[sacw] SACW #2 | 27 August 02 [ India: Gujarat Pogrom and after / Shiv Sena in Bombay]

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Tue, 27 Aug 2002 01:26:08 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire #2 | 27 August 2002

__________________________

#1. Teesta Setalvad Award Acceptance Speech Rajiv Gandhi Sadhbhavna Award, =
2002
#2. BJP Rebuffed On Gujarat - Don't profit from genocide! (Praful Bidwai)
#3. Lives less ordinary (Harsh Mander)
#4. BJP's Pari-war (TOI Edit)
#4. Book Review: Shiv Sena's apocalyptic politics of self-esteem=20
(Pratap Bhanu Mehta)

__________________________

#1.

Date: 20 August 2002, New Delhi

Teesta Setalvad Award Acceptance Speech Rajiv Gandhi Sadhbhavna Award, 2002

Teesta Setalvad, joint editor of Communalism Combat was awarded the=20
Rajiv Gandhi Sadhbhavana Award, 2002 along with Harsh Mander, Action=20
Aid India.

Esteemed friends,

While humbly accepting the honour being conferred upon me, my heart=20
and thoughts reach out to the hundreds of thousands of displaced=20
persons, six months without home or hearth, 35,000 children who have=20
lost one or both parents and borne witness to debased levels of=20
violence, women who have borne the brunt of their gender and=20
community identities, men and boys who feel shellshocked even now at=20
the conspiracy unleashed -in Gujarat.

The violence, perpetrated with single minded and cynical design and=20
state connivance represents a milestone in the subcontinent's bitter=20
record of inter-community bloodshed. For, while there are the hapless=20
and forgotten Kashmiri Pandits also displaced and bitterly abandoned=20
in Jammu and Delhi camps, they have been innocent victims of=20
foreign-bred mercenaries not home grown terror bands; terror bands=20
who moreover speak of a narrow sense of Indian patriotism and=20
nationhood.

Today those who seek to drastically alter the notion and idea of=20
India, an India painfully carved out in 1947, an India wedded out of=20
deep pragmatism and principle to the ideals of equity, parity and=20
non-discrimination, occupy high office in the nation's capital and in=20
that state. They seek to use constitutional office for blatantly=20
unconstitutional designs. Mass murder is lightly excused and those=20
who masterminded the carnage are sought to be exonerated instead of=20
being morally quarantined. It is a measure of the deep erosion of=20
morality and principle in Indian public and political life that=20
offices like that of the prime minister and his deputy are used for=20
such narrow, divisive and sectarian gain.

The challenge before one and all of us, party and non party,=20
government and non government is to genuine forge a united front=20
against the forces of division, of facism, that threaten the basic=20
tenor and fabric of lived India, village India, urban India. For that=20
to happen, mistakes of the past need to be corrected, a genuine=20
commitment to secularism re-affirmed. It behoves on the single=20
largest opposition party in India to take the lead in this, millions=20
expect it of you. Gujarat first and India too, offers a unique=20
opportunity for mistakes to be acknowledged, then corrected. There=20
can be no compromise on the fundamental principles of non-sectarian=20
governance and non-violence. If there have been serious deviations,=20
and there have been some, a whole nation's future and unity cries=20
that they are seriously addressed.

Rehabilitation, emotional and physical, of those affected in=20
Gujarat could provide a unique opportunity for building a healthy=20
committed cadre in that state. Those in Delhi and Gandhinagar who=20
are making a crude push for polls to reap a harvest from the hatred=20
that they have unleashed, I know and believe are crying wolf. A free=20
and fair election in Gujarat, an election not controlled and=20
manipulated by those who masterminded carnage, a poll where the=20
intelligence and poll machinery is left to it's constitutional=20
conscience, will not bring back mass murderers to power. Gujaratis,=20
one and all, I am convinced will reject the politics of hatred and=20
division if the poll is free and fair.

I take this opportunity to thank in spirit, if not by individual=20
name, each and every woman and man of conscience in Gujarat,=20
comrades-in-arms working tirelessly for succour and sanity. A tribute=20
to each one of them. At this moment, especially, I think of you and=20
the deep anguish shared in past months. Many thoughts and warm=20
gratitude for the entire Sabrang team and my own comrade-in-arms,=20
Javed Anand without whom my work would not be possible.

Jawaharlal Nehruji, India's first prime minister showed deep insight=20
when he predicted that "Facism in India can only come in the garb of=20
a Hindu rashtra." We have seen to our horror and disgust what=20
proponents of that narrow brand of Indian nationhood mean by that=20
concept -in Gujarat. He also said, "If any person raises his hand to=20
strike down another on the ground of religion, I shall fight him till=20
the last breath of my life."

Gandhiji, Nehru's guru, that man in simple loin cloth who won the=20
heart of millions of Indians was a Gujarati. His deep moral force and=20
commitment to non-sectarian Indian nationhood and genuine toleration=20
resulted in his brutal assassination by a fanatic representative of=20
sectarian nationhood. Gandhiji and his own concept of Ramrajya have=20
bene misused by the heirs of his assassins but here is what he had to=20
say on his own concept. Gandhiji said and wrote on February 26, 1947,=20
"Let no one commit the mistake of thinking that Ramrajya means a rule=20
of Hindus. My Ram is another name for Khuda or God. I want Khuda Raj=20
which is the same thing as the Kingdom of God on Earth."=20
=
=20

Gandhiji, who spoke for the poor and the disadvantaged, and his pupil=20
Nehru, the darling
of millions, saw in their great vision that only a composite=20
nationhood could hold India together and get the problems of poverty,=20
starvation, drought, dowry burning, bonded labour addressed. The=20
tragedy of this country is that with the dominance of the ideology of=20
Hindu rashtra in public life, with proponents of it gaining power,=20
every real issue that we need to tackle has got sidelined. India's=20
image lies brutally tarnished in the eyes of the world.

It is time that the cobwebs created by a manipulation in public=20
discourse get swept away. It is time that politics and public life=20
begins to reflect the morality and commitment that was envisioned by=20
those who fought for, and won us, our freedom.

It is time that we, all of us dedicate ourselves, seriously, to=20
redeem the idea of India.

_____

#2.

August 26, 2002

BJP Rebuffed On Gujarat
Don't profit from genocide!
By Praful Bidwai

The Bharatiya Janata Party has made a habit of twisting facts and=20
confusing issues to the point of turning cheap sophistry into an=20
art-form. Instead of gracefully accepting the Election Commission's=20
well-considered decision to postpone the Gujarat Assembly elections,=20
and thus showing that it genuinely respects this Constitutional=20
institution, the BJP-dominated Cabinet has decided to refer the issue=20
to the Supreme Court for its opinion under Article 143. This decision=20
wantonly introduces an element of contention and confrontation=20
between two Constitutional authorities. More important, it=20
substitutes the narrow interests of one political party in place of=20
Constitutional principles and the larger cause of democracy. For, it=20
is clear that the BJP alone is obsessed with early elections in=20
Gujarat.

The reference amounts to abuse of power and violation of elementary=20
political decency. Consider this. The Election Commission (EC)=20
reached its August 16 decision, elaborated in a 40-page statement,=20
after two on-the-spot assessments of Gujarat, the first by a=20
nine-member team, and the second by all three EC members during their=20
August 9-11 visit. The EC's unanimous decision was based on sound=20
legal reasoning and irrefutable logic, premised on the fact that=20
Gujarat's law and order situation "is still far from normal;" and the=20
"wounds of the communal divide following the riots have not yet=20
healed."

The EC holds that "the people have lost confidence in the local=20
police, civil administration and political executive =8AIn this=20
environment, election campaigns evoking passions will only shatter=20
the fragile peace unless adequate confidence-building measures are=20
taken up =8A with urgency. Foremost among these would be to arrest and=20
punish the guilty irrespective of their status =8A for their crimes".

The EC thus rightly concludes that the Gujarat elections, which Mr=20
Narendra Modi wants held well before October 6, should be postponed.=20
The verdict is in line with a number of judgments of the Supreme=20
Court on the EC's authority, the most eloquent being the Assam=20
Election case (1993), which holds that if the EC "is of the opinion=20
that having regard to the disturbed conditions of a state or a part=20
thereof, free and fair elections could not be held, it may postpone=20
the same."

The EC's weighty argument is not just about form and procedure, or=20
about the electoral rolls not being satisfactorily up-to-date. But=20
that issue cannot be lightly dismissed. Large numbers of people in 20=20
of Gujarat's 25 districts have been uprooted and displaced; many=20
remain address-less and cannot be tracked. Besides, about 20,000 have=20
fled Gujarat to other states. According to the state government's own=20
submissions to the EC, as many as 27 lakh families being given free=20
rations are recognised as violence-"affected" people. They belong to=20
154 of Gujarat's 182 constituencies. Many of them are liable to be=20
excluded from the rolls if elections are held immediately. Lakhs more=20
may be too afraid to vote. These are huge numbers by any yardstick.=20
Indeed, even the 54 lakh adults among Gujarat's officially "affected"=20
alone outnumber electors in whole countries like Norway, Switzerland=20
or Denmark! No credible election can exclude large numbers.

Even more compelling is the EC's substantive argument: namely, that=20
Gujarat's public cannot exercise a rational choice in today's=20
communally polarised situation. Communal prejudices remain=20
unaddressed in Gujarat. "The slow progress in relief and=20
rehabilitation on the one hand and non-arrest and non-punishment of=20
the guilty and the fear of communal backlash on the other have=20
hampered the =8A restoration of normalcy in the state," says the EC.=20
The state police say additional forces will be needed to prevent=20
future communal clashes. Free and fair elections cannot be held in a=20
situation of such pervasive insecurity and terror, while the terror's=20
perpetrators remain in power.

What is the BJP's defence against this powerful reasoning? It is no=20
more than a lame plea based on a coloured interpretation of Art=20
174(1) of the Constitution. This Article says that in respect of each=20
House of a state Legislature, "six months shall not intervene between=20
its last sitting in one session and the date appointed for its first=20
sitting in the next session". The BJP has deliberately distorted this=20
to mean that the first session of the to-be-elected Gujarat Assembly=20
must take place by October 6 because the last session of the=20
now-dissolved House last met on April 6. This demand is being made=20
five months later-not out of urgency, but of a political design to=20
exploit communal prejudice. Yet, only last October, the BJP had=20
argued the exact opposite, in Uttar Pradesh, citing as authority=20
affidavits by the Attorney General and Solicitor General of India, no=20
less. Its position on this Article is clearly an instance of=20
deplorable double standards!

The BJP's current argument about Art 174(1) is specious. The EC has=20
given some credence to it citing its own past decisions. But it has=20
balanced it with Art 324 which casts on it the greater duty to hold=20
free and fair elections. However, the purpose of Art 174(1) is to=20
ensure continuity and accountability in a sitting Legislature.=20
According to Constitutional experts, it was never meant to apply to a=20
dissolved Assembly. There are numerous instances where a sitting=20
Legislature is dissolved, not before but after, an election is=20
called-including the first three Lok Sabhas-and vice versa.

To understand the rationale of Art 174(1), consider this. Suppose a=20
state Assembly came into being on September 13, 1997. Its term would=20
expire on September 12, 2002. Suppose that for various political=20
reasons, it did not meet after March 13, 2002. Should the=20
to-be-elected Assembly be made to meet on September 12, even though=20
the term of the existing House extends to that day?

That would be self-evidently absurd. A short period would elapse=20
between the two Assemblies' sessions. Normally, during this period,=20
the existing chief minister would act as caretaker. In abnormal=20
circumstances, such as a "Constitutional breakdown", or "unsettled"=20
and "disturbed" conditions, President's Rule would be imposed. This=20
has happened literally scores of times in this country.

Gujarat clearly falls into the second category. The Constitutional=20
process broke down there as early as February 27. Following the=20
Godhra outrage that morning, Mr Modi decided to suborn the state=20
machinery to the designs of the BJP-VHP. They inaugurated an orgy of=20
killing, arson and looting with state collusion. The citizen's most=20
elementary Constitutional right, that to life, was systematically=20
violated-for weeks. Gujarat became a case fit for the application of=20
Art 356. It still cries out for President's Rule, a replacement of=20
its partisan Governor, and for advisers who are administrators of=20
impeccable integrity and secular commitment, and are chosen in=20
consultation with the entire Parliament.

The BJP is trying to resist President's Rule for narrow, sectarian=20
ends. It wants to profit from the pogrom and the communal=20
polarisation in Gujarat, where the tide is reportedly turning against=20
it rapidly after the appointment of OBC leader Shankersinh Vaghela as=20
Congress president. Mr Vaghela has a tainted background and is known=20
for his rough methods. But perhaps he alone can take on the BJP by=20
taking away a large chunk of its OBC vote.

The BJP has embarked on a desperate political gamble-at the expense=20
of the Election Commission's authority. But it should know that Mr=20
J.M. Lyngdoh is not Mr T.N. Seshan. He is an extraordinarily=20
thoughtful, restrained and unflamboyant officer with an unblemished=20
record, who is not given to sensationalism. It is thus particularly=20
shameful that BJP-VHP leaders have attacked Mr Lyngdoh for not doing=20
his "job" (LK Advani), "disregarding" the Constitution (Arun=20
Jaitley), acting at the Congress' "behest" (V.K. Malhotra), and,=20
worst of all, for showing his "Christian bias" (M.G. Vaidya, Praveen=20
Togadia and now, Narendra Modi).

This latest is an abhorrent form of hate-speech which ought to be=20
legally punished. But the fact that the BJP indulges the likes of=20
Messrs Modi, Togadia, Malhotra shows just how profound is its=20
contempt for and fear of democratic norms. It has a cynically=20
instrumental view of democracy-as a system of power, devoid of=20
popular participation and respect for Parliamentary institutions. In=20
such a "democracy", majority parties (or even those lacking a=20
majority, but having allies as crutches) can rule as they please. The=20
winner takes all, crushing rivals and making a mockery of Parliament=20
and Constitutional rights. That is why the BJP has had no=20
compunctions in announcing a weekly programme of inflammatory gaurav=20
yatras in Gujarat, designed to raise the communal temperature. This=20
is not legitimate politics. The yatras must be stopped.=20

The BJP's rise to power has further devalued, impoverished and=20
defiled Indian democracy, undermining responsible governance,=20
institutionalising corruption (as in the Pump-scam), and legitimising=20
communalism, perhaps the worst menace to our society and politics.=20
The longer the BJP stays in power, the greater the injury to=20
democracy. The EC's Gujarat verdict is an attempt to contain and=20
reduce that injury. It must be staunchly defended. No elections=20
should be held till the guilty of Gujarat are prosecuted and the=20
state regains the people's confidence.-end-

_____

#3.

The Times of India
TUESDAY, AUGUST 27, 2002

Lives less ordinary
HARSH MANDER

[ TUESDAY, AUGUST 27, 2002 12:00:49 AM ]
If the savage massacre in Gujarat and its unconscionable conspiracies=20
of silence and complicity marked a monumental collapse of traditional=20
civil society, it witnessed simultaneously a countrywide upsurge of=20
spontaneous voluntary action, luminous acts of compassion, conscience=20
and faith. In this hour of national darkness, many lamps were lit.
With quiet individual acts of caring and courage, it is ordinary=20
people, in several corners of the country, who have defended the=20
gravely threatened humanism and democratic traditions of our land.
A shameful paralysis gripped the development sector in Gujarat, as=20
celebrated social activists chose to shut their eyes and ears to the=20
slaughter and continuing agony of innocent people and the=20
unprecedented complicity of state authorities.
They did not attempt to confront mobs as they set aflame people and=20
properties, they set up no camps to shelter the bereaved and=20
destitute survivors. They remained mute as all civilised norms of=20
relief and rehabilitation were openly and wantonly subverted by the=20
state.
Amidst the bleak despair of this ignoble abdication, a few=20
organisations bravely banded together under the banner of Citizens=20
Initiative in Ahmedabad. Many others grappled with the even more=20
daunting challenges of rural communalism. Despite threats to the very=20
survival of some of the organisations, they refused to flinch from=20
their resolute collective stand against injustice.
They supported the camp organisers with relief supplies, ran health=20
camps and temporary schools, organised legal assistance, extended=20
trauma counselling for the survivors of rape, arson and the mass=20
murders with the help of dedicated professionals from NIMHANS.
When the state government refused even to construct rainproof=20
shelters in the camps and starved them of food supplies, they=20
sustained the lifeline of foodgrain and built structures which=20
provided some protection from the rain. It is only because of them=20
that the camps are not fully disbanded, and the survivors still have=20
some succour and hope.
The concerted attempts by the state government and the dangerously=20
communalised local media to hide the truth of the violence from the=20
rest of the country was decisively subverted by journalists in the=20
national media, who withstood intense pressures as they courageously=20
reflected a widely shared national outrage. There can also be no=20
better testimony to the robustness of the secular and democratic=20
instincts of large sections of people than the series of independent=20
citizens' enquiries into the events of Gujarat, more than 40 at last=20
count.
Spontaneously organised by a range of concerned citizens and human=20
rights groups from the length and breadth of the country, these=20
intrepid reports fearlessly and painstakingly document the facts of=20
the Gujarat violence, so that the rest of us know.
The parched compassion of Gujarat has been quenched by the stream of=20
volunteers, mostly young people, who continue to pour into the state,=20
eager to contribute in whatever way they can, to show that they care,=20
and suffer with their fellow citizens. For many, it is an act of=20
prayaschit or penance, for others it is a pilgrimage of active caring.
I recall a team of auto-rickshaw drivers who arrived from Andhra=20
Pradesh and lived in camps in Ahmedabad for over three weeks,=20
cheerfully sacrificing their daily earnings back home. Of all the=20
volunteers, they were perhaps the most loved. Women in the camps=20
blessed them and declared that they had adopted them as their sons.=20
They wept when they finally returned to their homes.
I recall an unlikely band of youthful executives working with=20
multinational companies in Mumbai, who were so moved by the carnage,=20
that they would every weekend put away their suits and travel to=20
Ahmedabad to serve in the camps.
A leading woman industrialist and a respected senior film actress=20
quietly, away from the glare of publicity, approached everyone they=20
knew to collect millions of rupees to help in the task of rebuilding=20
the lives of the survivors. A village volunteer from the organisation=20
MKSS in Rajasthan visited a camp and obser-ved that the toilets were=20
intolerably dirty, blocked with nightsoil and not cleaned for days.
Unmindful of the nauseating stench and caste taboos, without a word=20
he set about cleaning the toilets for several hours. When he returned=20
the next morning, women surrounded the toilets, refusing to let him=20
enter. They had resolved to take up the duty themselves.
I have been most touched by the aman pathiks or peace volunteers,=20
painfully young men and women who responded to our call in Ahmedabad=20
to work for healing and rebuilding. Many of the volunteers had=20
themselves suffered gravely in the carnage. As they showed me=20
pictures of the ruins of their burnt and plundered homes, or spoke in=20
low voices sometimes of the violence suffered by members of their own=20
families, I wondered how many of us in their position would be able=20
to summon the same inner resources to forgive so quickly and=20
cheerfully help others in need.
If the agony of our land is to heal and the rivers of poison dry, if=20
love and tolerance are to be restored to our public life, it will be=20
because of our ordinary people. It is ultimately because of them that=20
we are still able to hope amidst the darkness of Gujarat.

____

#4.

The Times of India
TUESDAY, AUGUST 27, 2002
Editorial

BJP's Pari-war
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow.asp?art_id=3D20696858

____

#5.

Outlook Magazine | Sep 02, 2002

REVIEW
Staying Alive
A pathology of the Shiv Sena's apocalyptic politics of self-esteem
PRATAP BHANU MEHTA

URBAN VIOLENCE IN INDIA: IDENTITY, POLITICS,
by Thomas Blom Hansen
PERMANENT BLACK
RS 550; PAGE: 269

How does an organisation like the Shiv Sena transform an urbane,=20
cosmopolitan metropolis like 'Bombay' with its hopeful politics, its=20
class distinctions, and yes, its openness, courtesies and civilities,=20
into 'Mumbai', a city with a tumultuous, contentious and exclusionary=20
politics, where the writ of official law and public institutions=20
seems often to be eclipsed by the power of informal organisations and=20
local dadas whose contribution to public discourse is distinguished=20
largely by the violence of
their rhetoric? Hansen's perceptive and sometimes brilliant depiction=20
of the way the Sena has transformed the political culture of Mumbai=20
attempts to answer this. But as Hansen reminds us, any such answer=20
also throws light on the character of Indian society and politics,=20
what it is and what it might become.

Hansen tells a graphic and compelling story about the rise of the=20
Sena. The structural transformations in the political economy of=20
Mumbai certainly gave the Sena an opening: the decline of traditional=20
working class politics brought about by changes in the structure of=20
industry; the inability of civic life as it existed in Bombay in the=20
'60s and '70s to cater to the aspirations of the newly emerging=20
classes and the unorganised sector; the incapacity of its=20
cosmopolitan ethos to give full due to vernacular cultures and=20
idioms; the general churning of society which would no longer accept=20
the paternalism of the older Bombay; the competition over white=20
collar jobs and the internal corrosion of public institutions. But,=20
as Hansen insists, the Sena's success cannot be attributed simply to=20
structural causes of social dynamics. Its success is largely=20
political and can be attributed, in no small measure, to a repertoire=20
of organisational and rhetorical inventions. In fact, Hansen argues,=20
that rather than drawing upon pre-given identities like caste, or the=20
Maratha regional identity, the Sena politically created these=20
identities; its strategy is governed by a deliberate choice rather=20
than a social logic.

Thus much of the study concentrates on the organisation, its=20
rhetoric, mobilisational techniques and political strategy of the=20
Sena. Hansen describes in vivid detail all the paradoxical elements=20
that have made the Sena a success, an astonishing combination of=20
bravado and opportunism, organisational hierarchy and local=20
entrepreneurship, violent gestures and social service. But in its=20
essentials, the secret of the Sena's and Thackeray's success lies in=20
the fact that it successfully deploys an apocalyptic politics of=20
self-esteem. It gives young, powerless, insecure men seeking=20
affirmation of their own moral worth an opportunity to view=20
themselves as strong, powerful and capable of self-assertion.=20
Association with the Sena allows them the license to become strongmen=20
or dadas with a worthy cause. It gives them a manifest explanation of=20
their sense of injury, by projecting it onto an alien other, and=20
satisfies their desire for recognition. Although Hansen does not=20
quite put it in these words, the Sena feeds on an urban experience=20
that can be profoundly alienating. Old moral codes do not have the=20
power to inspire, the aspiration to upward mobility is rarely, if=20
ever, fulfilled, and is accompanied by an existential condition where=20
one often needs to assert one's will in order to feel alive. Hence=20
the Sena emphasises not long-term social and institutional=20
transformation, but violent, theatrical gestures and public=20
performance. Hansen brilliantly analyses Thackeray's intuitive grasp=20
of this reality and the commanding and intimate way in which his=20
homely idioms cater to it, the ways in which he endows 'ordinary'=20
existence with a modicum of worth.

Hansen argues that a politics that caters to our desire for=20
recognition by endowing us with identities is subject to the paradox=20
that no identity is self-evident or stable and hence requires=20
constant renewal through acts of will. The essential fluidity and=20
incompleteness as also the constructed nature of identity has become=20
something of a cliche amongst social scientists and I doubt that it=20
reveals much. The deeper paradox of our times seems to be that while=20
all those who study identities seem to believe this, all those who=20
enact identities don't. Perhaps in the unravelling of this paradox=20
might lie the clues to our predicament. Hansen takes us farther than=20
most have in trying to understand the allures of identity and the=20
violence associated with it, but he does not quite answer why the=20
fluidity and incompleteness of the identity that seems to be so=20
self-evident to the social scientist cuts so little ice with those=20
whom he studies. But as a study of the moral psychology of political=20
mobilisation, this study ought to be regarded as a minor classic, on=20
par with J.P. Stern's classic study of Hitler's rhetorical=20
techniques. More importantly, it throws light on the ways in which=20
the excess, violence and essential vapidity of our politics is=20
threatening to jeopardise the gains of democracy. If politics becomes=20
a means, not of solving practical problems, but of feeling assertive=20
and alive, it will consume us all in its wake.

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