Hindu=20
activists from the disputed religious site of Ayodhya was firebombed=20
by a mob, killing 58 of the activists. Several days of revenge=20
attacks by Hindus against Muslims followed in the state of Gujarat,=20
killing more than 700.
However, India's Hindu nationalists have always resembled 1930s=20
European fascists more than they do contemporary "fundamentalists".=20
Members of the core organization of Hindu nationalism, the Rashtriya=20
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), founded in the 1920s, are given paramilitary=20
instruction, not religious, and wear khaki uniforms reminiscent of=20
Mussolini's brownshirts. While the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP),=20
founded in the 1960s, is mainly concerned with religion, it still=20
does not prescribe how Hindus should worship or behave - an=20
impossible task given the diversity of Hindu religious practice.
Instead, like all Hindu nationalists, it is bent on characterizing=20
Muslims as alien and hostile while seeking to unify Hindus around a=20
romantic nationalism, in which military prowess plays a central role.=20
Hindu nationalists' emphasis on international prestige has won them=20
the support of the Westernized middle class, typically the target of=20
Islamic fundamentalism. Their focus on demonizing Muslims rather than=20
promoting Hinduism is illustrated even by the dispute over Ayodhya,=20
where extremist Hindu groups destroyed a 16th-century Muslim mosque=20
in 1992, sparking nationwide sectarian riots in which more than 2,000=20
people died.
Hindu nationalists claim that a temple on the same site honoring the=20
birthplace of the Hindu deity, Rama, was torn down to make way for=20
the mosque. For Hindu extremist groups, the claim that a temple was=20
torn down to build a mosque - for which there is no concrete evidence=20
- was at least as important as the claim that Rama was born at the=20
site. The destruction of the mosque was commonly spoken of in terms=20
of retaking territory that had been lost to invaders.
Hindu nationalists have identified other mosques that they wish to=20
destroy, claiming that these, too, were built on temple sites. For=20
none do they claim the sanctity associated with the birthplace of=20
Rama. Indeed, the purpose of claiming a particular site as Rama's=20
birthplace - for which there is no basis in theology or tradition -=20
was to justify tearing down the existing mosque.
It is this fascist ideology, and the fact that a party espousing it=20
is at the head of the national government, that makes the recent=20
anti-Muslim pogroms in Gujarat so much more disturbing than earlier=20
rounds of riots. As horrific as the recent violence was, more died in=20
1992. But the political establishment's response this time has been=20
ambivalent and feeble. The paralysis in the political system is=20
emboldening the Hindu extremist organizations responsible for the=20
Gujarat "riots" to press their agenda more forcefully. There are=20
times when India seems to resemble Germany in the 1920s and early=20
1930s.
The analogy to the rise of Hitler is not one that should be made=20
lightly, but there are many parallels. The Gujarat attacks were not=20
spontaneous expressions of mob rage but were highly organized and=20
brutally efficient, probably identifying Muslim homes and businesses=20
through the use of public records. The state government was almost=20
certainly complicit in the wave of violence that affected the entire=20
state and saw no effort by the police to control it. The central=20
government was slow to dispatch the army, and has attempted to put=20
the focus on the train attack, for which they blame Pakistani=20
intelligence.
The state government initially sought to limit judicial inquiry to=20
investigating the train attack, to use its emergency powers only=20
against those accused of the train attack, and to offer higher levels=20
of compensation to the (Hindu) victims of the train attack on the=20
grounds that they were victims of terrorism. Even many liberal=20
intellectuals and politicians, whose protests forced the state=20
government to retract some of these measures, have tacitly accepted=20
the idea that several days of targeted anti-Muslim violence can be=20
equated with the attack on the train, and even resulted from it.
Worse, there has been no effort by those in power to hold those=20
responsible for the Gujarat attacks accountable. The national=20
government, run by the same party as the state government, the=20
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has chosen not to use its=20
constitutional authority to take over the state's administration=20
despite having attempted last year to do so on law and order grounds=20
in another, opposition-ruled state. Although the government has=20
banned militant Islamic groups, it has ignored calls by parties both=20
in the opposition and in its own coalition to do this to Hindu=20
extremist organizations. The involvement of these organizations in=20
the Gujarat violence is widely attested to, and they were banned=20
after they tore down the Ayodhya mosque in 1992.
Worse still, even after the Gujarat riots the government negotiated=20
with the VHP over its plans to begin construction of a temple on the=20
disputed site. The compromise involved an official in the Prime=20
Minister's Office accepting possession of two pillars intended for=20
inclusion in the temple structure. Even though this seriously=20
compromised the Indian state's claims to religious neutrality, the=20
government has congratulated itself for defusing a potentially=20
explosive situation.
To be sure, the government is in a tight spot. BJP members of=20
parliament have expressed outrage at the government's refusal to let=20
temple construction proceed until the Supreme Court rules on the=20
subject. However, statements and actions by Hindu extremist=20
organizations since suggest that they have been emboldened by the=20
concessions the government has made. Over the weekend of March 15,=20
members of several right-wing Hindu organizations stormed and sacked=20
the legislative assembly of the state of Orissa for unknown reasons,=20
while the RSS warned Indian Muslims that their safety depended on the=20
goodwill of the Hindu majority. The next week the VHP indicated that=20
it had plans to carry the ashes of the train attack victims in=20
processions throughout the country - an act calculated to incite mob=20
fury. It later disavowed its plans when many of the BJP's coalition=20
allies threatened to pull out of the coalition if the plans were=20
carried through.
The opposition parties and some of the BJP's coalition allies have=20
succeeded in checking the VHP to some degree. They have called for=20
Hindu extremist organizations to be banned, and condemned the=20
compromise with the VHP over the performance of the temple ceremony,=20
as well as the attack on the Orissa assembly and the RSS' statement=20
on Muslims. In addition to blocking the alleged plans to carry the=20
ashes of Hindus killed in the train attack in a procession many have=20
threatened to withdraw their support if the Ayodhya temple is built.=20
The BJP leadership has promised to abide by the Supreme Court's=20
ruling on the temple site. However, the VHP can undertake many=20
provocative acts short of actually constructing the temple and has=20
announced plans for more religious ceremonies centering on the temple=20
issue around the country. There is a limit to how many battles the=20
allies can fight and win from within the government.
The BJP's allies have been reluctant to withdraw from the government=20
and indeed voted with the government in passing a Prevention of=20
Terrorism Bill that will significantly weaken protections for civil=20
liberties including allowing confessions extorted from prisoners by=20
police to be admitted as evidence. The act, the provisions of which=20
are currently in operation as an executive order, was defeated in the=20
Upper House of parliament where the opposition parties are in a=20
majority, but it then passed in an unusual joint session of=20
parliament. During the acrimonious debate, two former prime ministers=20
charged that the existing ordinance was used selectively against=20
Muslims in Gujarat, while the current leader of the opposition, Sonia=20
Gandhi, argued that the law would be used by the national government=20
to intimidate its opponents and divide the country.
Short-term political calculations keep the government in power. Most=20
of the BJP's allies are regional parties. The opposition Congress=20
Party, which has won a string of recent elections, is their local=20
rival. Similar divisions between the Congress and other opposition=20
parties have also hindered efforts to form an alternate coalition.=20
Indeed, some opposition parties are gravitating toward the government=20
out of tactical considerations even as some of its allies pull away=20
from it. Meanwhile, the two communist parties, outwardly the most=20
opposed to the BJP, have announced that they would refuse to support=20
a Congress government because of differences with that party's=20
economic policy.
This combination of organized thugs affiliated with the ruling party=20
who terrorize a minority community and intimidate a silent majority,=20
with a divided opposition in which the center is getting squeezed=20
from both sides, is only the most obvious parallel to Germany in the=20
early 1930s. Over the past few years, the BJP has tried to reshape=20
the secondary-school curriculum by stealth in ways that fit with=20
Hindu nationalist ideology and has presided over the slow=20
militarization of the polity. By casting the Pakistan-supported=20
insurgency in Kashmir as a crisis of national security, military=20
expenditures have been increased while social welfare expenses have=20
been cut. The command structure of the armed forces, which were kept=20
divided for decades to ensure civilian control, has been unified in=20
recent years. With the passage of the Prevention of Terrorism Bill,=20
the government will have most of the tools it requires to gradually=20
reduce the space for dissent.
There are many factors that could prevent this from happening. The=20
Supreme Court has blocked both the VHP's plans for Ayodhya and the=20
release of new textbooks following the social-studies curricula. The=20
National Human Rights Commission, which in India has some judicial=20
powers, has rejected the Gujarat government's initial report on the=20
riots as "perfunctory" and demanded a more thorough accounting. With=20
the opposition parties controlling the presidency, Upper House of=20
parliament, most state governments, and therefore the electoral=20
college for electing the next president this summer, it would be=20
difficult for the BJP to significantly alter the constitutional=20
balance or to declare a state of national emergency. Moreover, the=20
government has a stake in preserving India's credentials as a secular=20
state, in order to maintain US pressure on neighboring Pakistan to=20
crack down on militant Islamic groups and in order to develop=20
economic ties with Islamic countries like Iran. Continued=20
provocations by Hindu extremist organizations could yet force a rift=20
between the BJP and its allies or even within the BJP, which is=20
divided over the temple issue.
However, the difficulty India's mainstream parties have had in=20
maintaining a united opposition to the BJP's agenda, and the change=20
in the international attitude toward civil liberties since September=20
11, make it difficult to feel confident that Hindu fascism will be=20
defeated. For this to happen, both centrist parties in the ruling=20
coalition, and India's friends abroad, will need to recognize that=20
what happened in Gujarat was not just another instance of religious=20
communities in conflict. Rather, as Indian opposition leaders have=20
charged, it was part of a broader tendency toward eliminating civil=20
liberties and scapegoating cultural minorities in an aggressive=20
effort to impose a unified sense of nationhood on one of the world's=20
most culturally diverse societies.
Arun R Swamy is a fellow at the East-West Center in Honolulu, Hawaii.

_____

#6.

A Public Meeting on The Carnage in Gujarat and POTA

On Saturday 6th April 2002
at YWCA , Madam Cama Rd. ( Next to St. Anne's School, Near Regal=20
Cinema. [Bombay])
5.00 pm to 7.30 pm.

Speakers:
V.P.Singh
Mahesh Bhatt
Shabana Azmi

--=20
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit citizens wire service run by
South Asia Citizens Web (http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996. To
subscribe send a blank
message to: <act-subscribe@yahoogroups.com> / To unsubscribe send a blank
message to: <act-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com>
________________________________________
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.