[sacw] SACW | 12 Feb. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire - Dispatch | 12 February 2002

------------------------------------------

#1. USA: Indo-Pakistani Tensions Mount at Local Amoco
#2. WAR PAINT: Pakistan's 'Islamic Bomb' & fear an all-out battle=20
with India (Tariq Ali)
#3. Excerpts from Pakistan's political culture: essays in historical=20
and social origins By K.K. Aziz
#4. Kashmir: Bhat's shabby house mocks at the army of leaders -=20
Maqbool outlives the hangman
(Fayaz Hamid)
#5. India: 'Rioters got Rs. 50 for killing a Sikh'
#6. India: A tragedy in the making How far will the PM go to=20
accommodate the VHP? (Kuldip Nayar)
#7. India: The archaeology of faith (RS Sharma)
#8. India: TaliBal Thakeray's goons to beat up Valentines' couples!
________________________

#1.

theonion.com

Indo-Pakistani Tensions Mount at Local Amoco

DETROIT- Indo-Pakistani tensions continue to escalate this week=20
at the Eight-Mile and Telegraph Road Amoco, where hostilities between=20
owner Rajesh Srinivasan and in-store Subway mini-franchise manager=20
Majid Ashraf threaten to spill over into all-out war.

"We have made every effort to extend the hand of friendship to=20
the Pakistani delegation that runs the Amoco Mart's Subway Express,"=20
said the India-born Srinivasan, 49, in a statement to the press=20
Monday. "But that hand, my own hand with which I built this business=20
for my family, has been repeatedly and without remorse slapped away."

Leased and operated by Pakistani immigrant Ashraf and his=20
family since March 1999, the in-store Subway occupies 30 percent of=20
the Amoco Mart's total retail space. Ever since their arrival, the=20
Ashrafs have been the subject of increasingly inflammatory rhetoric=20
from Srinivasan, who charges, among other things, that they are not=20
mopping their fair share of the disputed territory near the coolers.

In a terse Feb. 1 statement to reporters, Ashraf struck back.

"I come to America to make business, not to be insulted by the=20
son of a New Delhi whore," Ashraf said. "I take my orders from=20
[Subway regional manager] Larry [Ferber], not from son-of-bitch=20
Indian dog who says to me where I mop and where I not mop."

Though tensions have existed ever since the Ashrafs took over=20
the Subway, the situation began sharply deteriorating in December of=20
last year. Upon seeing Srinivasan sweep the parking lot at his wife's=20
behest, Ashraf mocked his Indian counterpart, calling him "a quaking=20
little baby goat" and questioning the manhood of "anyone who would=20
take orders from a woman."

"What Majid doesn't recognize is that there are significant=20
differences between his Islamic culture and Rajesh's Hindu culture=20
regarding gender roles," said Dr. James Sasser, a Harvard professor=20
of Middle Eastern studies. "But, to be fair, Rajesh didn't help=20
matters when he came after Majid with that squeegee."

Relations further deteriorated on Jan. 20, when a dispute over=20
cleaning-supplies inventory led to a full-blown shouting match=20
between the small-business owners. For 45 minutes, Srinivasan and=20
Ashraf loudly traded insults in full view of customers, and the=20
episode reached its apex when Srinivasan called Ashraf "a filthy,=20
lying cheat lower than the untouchable caste of my native land."

Srinivasan then spit on the floor in disdain, prompting Ashraf=20
to retaliate by hurling an economy-sized container of Janitor In A=20
Drum=81 at his rival's head.

Though the skirmish resulted in no serious injuries, it did end=20
what little dialogue there had been between the two sides. Neither=20
Ashraf nor Srinivasan is currently speaking to the other, and both=20
are said to be hiding the employee bathroom key in an attempt to=20
force the other out.
Acquired by the Srinivasan family in 1987, Eight-Mile and=20
Telegraph Road Amoco has long been a hotbed of Indo-Pakistani=20
tension, as its strategic location makes it critical to Pakistani cab=20
drivers needing to refuel on their way from Detroit garages to the=20
more lucrative suburban trade routes. Fluctuating gas prices have,=20
over the years, resulted in strained relations between the station's=20
Indian owners and its Pakistani cab-driver customers, but the=20
economic interdependence of the two groups in a highly competitive=20
climate kept such tensions in check.

Given the volatility of the current situation, officials from=20
Amoco and Subway, who license franchise rights to the Srinivasan and=20
Ashraf families, are keeping a close eye on the troubled region.

"Something must be done, or we're looking at a situation that=20
could lead to all-out war," said Frederick Foss, Subway director of=20
franchise relations for southeast Michigan. "It's in the best=20
interests of everyone in the area that positive relations are=20
maintained between the two sides."

Community members are equally eager to see stability restored=20
to the once-peaceful Amoco. Among the concerned local residents are=20
Sandy Kreil, the nurse who gets coffee at the Amoco Mart on her way=20
to work; local panhandlers "Dan-O" and "Malik"; and Frannie Koenig,=20
the elderly woman who drops in every morning for a Diet Dr. Pepper=20
and a pack of Newport Lights.

In spite of the concern, diplomatic initiatives on the part of=20
Subway and Amoco officials have met with failure.

"I do not see why I must refill ice machine every day when=20
Ashraf's customers have taken away 40 percent of my business for=20
soda," said Srinivasan before walking out on a Jan. 11 negotiating=20
session. "You go die, Mr. Ashraf. I am not listening to you anymore."

In the wake of the breakdown in negotiations, many observers=20
are fearful that the Indian family will "drop the bomb" and refuse=20
Ashraf access to the Dumpster behind the station, effectively forcing=20
him to pay for a separate commercial garbage service and increase his=20
costs beyond profitability. This move would leave Ashraf with little=20
choice but to retaliate with a strike against the candy aisle.

"If such a scenario were to unfold, the devastation unleashed=20
upon the Amoco and its surrounding environs would be vast," Sasser=20
said. "Without the Amoco Mart, locals would have to go all the way=20
over to the Exxon on Gratiot [Avenue] for gas and snacks. Something=20
must be done immediately, or it could spell doomsday for everyone."

______

#2.

Independent on Sunday (London)
February 10, 2002, Sunday
Features; Pg. 29,30

WAR PAINT;
Pakistan is the only Muslim state with nuclear arms, Its 'Islamic=20
Bomb' a source of national pride. But while some decorate cars and=20
shops with its image, many more fear an all-out battle with India,=20
Says Tariq Ali

Mountain problems: (below), a replica of Pakistan's
bomb decorates a car in Rawalpindi; (left) an amusement
park in Quetta is home to this model of Chagai - the site of the
country's first nuclear test in 1998;; Making a bomb, clock-wise from
top left: in Rawalpindi, flags decorated with images of nuclear bombs;
in Sindh, a petrol tanker with a portrait of; Dr Ijaz Ghauri,
Pakistan's foremost nuclear scientist; a store in the; Northwest
Frontier adorned with bomb motifs; and a missile icon

If modern science exemplifies the dialectic of good and evil then
nothing represents evil so clearly as the research, design and
production of nuclear weapons of mass destruction. In the bomb lies the
spirit that could negate all. Like Goethe's Faust, one feels
that: This drives me near to desperate distress!/Such elemental power
unharnessed, purposeless!/There dares my spirit soar past all it
knew: /Here I would fight, this I would subdue!

The failure of the West to inaugurate a process of nuclear disarmament
has led states elsewhere to acquire plutonium and
manufacture their own bombs. Nowhere is the process more frightening
than in south Asia. Neither India nor Pakistan can afford this
weaponry. Both countries would benefit enormously if the billions spent
on nuclear arms were used to build schools, hospitals and
provide clean water in the villages. Rationality, alas, is the first
victim when these two countries quarrel. A few years ago, during the
military skirmishes in the snow deserts of Kargill, nuclear threats
were exchanged by both countries on 13 separate occasions. The
recent war in Afghanistan has further destabilised the region. On 13
December last year, armed Muslim fundamentalists attacked the
Indian parliament, hoping to provoke a conflict between India and
Pakistan. They hate the country's leader, General Musharraf, for
betraying the Muslim cause and siding with Washington. And they hate
the Hindu fundamentalist party that rules India. The tragedy is
that they came close to inciting a war.

The Indians argued that if the US could bomb a country and change its
government while searching for the terrorists who ordered the
hits on the Pent -agon, why shouldn't India be able to do the same? The
logic is impeccable, but the outcome could be a catastrophe
of massive proportions. Pakistan's rulers responded with a nuclear
threat: if their country's sovereignty was ever challenged they
would use nuclear weapons. A chill gripped the atmosphere.

Under US pressure, Islamabad shifted rapidly into reverse gear. On 12
January the General made a landmark speech. Pervaiz
Musharraf offered India a no-war pact, de-nuclearisation of south Asia,
closure of the jihadi training camps in Pakistan and a total
transformation of Indo-Pak relations. While hard-line fundamentalist
newspapers attacked him, the country remained calm. Not a bird
twittered, not a dog barked. So much for the view that ordinary
Pakistanis are obsessed with the "Islamic bomb".

There is, however, a vocal minority for whom the bomb makes up for the
lack of everything else. It is a substitute for lost pride,
basic amenities, a ruined economy and a fractured culture. The Koran
plus a nuclear missile equals a strong Muslim state. The fact
that Pakistan is the only Muslim state to possess these weapons
becomes, for some, a substitute for oil. Our bomb, boast the nuclear
nationalists, will defend Islam against all its enemies. And so they
parade cardboard missiles and display the potent emblem on bus
and bullock-cart alike. Ask them if they realise it could lead to
disaster and they look upwards and mutter: "Everything is in the hands
of Allah. He will decide." This primitive belief in predestination
could wreck the entire subcontinent if the weapons ever fell into the
wrong hands.

Pakistan's nuclear capacity has been used by the jihadi as a guarantee
of their untouchability. No more. If Pakistan is permitted to
keep its bomb it will have to disarm the groups who might use it. Some
of these elements are present inside the army. India's
response is, therefore, vital. If it reacted generously the entire
political landscape could be altered to the benefit of both countries.
But India refuses to budge. It talks of "minimum nuclear deterrence" and
has declined the no-war pact offered by its once recalcitrant
neighbour.

By rejecting General Musharraf's offer, the Indian government has only
exposed the hollowness of its professed commitment to
nuclear disarmament. The folly of India's rulers has been compounded by
the test-firing of a new Agni missile on the eve of its
Republic Day celebrations on 26 January. Apart from being an
irresponsible and provocative gesture, the test is a reaffirmation of
New Delhi's resolve to proceed with its nuclear arms programme. The
advocates of a short sharp war against Pakistan are largely
confined to the well-off urban middle-classes in India. The poor do not
favour conflict. They know the dangers it would create inside
India, with its 200 million Muslims. Even among the middle classes the
desire for a war would fade if they were conscripted. For
unlike Osama's gang these are armchair fundamentalists who are unlikely
to feel the pinch unless the war goes nuclear. Plutonium is a
great leveller.

New Delhi sees itself as a potential world power. It craves a seat on
the Security Council. It argues that if small European countries
like Britain and France can possess nuclear weapons, then why not
India? The simplest response here would be to extend nuclear
disarmament, but the West is unlikely to oblige. The stalemate in south
Asia will continue.

Tariq Ali's latest book, 'The Clash of Fundamentalisms: Crusades,
Jihads and Modernity' will be published by Verso in April

______

#3.

DAWN
05 February 2002

EXCERPTS: Crisis of identity
By Prof K.K. Aziz

The ordinary citizens ask agonizing questions. Prof K.K. Aziz=20
explains the reasons behind the contradictions in Pakistani society.
A section of the Pakistani intelligentsia began to talk about a thing=20
it called "the crisis of identity" in the late 1950s, that is within=20
a decade of attaining freedom. Seminars on it were held under=20
official auspices at which historians, ulema, politicians and=20
generals expounded their views on the phenomenon. The proceedings=20
were then issued as booklets. Since then there has been a spate of=20
references to the malady in the hundreds of articles carried by the=20
Urdu and English press. However, no one has addressed the issue=20
seriously....
Those who raise the topic in their writings or in private=20
conversations always consider it a problem which appeared with or=20
after the creation of Pakistan. That is a grave mistake. The=20
discussion begins on the wrong note, because they disregard history=20
and literature as the determinants of the social framework, and=20
concentrate on the existing political situation. The debate is=20
aborted by the falsity and irrelevance of the first premiss.
The problem of self-identity began when Muslim imperial rule ended.=20
Till 1857 the Indian Muslim who was capable of thinking seriously=20
looked upon himself as a "ruler", a member of the elite, a part (even=20
a cog is a part) of the imperial machine. This feeling was=20
indefinable, vaguely comprehended, imperfectly conceived, and not=20
commonly expressed in writing or speech. But it formed a major=20
dimension of his psyche. It also had great advantages. It brought=20
self-confidence. It offered a sense of superiority. It gave stability=20
to the society and a poise to the individual. It sustained an=20
interest in Muslim, particularly Persian, tradition and literature.=20
It acted as a shield against the fear of the Hindus. It was a source=20
of self-satisfaction. It served as a balancing force in the welter of=20
the complexities, character, nature, variety and tendencies of human=20
relationships. It defined Islam in uncontroversial terms and thus=20
retained it as the central pillar of the empire and the unifying=20
element of the society.
The failure of the Mutiny destroyed for all times to come this=20
comfortable, comforting, cosy, pleasurable, safe, exhilarant world=20
(though, strictly speaking, the work of destruction had begun with=20
Aurungzeb's death a century and a half earlier; but illusions do not=20
die a quick death). A new cycle of history began. Every old value,=20
public and private, became either a problem or a burden. Standards of=20
behaviour altered. The language of "national" discourse changed,=20
literally and philosophically: Urdu and English replacing Persian,=20
and politics supplanting imperial despotism. The unfamiliar British=20
became the arbiters of our fate. The grandeur of Muslim sovereignty,=20
which the Muslim had taken to be an eternal factor of his existence,=20
was swept away and thrown into the dustbin of historical refuse (the=20
inevitable end of empires throughout the length of time). The British=20
had arrived. The Hindus had arisen. The Muslims had been=20
dispossessed. The world had changed.
With this loss of the illusion of permanence came the search for new=20
bearings. The crisis of identity was born. The Muslim lost his=20
self-respect. That was a tragedy, but not a disaster. He did not know=20
how to go about regaining it. That was the disaster. He was=20
surrounded by a horde of advisers and teachers and leaders, each of=20
them pointing to a different direction, each prescribing his own=20
patent medicine which could cure all ailments (the Muslim=20
amritdhara), each claiming to be the standard-bearer of true Islam,=20
each asserting that he was the voice of the time, each presenting=20
himself as the saviour, the good old Khizr leading to the elixir of=20
eternal life. The poor Muslim was confused. He walked through a=20
tunnel, narrow and long and unlit, the end of which he could not see.=20
The Muslim Pakistani still walks the tunnel.
Look at the predicament of the post-1857 Indian Muslim standing=20
amidst the plethora of guide posts and direction-finders, each=20
promising the sure path to salvation. He was asked to learn English=20
and adopt the British ways to enter the modern age. He was told to=20
cooperate with the new rulers so that loyalty to the throne could=20
protect him against the Hindu majority. He was warned that=20
Westernization led to heresy, and a knowledge of the English language=20
to Christianity. He was ordered to fight against the foreign imperial=20
occupation in the interest of an Indian nationalism. He was=20
instructed to follow the medieval Islamic curriculum and the=20
classical religious decisions and precedents. He was directed to=20
study science and European literature to reinterpret the Quran, and=20
to reconcile the past and the present.
He was asked to live in the past, for that was the country of his=20
glory. He was asked to live in the present, for that was the demand=20
of dire necessity. He was asked to live both in the past and the=20
present, for his religion was immutable and valid for all ages. He=20
was told so many things that he learnt nothing. He found himself=20
hanging from a rope stretched over an abyss whose two cliffs were his=20
yesterdays and his todays, and he did not know whether to try to move=20
towards his yesteryears or towards the current times. He could not=20
distinguish between his yesterday and his today. How could he look=20
forward to his tomorrow? His perplexity was complete.
The confusion created by the variety and divergence of the counsels=20
offered was compounded by the diversities of his surroundings. He=20
spoke many languages (notwithstanding, and refuting, the claim of=20
Urdu as the language of Muslim India), belonged to many races, and=20
lived in many provinces. He was the descendant of an Arab, Afghan,=20
Central Asia, Iranian or some other Muslim migrant. He was the=20
progeny of a local convert to Islam. He was a foreigner from distant=20
lands. He was a native of long standing. He was a venerable member of=20
the ashraf, the old aristocracy of a ruling and conquering race. He=20
was a despicable timeserver, a low caste Hindu who had embraced Islam=20
out of fear or lack of principle. He was so many things at the same=20
time that he did not know what he was.
The wind which fanned the flame of these uncertainties and=20
bafflements was ignorance. The Muslim had lost his way because he did=20
not know his history, and because he did not know what his literature=20
was. Without these two foundations he could not stand as an entity, a=20
distinctive group, a people, or a nation. He was like a pile of=20
bricks heaped on the roadside. The mortar to bond them and make a=20
wall was not available. He could not identify himself because he had=20
neither read his history (what he had done in the past) nor studied=20
his traditions (what he had thought and written).
The coming of independence in 1947 made this confusion more=20
confounded by adding a new depth to the mystery - politics. And the=20
road travelled by this politics took the people into ravines and=20
gullies and valleys covered with thick mists of doubt and=20
incertitude. The nation (if that it ever was or now is) which had=20
been innocent on the social level before 1947 was now made into a=20
political simpleton.
The search for identity became even more pressing, more urgent, more=20
desperate. A long line of episodes marking the post-Independence=20
history made the task maddening. The failure of the politicians, long=20
spells of military supremacy (even when there was a civilian=20
government in office), many constitutions, political violence, three=20
wars with India, governmental instability, sectarian bloodshed, and=20
the secession of East Pakistan, raised so many issues that it was=20
difficult to see where the nation and the State were going.
The quest was made more difficult by the ways in which individuals=20
interacted with the society, and the state regimented the society.=20
The mind of the ordinary citizens was crowded with searching and=20
agonizing questions...
* * * * *
General Ayub Khan abolished history from the school system, and got=20
official textbooks prepared for history students at the university=20
level. Between 1960 and 1980 the students read no history at all for=20
the first 12 years of their studies. Instead, they were taught a=20
newly invented subject called "Social Studies", which was an uneven=20
and coarse amalgam of bits of civics, geography, religion, economics=20
and history. During the 13th and 14th years (undergraduate period)=20
they read a history book prepared by the government. Zulfikar Ali=20
Bhutto's regime did not make any change in this scheme.
General Ziaul Haq promoted the destruction of history with unswerving=20
determination. In the name of a debatable patriotism and a=20
supposititious ideology he made his control over history writing and=20
teaching complete, arbitrary, coercive and totalitarian. He (1)=20
subjected all textbooks of Social Studies to the scrutiny and=20
approval of the Federal Ministry of Education, i.e., a group of civil=20
servants, (2) created a new subject of "Pakistan Studies"; made it=20
compulsory for all undergraduates in arts, sciences, medicine and=20
engineering, and all graduates in law; and got a special textbook=20
prepared for it by several committees and panels of experts working=20
in close collaboration (the result was not even bad history), and (3)=20
dictated that all these books must meet the requirements of an=20
ideology (he did not call it Islam), of which he was the sole=20
definer, judge and perpetrator.
Official history, whether prepared by the German Nazis or the Italian=20
Fascists or the Soviet Communists, or Zia's professors, is by=20
definition a distortion of facts and a vehicle of brainwashing.=20
Political propaganda abuses the mind of one generation.=20
State-dictated history perverts many generations on all levels. It is=20
a salutary thought to remember that State-defined history was one of=20
the major causes of the ruin of the Soviet Union. Honest history=20
writing is discouraged, sometimes punished. As the professors who=20
write this rubbish also supervise and guide the work of research=20
students, the Pakistani degree of the doctor of philosophy has lost=20
all value.
There are similar distortions in the teaching of literature. The=20
Pathan or the Punjabi school student is asked to study Ghalib and=20
Iqbal, though he was born in the tradition of Khushhal Khan Khattak=20
and Sayyid Waris Shah, and in his folk culture has heard of Yusuf=20
Zulaikha and Saif-ul-Muluk. How can he relate what he is taught with=20
his birthright and culture? While the political leaders of the Muslim=20
community were encouraging their followers to treat the Hindus as=20
their enemies or reacting to the Hindu hatred for the Muslim, Iqbal,=20
in his Javidnama, was praising Hindu thinkers like Bhartari Hari,=20
presenting Buddhism as a noble religion, and admiring the Babi=20
"heretic" Qurrat-ul-'Ain Tahira. The student is once again torn=20
between his literature and his history.
The bulk of Punjabi poetry is a message of Sufi tolerance, universal=20
humanism, and social protest against all exploitation and=20
inequalities. In the village the Punjabi boy and girl grow up with=20
Sultan Bahu and Bulleh Shah and Shah Husain ringing in their ears. In=20
their schools they are told to view the invasions of Ahmad Shah=20
Abdali and the Afghan spoliation of the Punjab as victories of Islam.=20
In the land of the Pathans children who have heard their parents and=20
elders reciting Khushhal Khan Khattak with energy and devotion are=20
taught in the school that the poet was a rebel against the Mughal=20
Empire.
By compelling the young students to swallow these contradictions as=20
their daily intellectual diet, we are forcing them to view their=20
literature and history as two different sources of information which=20
refute and rebut each other.
With the disappearance of the Persian language from our educational=20
and cultural scene, a vital and humanistic element of our literature=20
and culture and an important source of our history have been rubbed=20
off our life. Here, literature and history suffer equally.
K.K. Aziz (born 1927) has taught politics, history, Islam and Asian=20
Studies for 50 years at various institutions in Pakistan and abroad.=20
He has also served as the deputy official historian to the federal=20
government and chairman of the national commission on historical and=20
cultural research.
------------------------------------------------------------------------

Excerpts from Pakistan's political culture: essays in historical and=20
social origins
By K.K. Aziz
Vanguard Books, 45 The Mall, Lahore
Tel: 042-7243783
Email: vbl@b...
ISBN 969-402-354-8
460pp. Rs695

______

#4.

Date: 10 Feb 2002

Bhat's shabby house mocks at the army of leaders
Maqbool outlives the hangman
Fayaz Hamid
Trehgam (Kupwara): The man who saw a dream of an independent Kashmir=20
may continue to be an icon for those fighting for freedom but as a=20
person, his family is neglected.
>Born in a humble family, Maqbool Bhat overgrew his environs and rose=20
>up with a one-man's dream that inspired many minds and thousands to=20
>follow and perceive an ideal which turned Kashmir upside down even=20
>when the voice was choked by the hangman's noose. He lost everything=20
>despite the possibility of a bright and secure future personally.=20
>Most of his life tortured, both in India and in Pakistan, because he=20
>claimed to have a dream.
>There are scores of frontline leaders who swear by his name today=20
>but none of them ever found time from a busy political schedule to=20
>look at the miserable condition in which those he left behind are=20
>living today.
>There is no male member to light a lamp in the house from which this=20
>one-man-army lit a torch and carried it in his hands to jolt people=20
>out of complacency. The house is shabby, the rooms dark and cobwebs=20
>in every nook and corner of a place which is supposed to be the=20
>kindergarten of Kashmir's freedom struggle.
>Of the few people left alive in his family, none can claim to be=20
>living comfortably. Although the only thing keeping them alive are=20
>the memories of their icon.
>While a rat race has begun among almost all the separatist=20
>organisations in paying tributes to Maqbool Bhat, the slain leader's=20
>old and solitary house in this far-flung hamlet of Trehgam stands=20
>silent with no activity visible from outside. And once in, you=20
>encounter his family members, all females, as none of the male=20
>members is alive now.
>When this reporter reached the place, one day ahead of Maqbool=20
>Bhat's 18th death anniversary, some kids were busy making snowmen.=20
>Wearing thick Pherans and sporting hot Kangris, some elders were=20
>sucking at 'Hukkas' at local shops. Although everybody looked=20
>relaxed, one could smell something in the air - that of mourning.
>The old house, where Maqbool Bhat was born in 1936, presented=20
>strange looks of isolation. Although turned shabby due to sunlight=20
>and shade of more than seven decades, the house presents a mystic=20
>grandeur. There is no activity outside. From outside it looks as if=20
>it is a deserted house. A knock on the door and a cute little girl=20
>opens the door. She is Manzoor's daughter. Manzoor, Maqbool Bhat's=20
>youngest brother, who was a militant and was killed by the security=20
>forces.
>The girl invited this reporter inside where entire family was=20
>sitting in the kitchen. When told that the uninvited guest was a=20
>news reporter, there was no enthusiasm. Keeping with the rich=20
>traditions of hospitality, the reporter was offered tea. While=20
>sipping tea, the discussion picked up revolving around Maqbool Bhat.
>Manzoor's widow, Hanifa has never seen Maqbool but the very name=20
>brings a noble light to her face and pride in her eyes. It is a=20
>broken family, both emotionally and economically, but all the family=20
>members including the children cherish the treasure of family's=20
>history particularly Maqbool Bhat's memories.
>Nobody from any organisation came to help the family after Manzoor's=20
>death, reveals Hanifa. The only source of income is from the=20
>compassionate post in Co-operative Bank in Trehgam where her husband=20
>was an employee. There is no other source of income. But the family=20
>has no complaints, no grudges against anyone. "Maqbool Sahib=20
>sacrificed his life for a mission - a noble mission. We don't expect=20
>people coming and helping us," she said.
>Mubeena, daughter of Ghulam Nabi Bhat, another brother of Maqbool,=20
>who died in a road accident seven years back, is proud of his uncle.=20
>"I have never seen him but every Kashmiri talks about him with=20
>respect and reverence. That's our wealth," she said. At the same=20
>moment she is bitter against security forces. "They tortured my=20
>grandmother Shahmala. After four days of Manzoor Uncle's death,=20
>forces tortured grandmother asking her to hand over the arms that=20
>they said Uncle had kept with her," she said wiping her tears.
>The family took this reporter to a room, which they call Maqbool's=20
>room. Maqbool used to live in this room, the family members say.=20
>"See the room and house of the leader, whom the parties now call=20
>father of the nation, and go and compare it with the grand palaces=20
>of today's leaders," says Maqbool's sister.
>Mubeena, Ghulam Nabi's daughter feels that although the parties have=20
>called for a strike on Feb 11, but all these groups including APHC=20
>have disowned Maqbool Bhat. "None of them ever visited us," she said.
>Masooda, sister of Maqbool Bhat, says that even today she is being=20
>hounded by the security forces. "We have no complaints against any=20
>group or any leader. Let them do what they want to. We are simply=20
>nourishing the dream that my brother stood for and for which he=20
>kissed the gallows," she adds.

______

#5.

The Hindu
Tuesday, Feb 12, 2002

'Rioters got Rs. 50 for killing a Sikh'

New Delhi Feb. 11. A victim of the 1984 riots today informed the=20
Justice Nanavati Commission that rioters were given Rs. 50 and a=20
bottle of liquor for killing every Sikh in West Delhi. Gurdeep Kaur,=20
whose family in Tilak Vihar lost seven members in the riots, said she=20
heard the rioters talking about the deal after setting on fire a=20
tubewell house where their menfolk were hiding. ``They were all=20
laughing and saying that to kill one Sardar they got Rs. 50 and a=20
bottle of liquor,'' she informed the panel.

Ms. Kaur's husband, two sons and four other relatives were burnt=20
alive a day after the assassination of the former Prime Minister,=20
Indira Gandhi.

Ms. Kaur identified 16 of the rioters most of whom were from the same=20
area. _ UNI

______

#6.

The Indian Express
EDITORIALS & ANALYSIS
Monday, February 11, 2002

A tragedy in the making
How far will the PM go to accommodate the VHP?
by Kuldip Nayar

History seldom repeats itself. But it looks like it is going to do so=20
at Ayodhya. Fundamentalists are once again on the prowl, this time to=20
recruit 10 lakh 'Ram sewaks' to build the temple. The last time they=20
had assembled in their thousands was to destroy the Babri Masjid. The=20
instigators are the same: leaders of the RSS parivar's Vishwa Hindu=20
Parishad (VHP). They haughtily proclaimed then that they had done it.=20
Today they say, come what may they will start constructing the temple=20
after March 12.

I covered the Masjid demolition. The only difference between then and=20
now is the change at the Centre. At that time, it was a Congress=20
government, led by P.V. Narasimha Rao. Today, it is the BJP that=20
heads the government under Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee. New=20
Delhi is as firm against the construction now as it was before the=20
destruction. Warnings administered today are no different from the=20
ones of those days. Even the words used are the same. The UP=20
government was run by the BJP at that time. The same party ruled the=20
state when the present campaign reached a crescendo.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Rao took no precautions. The masjid was demolished. A similar=20
lassitude can serve as a signal for the VHP to begin temple=20
construction
------------------------------------------------------------------------

It is well known that the Centre, even if it did not connive in the=20
demolition, was complacent. Rao's defence that he was let down by the=20
BJP government is weak because a makeshift temple came up at the=20
place where the masjid once stood after the imposition of President's=20
rule. Rao did precious little to live up to his promise made before=20
senior journalists that the temple would not be there for long.

The position of the Vajpayee government is a bit ticklish. Some of=20
its ministers are facing the charge of being involved in the=20
demolition before the court. An estranged close family member of Home=20
minister L.K. Advani has filed an affidavit with the Liberhan=20
Commission probing the demolition, making the allegation of=20
complicity against him. What will come out of the affidavit when the=20
commission deals with it is difficult to say. But it is certainly one=20
more point of embarrassment for the government.

Vajpayee is categorical that the dispute can be settled either=20
through an agreement between the two communities or a judicial=20
verdict. But the BJP's own agenda, although on hold as long as it is=20
part of the NDA, is no different from that of the VHP. The BJP, too,=20
wants the disputed site to be handed over for the building of the=20
temple. Party president Jana Krishnamurthi admitted at a recent press=20
conference that the ''biggest restriction'' was that the temple was=20
not on the NDA agenda.

How does all this fit into Vajpayee's stand? True, the PM has=20
rejected the demand for handing over the 67-acre acquired land to the=20
VHP. But referring the matter to the Law ministry to examine its=20
legal aspects is a concession. It indicates the pressure being=20
exerted behind the scenes.

The disputed site is the sanctum sanctorum, the core of the temple.=20
How can the adjoining land serve the VHP's purpose? It is a ruse,=20
meant to bulldose the process. First start building on the acquired=20
land. Put up gates, pillars and other appurtenances. Then forcing the=20
rest will be easier. Suppose the court declares the disputed site as=20
the masjid's property. Will the VHP then allow the mosque to be=20
rebuilt? Fearing a possible adverse judicial verdict, its=20
international president Ashok Singhal has said that ''faith was not=20
justiciable'' and that the VHP was not prepared to abide by any court=20
decision. This negates the very rule of law, the pillar on which the=20
edifice of Indian polity stands. If the faith of a community is above=20
the court's authority, then why have a constitution at all? And does=20
it mean the faith of every community? In fact, it is wrong on the=20
part of the government to even talk to a body which says it will not=20
obey the judicial verdict if it goes against it.

When the land acquisition case came up before the Supreme Court in=20
1993, Justice S.P. Bharucha, currently the Chief Justice of India,=20
rightly said in his dissenting judgement that the acquisition would=20
''favour one religion against another'' and was ''opposed to=20
secularism''. Another judge from the minority community, Justice A.M.=20
Ahmedia, who latter became the Chief Justice of India, concurred with=20
him. Even though the majority judgement (3-2) upheld the acquisition=20
by the Union government, it does not follow that the acquired land=20
can be handed over to the VHP.

The government's legal status is that of a receiver. It keeps the=20
land till there is a settlement or a judicial verdict. The government=20
cannot act on its own and give the land to one party or the other.=20
The Law ministry can either state that the Supreme Court has asked=20
the government to preserve the status quo or refer it to the Supreme=20
Court through the President for advice. The rest will be politics.=20
Whatever the exercise, the Sangh parivar, including the BJP, is=20
playing with fire. Should it be doing so when the country is passing=20
through a critical period because of a war-like situation on the=20
borders? The timing itself reveals the real motive (Vajpayee=20
reportedly sent Defence Minister George Fernandes last week to the=20
Shankaracharya of Kanchi to request him to have the date extended.)

The BJP president refused to reveal the stand the party would take if=20
the construction of the temple began after March 12. His reply was:=20
''We will cross the bridge when we come to it.'' This does not=20
discourage the VHP in any way. The government cannot let the matter=20
rest at that. Rao took no precautions. The result was that the masjid=20
was demolished. A similar lassitude can serve as a signal for the VHP=20
to begin temple construction. If that happens, it would be a second=20
disaster for our pluralistic society.

Vajpayee appears to be helpless as has been seen on several occasions=20
earlier. The NDA partners, most of whom are today opposed to the=20
VHP's move, must press the government to take early action so as to=20
stall the recruitment of 'Ram sewaks'. The rath yatra the VHP is=20
contemplating will foul the atmosphere. We saw how Advani's rath=20
yatra had polarised society in north India and sparked off communal=20
riots, leaving hundreds dead in their wake. Even after nearly 10=20
years, India has not been able to live down the ignominy of the=20
masjid demolition. Our secular credentials have been tarnished.=20
Beginning temple construction by force may squeeze out whatever is=20
left of our claim to a democratic and pluralistic nation. The ball is=20
in Vajpayee's court. He has to ask himself how far he is willing to=20
accommodate the fundamentalists and to what purpose.

______

#7.

The Hindustan Times
Tuesday, February 12, 2002

The archaeology of faith
by RS Sharma

The archaeological evidence doubting the historicity of Ayodhya in=20
2000 BC has been deleted by the NCERT (Ch.3, pp.20-21). Although the=20
Puranic genealogy is not the same in different Puranas, sometimes it=20
is argued on this basis that Rama Dasarathi ruled around 2000 or 1800=20
BC.

http://www.hindustantimes.com/nonfram/120202/detide01.asp

______

#8.

Subject: TaliBal Thakeray's goons to beat up Valentines' couples!
Date: Mon, 11 Feb 2002 12:45:27 -0500 (EST)
From: "Raja Harish Swamy"

Seems Mullah Omar's rickshaw got hijacked to Bombay (or Mumbai);
Beat up your youth, to protect them; like bomb the natives to save them..al=
l
for sanskriti--the saffron sharia in all its splendour!

o o o

We'll bash up Valentine couples: Sena leader

By Sanjay Sharma in Bhopal

Love birds crooning on Valentine's Day will have to face the music, warned =
Shiv
Sena chief in Madhya Pradesh, Ramesh Sahu.

"Aavedan, Nivedan then Danadan. First we will ask the people not to partici=
pate
in such celebrations, then we will request them and then if they still don'=
t
listen, we will bash them up," Sahu said.

"Not only will such functions be disrupted, but participating couples will =
also
be punished," said Sahu. He said 40 teams of five members each have been
constituted all over the Bhopal city alone to keep an eye on the "crazy
people".

For the past two years, acvtivists of the Shiv Sena, Akhil Bharatiya
Vidhyarathi Parishad (ABVP) and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), have gon=
e on
the rampage invading gift shops, burning cards and disrupting festivities o=
n
Valentine's Day.

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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