[sacw] SACW | 31 Oct. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 30 October 2002

__________________________

#1. Bangladesh: State terrorism; Mass arrests and torture by the army=20
(Asian Human Rights Commission - Urgent Appeal)
#2.Letter to the Editor The Daily Star by Khushi Kabir (a noted human=20
rights activist from Bangladesh)
#3. ' Paradoxes of the nationalist time (Political essays on=20
Bangladesh) By Ranabir Samaddar' (Reviewed by Mubarak Ali)
#4. India: Looming Saffron Threat and Electoral Choices (Ram Puniyani)
#5. USA: Meet the Author Taslima Nasrin (New York, November 7)
#6. India: Mumbai cracks whip on VHP (Anand Soondas)
#7. India: Invitations to Citizens Demo. opposite VHP office in=20
Bombay (October 31,2002)

__________________________

#1.

From: "[AHRC Urgent Appeals]" <ua@a...>
Sent: Wednesday, October 30, 2002 4:32 AM
Subject: BANGLADESH: More than 3,000 people arrested and 10 people tortured
to death

URGENT ACTION URGENT ACTION URGENT ACTION URGENT ACTION URGENT ACTION

ASIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION - URGENT APPEALS PROGRAM

30 October 2002
--------------------------------------------------------------------
UA-51-2002: More than 3,000 people arrested and 10 people tortured to death

BANGLADESH: State terrorism; Mass arrests and torture by the army
--------------------------------------------------------------------

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has been informed that more than
3,000 people have been arrested in a joint operation named "Operation Clean
Heart" to crack down on criminals in which nearly 40,000 army troops are
taking part. AHRC is extremely concerned that 10 people have died in
mysterious circumstances during the ongoing operation.

According to the information we have received, checkpoints have been set up
in many interdistrict routes where army personnel stop, question and search
vehicles and perform body searches. In cities, house-to-house searches have
been conducted in some areas, and occupants have been picked up for
questioning. Some of them have returned home within hours, but others have
not been seen for days. However, there has been no official information and
no public announcement as to the circumstances under which the government
felt compelled to call out the army. Moreover, nothing has been said under
what legal framework the army action is taking place. The
government says that the army had to be called in because the civil
authorities were failing to cope with rising lawlessness, and thus, the
apparent aim of the operation is to improve law and order.

Most worrisome is information we have received that the army is picking up
people based on a list. However, there is no information about how the list
has been prepared and how authentic it is. There have also been allegations
that the armed forces are using excessive force during the raids and
torturing many people during interrogation. Therefore, local human rights
groups say many detainees have been sent to the hospital with severe
injuries caused by beatings while in army custody. These serious
developments have created a terrifying environment for most ordinary and
innocent people.

For the last 13 days (the army operation began on Oct. 17), it has been
reported that 10 people have died after being taken into custody by troops.
Even though the government has claimed that all of the deaths were the
result of heart attacks, the relatives of the victims have insisted that th=
e
detainees were tortured to death, and witnesses have reported marks on the
bodies as they were taken to the hospital.

Based on Asia's contemporary history, it appears that this type of military
operation without any legal foundation is another attempt to silence the
dissenting voices of the opposition, resulting in "state terrorism", even
though the authorities insist that the operation is to improve law and orde=
r
and is not politically motivated.

Therefore, AHRC urges the government of Bangladesh to immediately stop its
operation of mass arrests by the country=A1=AFs armed forces that are
terrorising innocent people and to investigate any reports of torture in
army custody through an independent, impartial and competent body.

SUGGESTED ACTION

Please send your appeals to the government of Bangladesh, urging them to
immediately stop the current operation of mass arrests by the army, to
promptly investigate alleged cases of torture in army custody and to punish
the army or police personnel involved in acts of torture.

SAMPLE LETTER (You may use your own words or use the following as a sample.=
)

Dear

I am extremely concerned that more than 3,000 people have been arrested in
the joint operation named "Operation Clean Heart" to crack down on criminal=
s
in which nearly 40,000 army troops are taking part and in which 10 people
have died in mysterious circumstances.

I am especially worried about reports that the army is picking up people
based on a list. However, there is no information about how this list has
been prepared and how authentic it is. Moreover, there have been allegation=
s
that the armed forces are using excessive force during these raids and are
torturing many people during interrogation. As a result of these serious
developments, an atmosphere of fear has been created that is beginning to
affect ordinary and innocent people in Bangladesh.

According to the dark history of modern Asia, it is clear that this type of
military operation without a legal foundation aims to silence the voice of
the opposition in the country, resulting in "state terrorism", even though
government officials insist that the aim of the operation is to improve law
and order and is not politically motivated.

Therefore, I urge you to immediately stop the operation of mass arrests by
the military that are terrorising innocent people and to investigate any
reports of torture in army custody through an independent, impartial and
competent body. I also urge you to bring to justice any army or police
personnel involved in acts of torture.

I look forward to learning about your prompt action to this serious matter.

Thank you.

Sincerely yours,

----------------

PLEASE SEND YOUR APPEALS TO;

1. Honorable Prime Minister Khaleda Zia
Prime Minister of Bangladesh
Prime Minister's Office
Old Parliament House,
Tejgaon, Dhaka
BANGLADESH
Fax: +88 2 8113244, 811015, 8113243
E-mail: pm@p... or psecretary@p... (to the Secretary)

2. Mr. Alhaj Altaf Hossain Chowdhury
Minister of Home Affairs
Government of People's Republic of Bangladesh
Fax: +88 02 8619667 or +88 02 955 2323

3. Mr. Morshed Khan
Foreign Minister
Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
Segun Bagicha, Dhaka,
BANGLADESH
Fax: 0088 / 02 / 8617448, 0088 / 02 / 9562163
E-mail: pspmo@b...

And send the copy of your appeal to;

Mr. Barrister Moudud Ahmed
Ministry of Law, Justice & Parliamentary Affairs
Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh,
Bangladesh Secretariat, Dhaka
Fax: +88 02 861 8557
E-mail: minoflaw@b...

*** Please send a copy of your letter to AHRC Urgent Appeals:
Email: <ua@a...>
Fax: +(852) - 26986367

Please contact the Urgent Appeals coordinator if you require more
information or wish to report human rights violations.
=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=
=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=
=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D
AHRC Urgent Appeals Programme
Asian Human Rights Commission
Unit D, 7th Floor, Mongkok Commercial Centre,
16 - 16B Argyle Street, Kowloon, HONGKONG
Tel: +(852) - 2698-6339
Fax: +(852) - 2698-6367
E-mail: ua@a...

______

#2.

A letter written by Khushi Kabir a noted human rights
activist from Bangladesh to the English newspaper Daily Star in Dhaka.

Khushi Kabir, Co-ordinator, Nijera Kori, Dhaka
http://www.dailystarnews.com/200210/30/n2103011.htm#BODY8

Upon reading your commentary, I wish to congratulate you and am sending you
my letter for publication in your newspaper. Whenever I have spoken at
various international conferences, I have always stated my pride in being a
citizen of Bangladesh. I have strongly voiced that I come from a nation tha=
t
has long and glorious history of peoples' movements and struggle for
equality and justice, for democracy and freedom and organised resistance
against all forms of tyranny and injustice. We have fought and won our
independence through our Liberation War. We have struggled against military
dictatorships to re-establish democracy.

No doubt, our nascent democratically elected government as with many other
older democracies elsewhere in the world, have not always kept their
election promises, nor conformed to democratic principles of being
accountable to its people. But being an optimist, I have always believed
that our people will soon begin to assert their rights and make the
governments and political parties accountable to their constituents. That w=
e
will succeed in strengthening and empowering local government. This is what
many like myself have been working for. This is what our Liberation War was
for and this is what our democratic movement was all about.

But the recent events have perturbed me greatly, and a sense of uneasiness
prevails upon me to write this letter. The deteriorating law and order
situation continues to be a cause of serious concern for all. The recent
decision by the government to bring in the army to help in bringing the
situation under control has been lauded by both the major political parties
and a large majority of people expressing their views through your
newspapers. My uneasiness stems from this acceptance by our citizens and ou=
r
political parties of the role of the army. To me, this acceptance assumes
that we are acknowledging the fact that all other existing institutions and
machinery have failed and that the only disciplined and working institution
within the Government, is the army. We seem to have forgotten our history,
which time and again has shown that whenever the army has taken on extra
responsibilities beyond their specified role, democracy has been the victim=
.

Looking at the performance during the ironically named "Operation Clean
Heart", eleven people had died in the past eleven days. The feeble excuse
that they did due to 'heart failure' did not find much credence, and the
army too has given up using this as an excuse. Torture and deaths in
custody, whether they be the police or the army is unacceptable. What
perturbs me further is that some major criminals have somehow got wind of
this operation and are nowhere to be found. This of course does not speak
very highly of the army's intelligence unit. Having the opportunity to work
in remote areas, I find some of the better known terrorists continuing thei=
r
activities as in the past. What I also find interesting that while arrests
are being made and activists as in the past. What I also find interesting
that while arrests are being made and activists of both the major parties
are not being spared, so far no arrest of terrorists belonging to Jamaat,
Chhatra Shibir or the Islamic Oikyo Jote have been made, despite wide sprea=
d
knowledge of their activities, particularly in Rajshahi and Chittagong. The
recent killing in broad daylight of Mr. Swapan Goswami, a teacher, in the
Capital City also raises many questions in our minds as to the effectivenes=
s
of 'Operation Clean Heart'. The death of poor peasants in Noakhali and
Jhenidah, the fear that drives a poor villager to drown himself in the pond
does not speak of high regard for the human rights perspective vis a vis th=
e
army.

I urge upon all citizens, our elected representatives, all political partie=
s
and our Government to sit together to tackle this issue. The situation is
too grave and big for one institution to tackle alone. Democracy means bein=
g
able to work together in such situations. We owe this much to those who gav=
e
up their lives for these principles and to the future generations. Let us
not forget the spirit of our Liberation War.

_____

#3.

Dawn
27 October 2002

REVIEW: Bangladesh and its nationalism
Reviewed by Mubarak Ali

In the twentieth century, nationalism played a very effective role in=20
liberating countries from colonialism. However, the nature of=20
nationalism differed from one country to another. Some states=20
experienced territorial nationalism, while others were unified by=20
linguistic bonds and yet others by religion. In all cases the role of=20
nationalism was to unite different segments of society into one,=20
irrespective of caste, creed or class. Generally nationalism began=20
with romantic idealism but changed its character when independence=20
was achieved.
At this stage, it was appropriated and monopolized by the ruling=20
classes and excluded the workers, peasants, women, and minorities who=20
had made sacrifices during the course of the freedom struggle. In the=20
words of Ranabir Samaddar, "In all nationalist construction of regime=20
of power, the peasant is mobilized only to be demobilized soon after."
The book under review talks about the dilemma of the intellectuals of=20
Bangladesh in constructing history under the influence of=20
nationalism. The first question they face is, from where should they=20
start? The significant moments in their history are 1905 when Bengal=20
was divided by the British provoking a very powerful movement by the=20
Bengali nationalists to undo it. The British government was forced to=20
annul the partition in 1911.
However, the situation changed in 1947, when Bengal was divided on=20
religious basis and the Congress rejected the idea of an independent=20
Bengal. Therefore, 1947 was the point in history when East Bengal=20
became East Pakistan and aligned itself with West Pakistan on the=20
basis of religion. Then came 1971, when Bangladesh came into=20
existence denying Muslim nationalism and projecting linguistic=20
sentiments to unite people under this ideology and to fight against=20
Pakistan.
It was decided to make 1971 as a starting point of the new history.=20
This raises the question: how then should Bangladesh nationalism be=20
defined? If language becomes the basis of nationhood, how should West=20
Bengal, which is now a part of India, be treated? To extricate=20
themselves from this paradox, the historians chose to deny Bengali=20
nationalism and instead promote Bangladeshi nationalism. This has=20
consequently brought back religion as an element in the construction=20
of Bengali national identity.
Samaddar explains this phenomenon in these words: "The imperative of=20
nationalism is that the whole course must be straightened, the rough=20
edge must be smoothened, the disturbing zones silenced, and a=20
monolith whole of Muslim history in Bengal be put into account so=20
that the nation-making agenda in Bangladesh receives genealogical=20
legitimacy."
Analyzing the process of construction of a new history after the war=20
of liberation in 1971, Samaddar points out how myth-making attempts=20
have been made to project the groups in power and exclude others from=20
the process. The list of exclusion is very long. There is no place=20
for Maulana Akram Khan, Abul Qasim Fazl Haq, and Hussain Shaheed=20
Suhrawardy as they were the products of pre-Partition politics and=20
contributed nothing to Bangladesh. Even Maulana Bhashani was pushed=20
outside the pail of the new history and his role marginalized.=20
Instead, Mukti Bahini became the main force that fought bravely=20
against the Pakistan army and successfully liberated the country.
Atrocities and genocide of the Pakistan army emerged as the second=20
element in mobilizing the people emotionally in order to convince=20
them that freedom was not cheap and people paid a heavy price for it.=20
Mujib emerges as the great leader who led his people through all ups=20
and downs. Mujib and his party took full advantage of the situation=20
to assume total power. Soon the sacrifices and atrocities were=20
forgotten and the people were denied participation in the power=20
structure.
Rakshi Bahini, a praetorian force, was used to silence the=20
opposition. The leftist politicians were marginalized, bureaucracy=20
became dominant, and the personality cult of Mujib was established.=20
To keep the nation united, violence was permitted. Thus ended the era=20
of romantic nationalism and the hope of the people for a better=20
future collapsed.
What was the result of this new construction of history? When the=20
role of the army in the liberation of the country was glorified and=20
the sacrifices of the workers, peasants, women and other civilian=20
institutions was ignored, the armed forces seized political power and=20
ousted the politicians from the governance of the country. Military=20
rule not only eliminated the radical elements but also rehabilitated=20
those military officers who had served in the Pakistan army. The=20
victim of this whole process was democracy and its institutions.
Analyzing the paradoxes of Bangladesh nationalism, Samaddar points=20
out the efforts of the Bangladesh historians who have made attempts=20
to reconstruct the history of their country. In the first instance in=20
1977, a commission was set up to write the history of the war of=20
liberation. By 1985, 15 volumes of documents had been published with=20
these comments: "The main consideration was to have the correct=20
documents for the correct events. We do not have any comment, we=20
point towards nothing, we offer no explanation, no analysis of our=20
own." It means that until today no comprehensive history of the=20
events of 1971 has been written.
However, many problems can still be anticipated in the writing of the=20
history of Bangladesh. For example, how does one underplay the=20
military role and emphasize the civilian contribution in the 1971=20
struggle? A new history has to explain the events before 1947 and the=20
role of Bengal in the creation of Pakistan. It has to explain the=20
approach of those personalities who worked for Pakistan on the basis=20
of Muslim nationalism. And the role of radicals must be historicized=20
and their contribution must be recognized.
History plays a crucial role in constructing the past. If it ignores=20
or marginalizes people and projects the army and the elite classes,=20
it provides them reason and logic to legitimize their rule and=20
deprive the people of their rights. This happened not only in=20
Bangladesh but in most of the third world countries whose history is=20
constructed in the interest of the army or elite classes. That=20
explains why people suffer from the lack of historical consciousness=20
and acquiesce in dictatorial rule so quietly.
------------------------------------------------------------------------

Paradoxes of the nationalist time (Political essays on Bangladesh)
By Ranabir Samaddar
The University Press, Red Crescent Building, 114 Motijheel C/A, PO=20
Box 2611, Dhaka-1000, Bangladesh
Email: upl@b...
Website: www.uplbooks.com
ISBN 984 05 1634 5
188pp. Tk300

_____

#4.

EPW Commentary June 19, 1999

Looming Saffron Threat and Electoral Choices

Ram Puniyani

Equidistance Thesis

THE electoral arena in the decade of 90s has taken a qualitative turn for
the worse. The earlier electoral equation Congress vis-a-vis the Janata
Dal/Janata Party and its allies have been replaced by a triangle with BJP
and later BJP and its allies as the base of the triangle. Of the two other
arms of the triangle one is the Congress and other is constituted by the
now declining Third Front. Barring the left parties, whose secular and
democratic credentials are strong, and the other earlier constituents of
Third Front who mostly stood by secular and democratic ground (though many
of whom have shown cracks in this lately), both the major constituents of
the electoral battlefield are tainted with communalism of different
varieties. It is in this context that the role of left in singling out BJP
as the communal force, to be isolated and dumped on priority basis has
come for criticism amongst different friends and groups on the liberal,
progressive and left spectrum. These radical elements, bringing to our
attention the gory deeds of Congress in subtly tolerating communalism,
being the main agency of anti-Sikh communal violence and its role in
colluding with the Sangh parivar in demolition of Babri mosque and the
anti-Muslim pogroms, have been advocating the maintaining of equidistance
from BJP and Congress. What are the pitfalls of this equidistance thesis?

Congress and Communalism
Right since its inception the main thrust of Indian National Congress has
been to struggle for democratic secular India. At a formal level this
central concern of the Congress stood on this ground with innumerable
compromises and weaknesses. Though there have been major changes in the
trajectory of the Congress during the last 11 decades of its existence,
this single principle has been kept at the core of the policies, though at
formal level. The same got enshrined also in the Indian Constitution,
which accepted the principles of liberty, equality and fraternity, and
also brought into the Constitution the concept of a secular state right
from the beginning, though this word was added into the Constitution much
later.
Despite this main current, there has always been a weakness to accommodate
and tolerate the communal elements more so Hindu communal elements. Some
of the major leaders of the Congress had strong streaks of Hindu
nationalism, for instance, Lala Lajpat Rai, Madan Mohan Malaviya, and
Munje (who was one of the founders of RSS also)! Many a leaders of Hindu
Mahasabha was also a member of the Congress. The first sarsangh chalak
(supreme dictator) of RSS K B Hedgewar was formally in the Congress till
1934 after which he concentrated exclusively on building the fountain head
of Hindu communalism, the RSS.
The Congress in pre-independence time acted as a platform. The dominant
part of the platform was secular and democratic as represented in the
leadership of Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Nehru. But undoubtedly the Hindu
communal elements remaining within the Congress put pressure on it from
inside to supplement the agenda of Hindu Mahasabha and the RSS, to act as
the opposite and parallel of Muslim communalism which was represented
predominantly by Muslim League.
With partition, the formation of Pakistan and migration of the Muslim
elite to Pakistan, Muslim communalism in a way got deflated. But it did
continue to survive in the Indian polity, assuming stronger postures at
crucial times like Shah Bano case, etc, to provide the much needed
provocation to the Hindu communalism. The Congress underwent a major
transformation in the mid-1960s. Though it continued to pay strong
lip-service to the secular rhetoric, apart from appeasing the
fundamentalist sections of Muslim community, it did not do much to
ameliorate the conditions of minorities.
Also by this time the state apparatus was being infiltrated by Hindu
communal elements, the RSS trainees, who started giving a Hindu slant to
the secular state policies at the grass roots level. It is due to these
factors that Muslims began to be discriminated against in jobs, etc. They
also became victims of anti-Muslim violence led by Hindu communal
organisations and supported and abetted by the state and exonerated by the
Congress. A large section of Congress leadership was not very principled
as far as the secular ethos was concerned and did not have any qualms in
compromising with and promoting Hindu communalism.
During these years the principal project of the Congress was to build the
Indian state as per the Indian Constitution. During this process it
started subjugating ethnic and regional aspiration and imposed an Indian
identity and laws on many ethnic groups and regions by force. The Congress
pursued the policy of relentless centralisation and intervened in state
affairs at every minor pretext. This led to situations of insurgency in
the north-east, Kashmir and Punjab. The anti-Sikh pogroms conducted by the
Congress in 1984 can be characterised to belong to this category of
repression of ethnic aspirations of Sikhs. They have to be contrasted with
the anti-Muslim violence whose ideological roots lie in the concept of
Hindu Rashtra. With intense repression in these states, the situation
worsened and later in Kashmir and Punjab the situation was communalised
with the Hindu-Muslim, Hindu-Sikh being the two poles of this move of the
Congress government. Massive anti-Sikh pogroms took place after the murder
of Indira Gandhi. Congress communalism is pragmatic and has been used by
it times again to solve some other problem, like suppressing the
ethno-regional aspirations.
The BJP is the political arm of Sangh parivar. By implication it is an
offshoot of RSS. The internal dynamics of operation of Sangh parivar is
fairly uniform for all its organisations. The basic premiss of RSS is to
work towards the goal of Hindu Rashtra. This just does not mean that since
the majority of people living in this country are Hindus, so it should be
or is a Hindu Rashtra. This concept emerged as the political project of
the declining classes (jamindars, rajas of riyas, etc, and the brahmins).
This concept was paralleled and opposed to the concept of Muslim state,
which represented the political aspirations of Muslim jagirdars and the
elite. Hindu Rashtra was defined as a political concept whose politics is
hindutva, first by Savarkar (Hindu Mahasabha) and later on refined by M S
Golwalkar, the second sarsangh chalak (supremo) of RSS. This is a type of
nationalism, which while giving the illusion of being based on religion,
is based on the hatred of others religion. This is akin to race-based
nationalism of the Nazis (Hitler), fascists (Mussolini, Italy) or the
fundamentalist states like Ayatollah Khoemenis Iran or Afghanistan under
the Taliban. These nationalisms are opposed to the principles of liberty,
equality, fraternity, and the concept of liberalism. They are supporters
of status quo and favour the unequal hierarchies which are prevalent in
society. In addition the concept of this nationalism aims to impose the
uniform elite culture on the whole society. As per the core ideology of
RSS, India is a Hindu Rashtra since the time Aryans stepped into this land
and the aliens who came here, the Muslim and Christian British have
brought ignominy to the Hindu society. Now under leadership of RSS/Sangh
parivar, the whole of Hindu nation has to get organised to restore past
glory.
The previous avatar of BJP, the Bharatiya Jan Sangh was founded by Shyama
Prasad Mukherjee, a leader of Hindu Mahasabha, and was totally taken over
by the RSS trained volunteers. Its major agenda (1951) was induction of
nuclear weapons, opposition to public sector and co-operative farming. The
major campaigns it undertook were ban cow-slaughter and Indianisation of
Muslims. Meanwhile RSS was actively communalising the social space leading
to communal violence beginning from Jabalpur (1962) communal riot. These
riots went of becoming more and more ghastly. In addition to intimidating
and ghettoising the Muslim community they started consolidating the elite
Hindus behind RSS /BJS. After joining the JP-led movement (1974) RSS/BJP
gained social respectability and BJS emerged as the major component of the
Janata Party formed in the wake of lifting of emergency. The BJS members
refused to withdraw their membership of RSS leading to the collapse of
Janata Party. BJS re-emerged as BJP in 1980.
>From 1986 it took over the aggressive agenda of Hindu Rashtra through the
Ram Janmabhoomi campaign leading to the demolition of Babri mosque,
post-demolition communal violence, etc. Most of the inquiry commission
reports on communal violence (Jagmohan Reddy, Justice Madon, Vithayathil,
Shrikrishna and Venugopal) have proved without any shadow of doubt that
RSS/SP have been the major actors in anti-Muslim communal violence.
Similarly the National Human Rights Commission, National Minorities
Commission and the Human Rights Groups have highlighted the role of most
of the progenies of RSS in anti-Christian violence.
Lately, after realising that it cannot grab the power at the centre on its
own (on the plank of communal issues), the BJP has cleverly been talking
of a national agenda of governance and a national democratic alliance to
woo the regional parties, whose narrow regional interests and tubular
vision does not permit them to see the core communal project of the BJP.
This democratic posture of BJP is merely for the sake of gradually
increasing its vote bank/social base to be able to come to power at centre
on its own and thats when the agenda of Hindu Rashtra in toto will be
unleashed on society. Till then the decent looking agenda will keep
getting sprinkled with the hidden agendas. In the long term this elite,
middle class party will freeze society in the existent social dynamics,
taking away the rights of the exploited, oppressed and those on lower
rungs of hierarchy to struggle for social, economic and gender justice.
The communalism of BJP is a cover for the slow growing fascism, with the
aim of foisting brahminical Hinduism based politics on the country. In
words of Aijaz Ahmed its is a programmatic communalism. A programme to
bring in a different notion of state, in order to do away with democracy
and liberalism.

Equidistance Thesis
Seen in this light amongst all the electoral parties BJP is the only
party, which is a political wing of some other organisation (RSS). As seen
in the past and as evident in its inner structure the RSS control over the
party is complete due to the RSS-trained cadres being the main human
agency of BJP. Despite contradictions the basic goal of Hindu Rashtra is
not negotile as far as SP is concerned. And thats what sets it apart from
every other electoral outfit. It is not to say the other parties are
desirable, ideal and capable of sustaining the secular democratic
programme. We have seen that the Congress, with ease, could impose
emergency and various anti-democratic legislations time and again. It has
compromised and aided SP communalism a number of times; the other parties
have also shown manifest inadequacies as far as persual of democratic
principles are concerned. But all said and done none of them is driven by
the engine of a brahminical Hinduism based nationalism akin to race-based
nationalism or Muslim religion-based nationalism. This is what makes BJP a
different cup of tea (nay poison) setting it apart from other electoral
outfits.
The SP movement is a fascist variant with a number of similarities to
European fascism, which got strengthened after fearing dalit OBC assertion
in 1990s (post-Mandal). It projects national interest over the interest of
the people, has seeds of expansionism (Akhand Bharat), targets minorities
to strengthen its social base (first Muslims then the Christians),
glorifies the past as the sustaining force, is aggressive to the weaker
sections of society and has a base mainly amongst urban middle class,
upper caste and section of socially ascendant OBCs. It differs from the
European variety of fascist parties in having a long gestation period, and
having an ideologically self-sustaining organisation, the RSS as the
controlling engine. In Germany, Hitler increased his social and electoral
base in a quick fashion projecting the fear of strong workers movement.
The triangle there was: communists, Hitlers national socialists (fascists)
and the centrists, a kin to the Congress here, the social democrats. In
spite of seeing the methods and dangerous potential of Hitler, communists
who were a substantial force, in a way followed the electoral policy of
equidistance from social democrats (whom they called social fascists) and
the National socialists (Hitlers party). They virtually ignored the Nazis
and thought that it was a farcical force, which could be easily tackled
even if they came to power. Hitler had his own version of VHP and Bajrang
Dal (the storm-troopers) whom communists thought; Hitler would monitor and
control once he was in power. Though Hitler did not have a majority, he
was able to come to power through negotiations as the opponents had
shifting and divided aims and were unable to focus on the real essentials
of power while Nazis had unwavering aims and had a firm grasp on real
politics.
We will not go into the economic policies where there is a lot of overlap
in the Congress and the BJP policies barring two major differences. One,
as witnessed during the 13-month rule of BJP-led coalition, is that BJP is
more influenced by the traders who are its major support base. Second,
BJPs version of swadeshi supports the petty industrialist, with their much
more backward labour relations and advocacy of firmer repression of
workers. This is at one level relative and even other electoral parties
may not have anything much better to offer. As we have seen the Congress
has appeased Muslim fundamentalist leadership ignoring the interests of a
large mass of minorities. It has communalised the Kashmir and Punjab
issues to build the bourgeois nation state in its own way. Indira was
particularly shrewd to begin the use of communal card from 1980s, Rajiv
did the same in Shah Bano case and opening the locks of Babri mosque,
Narasimha Rao was merrily fiddling when Ayodhya was getting decimated and
most of the Congress governments have been mute spectators of the
anti-Muslim pogroms. These are grave lapses which show that secular
policies are the first victim when it comes to keeping power intact. But
in contrast the BJP and the SP are communalism personified (see Aijaz
Ahmed, EPW, June 1, 1996, p 1329). Communalism is not opportunism for
them, it is their very raison detre, their core programme. Its
manifestation will keep changing as per the situation. It is political
wing of RSS, which is pursuing the goal of Hindu Rashtra in pursuance of
which violence has been used like surgeons knife (M S Golwalkar) and the
concept is the mix of fascist and fundamentalist state as demonstrated
above. So despite the apparent similarities, at the core, Congress
communalism is opportunist, BJP communalism is programmatic. Congress
communalism at times has been employed at the service of building
bourgeois nation state, BJP communal violence has been/and will be
dedicated to the building of Hindu Rashtra.
Taking advantage of the fragmentation of polity and rise of regional
parties the BJP is doing its best to ally with the short sighted regional
parties who, to preserve their regional power equations are overlooking
the fascist/communal core of the BJP. The rise of the BJP in the centre
has dangerous portents, as with every rise, its hidden agenda becomes the
part of government programme. The slogan defeat BJP apart from being
negative in itself also gives an indirect message that the only other
electoral outfit, which may benefit from this, is the Congress, whose
compromised secularism is there for everybody to see. So the policy of
maintaining equidistance from the Congress and the BJP is a better one,
argue some friends.
Just because there is a dearth of parties with better secular and
democratic credentials does not mean that one ends up supporting a party,
whose fascist potential exists without any shadow of doubt. What if the
Congress which time and again has used communalism to fulfil its ambitions
of power, benefits from it? Surely it is an evil whose magnitude is many
times lower than the dangers of BJP being in power.
The way to build egalitarian, just society is through the painful path of
struggles of the oppressed sections. In a way, the whole rightward shift
of the political language is due to the weakness and apparent absence of
strong social movements. These movements of workers, dalits, adivasis,
women and minorities being scattered as they are, are not able to
reinforce each other and in turn are unable to influence the direction of
the centrist political formations. One of the byproducts of the platform
for secular democracy will be warding off the threat of fascist danger, in
whatever guise it comes, while pursuing its goal of social secular
democracy. This building of the platform of secular democracy and social
justice is the long-term goal towards which the efforts have to begin
right away. Most of the electoral parties cannot properly hold on to the
secular and democratic principles. It is only such a platform based on the
struggles of exploited weaker sections of society, which can not only
build the egalitarian society with social justice but also during the
course of its struggle can ensure that the centrist formations are forced
to adopt secular and democratic principles on firmer grounds. Thus the
Defeat BJP slogan is like a fire fighting measure. Real efforts have to be
focused towards much neglected social movements, towards building the
bridges among them. These bridges are the boosters, which can and will
enhance the total strength not in an additive fashion but by qualitatively
transforming the very nature and social role of these groups.

______

#5.

SAJA-NY, in association with Asia Society and the PEN American Center
presents...

Meet the Author
Taslima Nasrin
"Meyebela, My Bengali Girlhood"
Thursday, November 7, 6:30 p.m.
Asia Society and Museum
725 Park Avenue at 70th Street, NYC

In this compelling memoir of growing up female in a Muslim world, Nasrin
(author of Shame) traces the influences that led her to become a doctor,
writer, and outspoken proponent of women's rights and religious tolerance.
A recipient of several human rights awards, Nasrin has lived in exile from
Bangladesh since 1994, when a death fatwa was issued against her. She will
be interviewed about her life and work by Meredith Tax, author and
president of Women's WORLD, a global free speech network of feminist
writers. Book signing and reception follows. Presented as part of Asia
Society's Asian Social Issues Program and cosponsored by South Asian
Journalists Association and PEN American Center.

$7 members (Asia Society/SAJA/PEN); $10 nonmembers.
For tickets and information call 212-517-ASIA (2742)

WORLD is an acronym for World Organization for Rights,
Literature and Development.

______

#6.

The Telegraph
Thursday, October 31, 2002

Mumbai cracks whip on VHP

ANAND SOONDAS
Mumbai, Oct. 30: The Vishwa Hindu Parishad is at the receiving end of=20
a Praveen Togadia- and Jhajjar-induced outrage.

While the Maharashtra government has banned all speeches by the VHP=20
leader in the state, students, women and cultural groups have come=20
together to begin a campaign against the outfit from tomorrow.

Already angered by Togadia=B9s alleged remarks against Sonia Gandhi,=20
the Congress-led government has gone a step further, directing police=20
to probe charges of stockpiling of the arms by the VHP in its city=20
offices. VHP workers had assaulted National Students=B9 Union of India=20
activists with swords and tridents recently when they turned up at=20
the outfit=B9s Grant Road office to protest against Togadia=B9s remarks.=20
The Congress lodged a complaint with the police that the VHP kept=20
arms in its offices.

The Network for Women in Media, which has joined various=20
non-political groups in the anti-VHP protests and has organised a=20
demonstration in front of the VHP office, blamed the outfit for the=20
Jhajjar lynchings and the attack on the NSUI activists. =B3The lynching=20
was bad enough, but what was worse was VHP leader Giriraj Kishore=B9s=20
statement that the life of a cow is more important than that of human=20
beings,=B2 said an activist. Five Dalit youths were beaten to death=20
recently for allegedly skinning a cow.

But the VHP is defiant. =B3It is utter nonsense that our offices are=20
full of arms,=B2 Mumbai unit general secretary Mohan Salekar said. =B3The=20
government can check our offices if it wants but it has to have the=20
same yardstick for other religious groups.=B2

The VHP is ready to take on the government regarding the ban on=20
Togadia=B9s meetings and is going out of its way to organise meetings=20
for him. It has asserted that it will go ahead with the =B3scheduled=B2=20
meetings that have him as speaker. =B3In fact, even the BJP is with us=20
on this,=B2 Salekar said.

The BJP, however, is playing safe. =B3Togadia did not say anything that=20
was wrong, his statements have been misinterpreted,=B2 party spokesman=20
Prakash Javdekar said. But he hastened to add that though the BJP was=20
with Togadia, it would neither help the VHP organise any functions in=20
the state nor take part in them.

The state government has long been talking about a ban on the Bajrang=20
Dal and the VHP. The home ministry had recently said speeches by VHP=20
leaders would be banned in the state following minor riots in Pune=20
and Nagpur. The government says the riots followed Togadia=B9s remarks=20
against Sonia.

_____

#7.

Various students, youth & cultural groups will be
> having demonstration opposite VHP office, Grant Road
> (e) on October 31,2002 at 3.45 pm. The demo has been
> organised as VHP is responsible for the lynching of 5
> dalits at Jhanghar, Haryana. Infact, Senior Vice
> President of VHP Acharya Giriraj Kishore has defended
> it openly by saying that ' the live of cow is more
> important than human lives'.
> We will assemble at Grant Road (e) station ticket
> window at 3.30. Every feel that we must be in a
> sizeable number & strength at VHP office as everyone
> knows that they have stocked trident, knives & lathis
> in their office. Recently they attacked NSUI
> activists.
> Please spread word also.

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