[sacw] SACW #2. | 30 Jan. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire - Dispatch #2. | 30 January 2002

------------------------------------------

#1.Bangladesh : Eradicate Violence and Harassment Against Women
#2. India Sharpens Its Nuclear Claws (Praful Bidwai)
#3. India: UP's Make-or-Break Election (Praful Bidwai)
#4. India: 'Jang Parivar' - Passionate about anti-nationalism (Shamsul Isla=
m)
#5. India: Not An Inch of Ayodhya For These Saffron Thugs
#6. India: Random Access Memory - Temple Once Again (Ram Puniyani)

________________________

#1.

ACTION ALERT ACTION ALERT ACTION ALERT ACTION ALERT

Eradicate Violence and Harassment Against Women
Case of Simi Banu

Simi Banu, a young and talented artist of Narayangonj Fine Arts=20
Institute, committed suicide at her residence in Khilgaon thana,=20
Dhaka on December 23. Simi left a hand written note in which she=20
blamed some young men of her area and Khilgaon thana sub-inspector=20
Bashar for sexual harassment which led to her committing suicide. She=20
had been the target of insult and harassment by these persons=20
because, she used to return home at night from work and she led an=20
independent life. The sub-inspector insulted her and defended the=20
young men. Simi felt her right to dignity and free movement was=20
threatened and she received no protection from the law enforcing=20
agency. She killed herself because she was undergoing intense=20
pressure by local youths, policeman and neighbourhood elders. Her=20
suicide was a protest against social restrictions on women in=20
Bangladesh.

Womens' and students' organisations have organised several protests,=20
demonstrations demanding proper filing of cases and arrest of the=20
young men accused of sexual harassment.

Under the banner of "We are for Simi", Ain o Salish Kendro (ASK) and=20
several other human rights organisations such as, Nari Progoti=20
Shangha, Nijera Kori, Bangladesh Mohila Parishad, PRIP Trust, BRAC,=20
Kormojibi Nari, Shommilito Shamajik Andolon, BAWSE etc. organised a=20
protest rally on 20 January 2002 near Simi's residence demanding=20
arrest of the young men allegedly responsible for her suicide. On 23=20
of January 2002 in a public meeting at Dhaka University campus these=20
organisations demanded immediate arrest of all accused and proper=20
trial of those responsible for the death of Simi.

They alleged that some police officials have allowed the terrorists=20
to remain free. They also added that, Simi's death is a reflection of=20
the deteriorating law and order situation in the country.

We, in these circumstances, request all to raise their voices against=20
such humiliation of the women of Bangladesh and to pursue the matter=20
with the Prime Minister of the Government of the People's Republic of=20
Bangladesh, and the Minister of Home Affairs, so that all persons=20
involved with the incident are brought to book, and steps are taken=20
to eradicate such violence and harassment against women.

Fax No.s-
Prime Minister
People's Republic of Bangladesh
+88-02-811-1490 (Fax)
Home Minister
People's Republic of Bangladesh
+88-02-861-4788(Fax)

_____

#2.

[Posted on South Asians Against Nukes <SAAN> Mailing List]

>From Inter press Service 29 January 2002

POLITICS-SOUTH ASIA: India Sharpens Its Nuclear Claws=20
Commentary
By Praful Bidwai

NEW DELHI, Jan 29 (IPS)-By test-flying a new, improved short-range=20
version of the Agni missile on Jan. 25, India has made an=20
irresponsible and provocative move vis-a-vis Pakistan. It has also=20
signalled that it is determined to fully weaponise its nuclear=20
capability and rapidly proceed toward deploying it in the field.

New Delhi's summary rejection of Pakistan President Gen Pervez=20
Musharraf's offer to work with India for de-nuclearising South Asia=20
underscores the same message.

The government of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee has clearly=20
set its face against nuclear restraint. It is equally dogged about=20
not de-escalating its unprecedented conventional military build-up=20
along the border with Pakistan, in the wake of an armed attack on its=20
Parliament building in New Delhi on Dec.13, allegedly by=20
Pakistan-based terrorists.

Today, about a million Indian and Pakistani soldiers, armed to the=20
teeth, confront one another at the border. This is the biggest-ever=20
buildup in the two rivals' history.

India has linked de-escalation to ''effective action on Musharraf's=20
part against the ''terrorists", 20 of whom it has named in a list=20
handed over to Pakistan.

Pakistan is now under growing pressure not just from India, but also=20
the United States, to cut its umbilical cord to the 'jihadist'=20
militants operating in Kashmir - just as it had turned against the=20
Taliban in Afghanistan.

Amid the high-tension confrontation comes a new war of words,=20
focused on nuclear weapons. This has further aggravated matters. The=20
hostile rhetoric belies the fond hope that possessing nuclear weapons=20
would instill sobriety and a sense of responsibility in India and=20
Pakistan's leaders.

Musharraf's proposal for de-nuclearising South Asia came two days=20
before the latest Agni test-flight. Musharraf also offered to sign a=20
no-war pact with India.

The Vajpayee government on Jan. 25 rejected both these proposals=20
summarily, but with characteristic sanctimoniousness.

It said its own stand is that ''Nuclear weapons should be banished=20
from the entire globe. De-nuclearisation of India and Pakistan will=20
have no meaning.'' It also said Musharraf's proposals are ''nothing=20
new'', and asked Islamabad to end its ''cross-border terrorism and=20
proxy war'' forthwith.

This is the second time Musharraf has offered to rid South Asia of=20
nuclear weapons in cooperation with India and other powers. The first=20
occasion was September 2000, when he addressed the United Nations=20
General Assembly and proposed the formation of a nuclear weapons-free=20
zone in South Asia.

India made a riposte to the de-nuclearisation proposal, in the form=20
of the Agni test.

This version of the ballistic missile has a shorter range (700 km)=20
than its predecessors (Agni-I, range of 1,500 km, and Agni-II with a=20
range 2,000 to 2,500 km). But the new missile is much lighter and=20
road-and rail-mobile. It is said to be far more accurate than the=20
older versions.

The new Agni uses an all-solid fuel. This offers a major advantage=20
over the liquid fuel used in the second stage of the earlier models,=20
which is corrosive and requires a prolonged filling process.

This missile thus further narrows the gap between the manufacture=20
and testing of nuclear weapons, on the one hand, and their induction=20
into the armed forces, or deployment, on the other.

India is also reportedly building a huge underground facility at the=20
cost of 300 million U.S. dollars to house a nuclear command and=20
control centre.

In addition, India is believed to be acquiring two nuclear-powered=20
submarines from Russia. The Russian 'Novye Izvestia' daily has said=20
the two Project-971 ''Bars'' class multi-role submarines will be=20
leased in 2004 and are likely to be deployed in the Indian Ocean to=20
''balance'' China's growing presence there.

The move is significant because India's own Advanced Technology=20
Vessel submarine development project has repeatedly failed to deliver=20
results. In 1988 too, India had leased a Soviet nuclear submarine for=20
three years.

Nuclear-powered submarines have a long submergence capability. They=20
can stay underwater for up to a year and hence carry a big element of=20
surprise, which is an asset in creating a ''deterrence'' equation or=20
in actual nuclear war-fighting.

The growing nuclear rhetoric partly reflects some of these=20
India-specific developments. In the past three weeks, a number of=20
Indian political and military leaders have made statements warning=20
Pakistan that it could be ''wiped out'' by nuclear weapons.

Among the more remarkable of these was the army chief S=20
Padmanabhan's Jan. 11 statement that his force was ''fully ready''=20
for war. He warned that although ''nuclear weapons are not meant for=20
war fighting'', India would severely punish any state that is ''mad=20
enough to use nuclear weapons against any of our assets''.

Padmanabhan said: ''The perpetrator shall be so severely punished=20
that his very existence will be in doubt. We are ready for a second=20
strike.''

Defence Minister George Fernandes was quick to issue a rebuttal of=20
this ''cavalier'' statement - under Western diplomatic pressure. But=20
he had himself boasted only a few days earlier that India could=20
''absorb'' a first nuclear strike and yet retaliate.

Gen Padamanabhan's statement was highly unusual, because Indian=20
defence chiefs are not expected to make policy or policy-oriented=20
pronouncements. And it is only rarely that their press conferences=20
are televised live.

However, the controversy was not laid to rest on Jan. 12. Four days=20
later, India's naval chief too made a hawkish statement referring to=20
a second-strike capability. He said he could ''neither confirm nor=20
deny'' whether any ship in his fleet carries nuclear weapons.

Such pronouncements are extraordinarily dangerous in the middle of=20
the present eyeball-to-eyeball crisis. Twice before their 1998=20
nuclear tests, India and Pakistan came close to the verge of war=20
amidst ''routine'' military exercises - in 1986-87 and then again in=20
1990.

Since the tests, during the Kargil war of 1999 alone, they exchanged=20
nuclear threats 13 times.

The present nuclear danger is much, much graver than Kargil, indeed=20
than any Cold War nuclear standoff since the Cuban missile crisis of=20
1962. Neither side is relenting or blinking first. Both are trying to=20
extract the maximum possible political and military advantage by=20
courting the United States and getting it to act as the effective=20
mediator, although by a different name. (END/IPS/AP/IP/PB/JS/02)

_____

#3.

The Praful Bidwai Column =
=20
--

UP's Make-or-Break Election

BJP has no trump cards

By Praful Bidwai

Only the na=EFve will see mere coincidence in the passage of the=20
so-called saints' chetavani yatra through the small town of=20
Haidergarh in Uttar Pradesh on the very day Mr Rajnath Singh filed=20
his nomination for the Assembly elections from there. There was a=20
tight causal connection between the two events. The Bharatiya Janata=20
Party has once again shown it is not averse to using the temple=20
issue, even precipitating a crisis over the arbitrary March 12=20
"deadline", if that helps it win votes. Amidst cries of "Jai Sri Ram"=20
in election rallies, and through scarcely hidden collaboration with=20
the VHP, the BJP is once again mixing religion and politics-just it=20
had done a decade ago.

The BJP knows the UP Assembly election has a decisive, make-or-break,=20
character. It is desperate not to lose it. On the other hand, it=20
knows it cannot win it on its own; it needs allies. Its first=20
response to this dilemma was to speak in more than one voice, but act=20
through its sangh surrogate, the VHP. Initially, many BJP leaders=20
wanted to nominally keep the temple out of the election campaign,=20
describing it as a "cultural" issue. But finally, after many=20
somersaults and contradictory statements, the hardliners prevailed in=20
stamping the party's election manifesto with this Hindutva trademark.

The blatant resort to the temple issue highlights one cardinal truth.=20
The BJP does not hold any trump cards in UP. It cannot hope for=20
qualitative leaps in its support, at best incremental changes thanks=20
to the temple. Actually, it sole route to power may lie in a tactical=20
alliance with the Bahujan Samaj Party.

This is indeed the main conclusion from the latest opinion polls by=20
the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) and=20
Outlook-Cfore, and from trends on the ground. A second conclusion is=20
that almost two-thirds (65.5 percent, according to Outlook) of the UP=20
population does not want a war with Pakistan on the terrorism issue.=20
So, there are pretty tight limits on how much the BJP can use the=20
plank of aggressive, chauvinistic, anti-Pakistan, nationalism. It=20
will need a lot of fancy footwork, many Machiavellian tactics, and=20
above all, good luck, to avert a bad defeat. Consider the options it=20
has used up since it replaced that hopeless liability called Mr Ram=20
Prakash Gupta in October 2000 with Mr Rajnath Singh.

Mr Singh first tried to "clean up" his coalition's horribly tarnished=20
image by sacking the notoriously corrupt power minister Naresh=20
Agarwal. He next moved against Mr Amar Mani Tripathi, against whom=20
there are more criminal cases than against regular gangsters. That=20
didn't quite work. Just last fortnight, he again refused tickets to=20
another four ministers on account of their corruption.

Mr Singh next "adopted" Dalit children and shared a few ritual meals=20
with the poor. That only had a marginal effect on his pro-rich,=20
pro-upper caste, image. He then promised huge pay increases to the=20
bureaucracy. But there was no money in the state's coffers. So this=20
didn't work either.

Mr Singh then resorted to an improbable tactic for a party that had=20
made its USP (unique selling proposition) by opposing Mandal and=20
reservations for the OBC. He announced sub-quotas for the most=20
backward classes (MBCs). This was a cynical attempt to drive a wedge=20
between upper OBCs such as Yadavs and Kurmis (strongly represented in=20
the Samajwadi Party), and lower strata like mallahs, kahars, nais,=20
bhishtis, dhobis, etc., who are numerous, but greatly dispersed. That=20
was supposed to create 40,000 jobs, but produced none thanks to the=20
state's insolvency. The Supreme Court has since put the entire move=20
on hold. So Mr Singh may have ended up antagonising the few BJP=20
supporters that exist among the upper OBCs.

Mr Singh's "populist" measures, including generous tax-breaks for=20
traders, will cost Rs. 1,644 crores. The state government simply=20
doesn't have the money. It is so insolvent that it tries to raise=20
revenues through deplorable means like allowing trucks to be unsafely=20
overloaded. Mr Singh has also antagonised a good chunk of state=20
employees, the BJP's own traditional constituency, by not paying=20
their salaries on time, and sometimes not at all. Mr Ghoshna-nath=20
Singh has certainly proved more strong-willed than Mr Gupta. But=20
whether he will be electorally effective remains an open question.

One thing is very clear, though. It will be near-impossible for the=20
BJP to garner the 32 percent vote it bagged in the last (1996)=20
Assembly elections. The magic ingredient then was Mr Kalyan Singh,=20
who uniquely combined OBC politics and combative Hindutva. That=20
ingredient is now absent. The BJP would be lucky to repeat its 1999=20
Lok Sabha performance (corresponding to 115 Assembly seats). Thus,=20
the Outlook-Cfore estimate, giving the BJP that very number, is=20
somewhat optimistic. By contrast, the projection for the SP is 160=20
seats. (An earlier Lokmat poll gave it 175-185). The BSP, which=20
earlier bagged 66 seats, could get about 80, says Outlook, and the=20
Congress about 35 (33 in 1996).

Going by these projections, the SP and Congress seem better placed to=20
form a viable coalition, assuming they build on their recently=20
improved relations, but still fight separately. (The composition of=20
the Congress's tickets suggests they will fight hard.) If they have=20
"friendly" contests, they could even win a solid majority. These are=20
big ifs. But an equally big if is the BJP's possible understanding=20
with the BSP. According to the Outlook poll, only 17 percent of BJP=20
voters favour allying with the BSP; 68 percent oppose it.

Three reasons explain this. First, the BJP's strategy is to split the=20
MBC and "Most Dalit" votes by putting up 125 candidates from these=20
communities. It is difficult to "mix" these castes with its=20
upper-caste core-supporters. Second, the upper castes have no love=20
lost for Ms Mayawati. During her last term as CM, she diverted=20
development funds only to "Ambedkar Villages", recruited Dalits as=20
patwaris and tehsil officials, and faithfully implemented the SC-ST=20
Atrocities Act. And third, there is a shift in the BJP's base away=20
from the Brahmins (some of whom now prefer the Congress) towards the=20
Rajputs, who are far more hostile to Dalits and MBCs.

Thus, the BJP's options are narrow. Crucial to them are two=20
variables: the anti-terrorism, anti-Pakistan, anti-Muslim platform,=20
and the Ram mandir. Only a field-level survey can tell us how these=20
will play out. But on the face of it, neither issue is likely to=20
generate too many votes. Mr Vajpayee's anti-Pakistan brinkmanship=20
hasn't produced big results. Even if it leads to the release of=20
Pakistan-exiled Khalistanis, that won't have much impact in UP.=20
Pakistan is unlikely to oblige Mr Vajpayee by handing over Dawood=20
Ibrahim. War with Pakistan is a fading option, especially after Mr=20
Colin Powell's visit.

That leaves the BJP with just the mandir. This issue's appeal too=20
would seem limited and extremely sectarian. Psychologically, building=20
is not as attractive even to lumpen minds as demolishing. By all=20
accounts, the temple chetavani yatra isn't getting a great response.=20
The BJP can instigate violence and polarise the communal situation=20
through the VHP-Bajrang Dal to win votes. But it could end up paying=20
dearly if it stoops to this level and antagonises its allies who=20
regard the temple as a highly divisive, destructive, issue.

The BJP's secular opponents, especially the SP and Congress, seem far=20
better placed. But three questions arise about them. Can the SP=20
substantially gain Rajput and Muslim votes, and also attract=20
non-Yadav OBCs in a big way? How far will the BSP's strategy of=20
winning Muslim and upper-caste votes succeed? And could the Congress=20
win 40-to-50 seats and support (and influence) an SP-led coalition=20
"from the outside"?

These are tough questions. To compound matters, 20 percent of the=20
voters remain undecided. But a few points are in order. The SP seems=20
set to significantly improve its vote. Mr Mulayam Singh has emerged=20
as the most favoured chief ministerial candidate. The BSP's strategy=20
of fielding non-Dalits runs counter to the party's USP, founded on=20
Dalit direct self-representation. The Congress is definitely on a=20
comeback trail. Its success will depend more on how it competes with=20
the BJP and BSP, rather with the SP.

Finally, there is a yawning gap between what these parties offer, and=20
what the people's real concerns, including unemployment, the power=20
crisis, malfunctioning schools, bad roads, and corruption.=20
Regrettably, party leaders are not addressing these issues, stuck as=20
they are in ethnicity- and caste-based "identity politics". Only 12=20
percent of the population feels satisfied with the government's=20
performance. A huge 78 percent are unhappy. There is real scope for a=20
progressive agenda based on people's needs, development and justice.=20
This will draw in many more votes than any amount of energetic=20
campaigning.

UP cries out for a shift from identity politics to the politics of=20
transformation--of changing India into a liberal, tolerant,=20
forward-looking democracy which is responsive to its masses' needs,=20
wants and rights. Indeed, the whole country longs for such change.=20
Will UP start the process of our emancipation? -end---

______

#4.

The following article on the anti-national politics of RSS appeared in the
Hindustan Times of Tuesday, January 29, 2002

Passionate about anti-nationalism
Shamsul Islam

India has been targeted by Islamist terrorists who want to destroy our
democracy. ISI is working overtime to subvert the secular ethos of the
Indian State. However, is it a complete truth that only the ISI is trying t=
o
foment trouble in this country?

Who are the entrenched communal elements, enjoying State patronage, out to
destroy the secular fabric of the country? Which are the forces who are
making the job of the ISI easier?

The Chetavani Yatra is the latest example of how the RSS/VHP/Bajrang Dal
combination, protected by the Indian State and its home minister, can cock =
a
snook at the highest court of the land and get away. If communal riots brea=
k
out tomorrow, instigated by the RSS/VHP, to whip vote bank frenzy in UP,
will the Vajpayee or Rajnath Singh government use POTO against these fanati=
c
instigators? If SIMI can be banned for holding a communal agenda, why not
the VHP? If POTO can be used against the PWG, then why leave the Bajrang
Dal? (Besides, the PWG too can claim mass support.)

Is the RSS really a 'nationalist' formation?

Despite the claims by the RSS of being the sole custodian of Indian
nationalism, there is much to be desired when we scrutinise its record of
patriotism and loyalty to the nation. In order to know the truth, we must
study the literature of the RSS, especially the writings of Guru Golwalkar
(Guruji), its philosopher and guide.

After Independence, when the tricolour became the National Flag, it was the
RSS which refused to accept it as the national flag. January 26 this year
was the second time since Independence when they hoisted the tricolour in
Nagpur, their headquarters. Guruji, while discussing the flag in an essay
titled Drifting and Drifting, in Bunch of Thoughts, the RSS Bible, says:
"Our leaders have set up a new flag for our country. Why did they do so? It
just is a case of drifting and imitating. Ours is an ancient and great
nation with a glorious past. Then, had we no flag of our own? Had we no
national emblem at all these thousands of years? Undoubtedly, we had. Then
why this utter void, this utter vacuum in our minds?"

How loyal the RSS is to the Constitution of India can be seen from the
following statement of Guruji (Bunch of Thoughts). "Our Constitution too is
just a cumbersome and heterogeneous piecing together of various articles
from various Constitutions of western countries. It has absolutely nothing
which can be called our own. Is there a single word of reference in its
guiding principles as to what our national mission is and what our keynote
in life is? No!"

Compare this with RSS chief K.S. Sudarshan's statement in Bangalore on
Sunday arguing that there is nothing wrong in changing the Constitution
drafted by Babasaheb Ambedkar.

The RSS demands total loyalty to the nation from minorities. But it is
politically correct for the RSS not to be loyal to the constitutional-legal
set-up of India. Witness the prayers and oath as practised in the shakhas o=
f
the RSS: Indian nationalism means nothing but the Hindutva brand of Manuvad=
i
Hinduism, in the same way as the Muslim League had combined Islam with
nationalism. Both the prayer and oath are in direct contravention to the
secular State, a crucial principle of India's Constitution.

You can imagine the irony when ministers with strong RSS lineage (please se=
e
the front page picture in the Indian Express on Jan. 28, 2002 - Union
Minister Anant Kumar in khaki knickers at the RSS meeting in Bangalore) hav=
e
to take the oath to uphold the integrity of a secular India, while they are
totally committed to the task of creating a Hindu Rashtra as per their own
'prayer' and 'oath' - a must for RSS cadres.

Prayer: "O God almighty, we, the integral part of the Hindu Rashtra, salute
you in reverence/ For your cause have we girded up our loins/ Give us your
blessings for its accomplishment."
Oath: "Before the all powerful God and my ancestors, I most solemnly take
this oath, that I became a member of the RSS in order to achieve all round
greatness of Bharatvarsha by fostering the growth of my sacred Hindu
religion, Hindu society and Hindu culture."
The RSS is against the federal structure of the Constitution, crucial for a
republican polity. This is clear from the message of Guruji sent to the
first session of the National Integration Council in 1961. "Today's federal
form of government not only gives birth but also nourishes the feelings of
separatism. It must be completely uprooted, Constitution purified and
unitary form of government be established."

Bunch of Thoughts has a chapter called Wanted a unitary State. Guruji
writes, ".The most important and effective step will be to bury deep for
good all talk of a federal structure of our country's Constitution and
proclaim - 'One Country, One State, One Legislature, One Executive'."

It's an established historical fact that the RSS played a highly dubious
role during the independence struggle. Patriotic Indians might find it
shocking but read this narrative of Guruji: "At that time, many other peopl=
e
had gone to Doctorji. (Dr Hedgewar, founder of the RSS). This delegation
requested Doctorji that this movement will give independence and Sangh
should not lag behind. At that time, when a gentleman told Doctorji that he
was ready to go to jail, Doctorji said, 'Definitely go. But who will take
care of your family then'? That gentleman said he has arranged resources no=
t
only to run the family expenses for two years but also to pay fines
according to the requirements. Then Doctorji said to him, 'If you have full=
y
arranged for the resources, then come out to work for the Sangh for two
years'. After returning home, that gentleman neither went to jail nor came
out to work for the Sangh."

The attitude of the RSS towards the martyrs of the freedom struggle is
shocking. Witness this passage from the Bunch of Thoughts: "We have not
looked upon their martyrdom as the highest point of greatness to which men
should aspire. For, after all, they failed in achieving their ideal, and
failure implies some fatal flaw in them."

This must be the reason why the RSS did not produce a single martyr during
the freedom movement. Or why they still glorify Nathuram Godse.

The writer teaches Political Science at Satyawati College, Delhi University

______

#5.

A CPI(ML) Weekly News Magazine Vol.-5; No.-5; 30-1-2002

NOT AN INCH OF AYODHYA FOR THESE SAFFRON THUGS

In the midst of all-round apprehension about possible terrorist=20
attacks on Republic Day, a veritable contingent of real terrorists=20
clad in saffron and armed with swords descended on the capital. The=20
organisers-the VHP and Bajrang Dal-called it a 'Sant Chetavani Yatra'=20
or a warning march of the saints! The warning was addressed to the=20
government and the society at large asking for the disputed Ayodhya=20
land to be immediately handed over to the VHP and its Temple Trust to=20
enable construction to begin by March 12.

There were no barricades for these terrorists. No tear gas shells or=20
water cannons. And certainly no POTO! Instead the ruling BJP=20
organised a public show for the visiting terrorists in saffron on the=20
Ramleela Maidan. And the Prime Minister and his Man Friday, India's=20
most disgraceful minister of defence, accorded them an official=20
welcome with the guest terrorists doing all the talking and the=20
government only taking instructions! The case has already been=20
referred to the Law Ministry with a brief to expedite the case and=20
'examine' the legal and constitutional aspects involved in handing=20
over the 'non-disputed part' of the land to the VHP! Meanwhile, the=20
RSS has given a free hand to the VHP and Bajrang Dal to fix the date=20
for launching the temple operation.

In theory, the Vajpayee government is still talking of either a=20
negotiated settlement or a judicial resolution of the Ayodhya=20
dispute. But in practice, it has already taken the first step towards=20
construction of a temple. The fig leaf of distinction being=20
discovered between the original 'disputed' land and the land=20
subsequently taken over by the central government in 1993 is a=20
mischievous eyewash. Allowing the VHP to get a foothold on acres=20
'around' the disputed land and begin construction on it would=20
effectively preclude any possible subsequent court verdict to the=20
contrary. This mischievous move on the part of the government is=20
therefore not just an act of appeasement, the Vajpayee government now=20
officially stands as a co-accomplice of the saffron brigade.

The so-called dispute in Ayodhya was created by the RSS. The Sangh=20
Parivar then built up a hysterical campaign around it and in December=20
1992 the saffron brigade defied every law and norm of a civilised=20
society to translate the campaign into action. Since then Ayodhya has=20
become an open-ended agenda for the fascists. All they have to do to=20
'turn liberal' is to shelve it temporarily, but it is always there,=20
hanging like a sword of Damocles on the country. And there is always=20
the possibility of the saffron brigade picking up the sword and=20
wielding it against the country at an opportune moment. The UP=20
elections mark precisely such a moment in the saffron calendar.

As far as the country is concerned, Ayodhya ceased to be a site of=20
mere 'dispute' on December 6 1992. With the forcible demolition of=20
the Babri Masjid, Ayodhya became a site of crime and disgrace. For=20
every believer in secularism and democracy it has become a crucial=20
site of contention and struggle. After all that happened on December=20
6 1992, the previous category of the 'disputed site' has become=20
outdated and irrelevant for this country. It is no longer a matter of=20
legal semantics to be left to the mercy of an Arun Jaitley. It is a=20
question of life and death for the future of democracy in India.=20
Secular democracy can have only one battle cry: "Not an inch of=20
Ayodhya land for the saffron thugs".

______

#6.

Issues In Secular Politics
No.3, Jan III, Vol.1(2002)

Temple Once Again

Ram Puniyani

With UP elections round the corner (Feb. 2002) the VHP, a part of the
Sangh Parivar (Sp) has begun its Chetawani Yatra (warning campaign).
Contrary to their expectations they drew flak from public and fortunately
it has turned out to be a poor flop. The attempt of VHP 'Sants' to
influence P.M., Mr. Vajpayee, to let them initiate the temple building are
unlikely to yield any 'helpful' results as Mr. Vajpayee is adept in the
game of 'politics' and knows well as to how to carry on the RSS agenda
without jeopardizing his 'image' and contingencies of the political chess
board.

Currently all the components of Sangh Parivar, the progenies of RSS, may
be sounding to work at cross-purposes but their deeper coordination
becomes obvious when we analyse the whole picture. UP elections has forced
the Sp to 'search' for an issue that can have appeal on the emotional
level. Sp knows well that its Govt. in UP has nothing positive to project
to be able to lure the voters. Just before the attack on parliament by
terrorists, on various occasions Mr. Advani, the 'architect in chief ' of
Ram Janmbhumi campaign and demolition of Babri Masjid, had pointed out
that this campaign will be central to the BJP's future programs as it is
this campaign which has built up the BJP to its present strength. Since
the demolition in 1992 this issue has been raised off and on depending on
the needs of Sp politics, the current effort being one of the most serious
in this direction. What are the portents of this politics, which breeds
hatred and is patronized in the name of religion? What are the dangers
posed by this politics, which rouses religious sentiments on one hand and
tries to create a barrier between two communities at deeper level? What is
the future trajectory of this politics, which buries the issues, which our
society should be addressing on urgent basis like the one's related to
food clothing employment, shelter and health care etc. This retrograde
politics ensures the marginalization of the issues of Human rights of
weaker sections of society while giving strength to the affluent sections
and the prevalent status quo of caste and gender relations.

As a matter of 'fact' a process of trial and error discovered this 'issue'
over a period of last five decades. Initially Sp had seriously tried the
issue of 'protection of mother cow' (Janam Janam ka Nata hai, gau hamari
mata hai. "It is a question of generational relations, cow is 'our'
mother). This Cow campaign launched by RSS was a total failure even in the
cow-belt. The Babri masjid was not made an issue out of the blue. It
remained in the freezer for decades after the Ram Lalla idols were
installed in the mosque on the night of December 22-23 in 1949. The
mosque, where regular prayers were held, was locked on the order of local
magistrate and all the efforts of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru to revert the
status to pre- 49 situation were foiled by the local administration,
especially by K.K.Nayyar the local magistrate, who after his retirement,
joined the previous avatar of BJP, Bharatiya Jana Sangh, to become its
M.P. The matter remained frozen in the files of the court while a thick
lock adorned its doors.

With the rise of the communal impact of the affluent middle classes in the
80s, VHP campaigns started drawing some responses. VHP, on the pretext
that Islam and Christian are a threat to Hinduism, as they are forcing the
gullible to embrace the 'alien' religions, started its Yatras etc.
Conversion of Dalits to Isalm in Meenakshipuram and later the retrograde
response of Fundamentalist section of Muslims in getting the Shaha Bano
verdict was used as a pretext to intensify the VHP's agenda. The upper
caste/class sections of society lapped up 'Hinduism in danger' theme and
they started supporting Sp through and through. At the same time Rajiv
Gandhi did play in the hands of fundamentalists of both the religions and
after getting the court order in ShahBano case reversed through an act of
parliament got the locks of Babri masjid open for performing puja by the
Hindus.

Seeing that a section of Hindus is coming in the ambit of religion based
politics, Mr. Advani took it up as 'the' core BJP agenda and made a
thorough brew of religion and politics. The earlier goal of BJP, Gandhian
Socialism (!), was dumped for the Temple politics and with his Rath Yatra,
which bled the nation, which led to series of communal riots; the seeds
for the upper caste Hindu vote tree were laid down.

Violating all the norms of decency, commitment to judiciary etc., Sp
mobilized three lakh Kar Sevaks and twenty thousand Kar Sevikas to
Ayodhya. The former for Kar Seva with 'bricks and shovels', and the latter
for cooking and cleaning. In a well-planned manner the Mosque was
demolished in a span of Five and a half hours and the debris thrown in
river Sarayu. In the aftermath of this act of Sp the whole nation was
plunged in the ghastly communal riots resulting in the loss of thousands
of lives and thousands of cores worth of property. The role of Sp
affiliates (Shiv Sena etc.) in inciting communal violence came out very
well in yet to be implemented Shrikrishna commission report. These
assaults on the country put 'flesh and muscles' in to the BJP and the
party, which was on the margins of Indian politics, jumped to higher and
higher steps reaching its acme in 98 elections with 25% of votes and 200
odd MPs in the Lok Sabha. And surely it cannot go beyond this despite
opportunistic alliances with the power hungry outfits and personalities
like Fernandes and Mamatas. That precisely is the dilemmas, which Sp is
facing today. Can its vote bank be further broadened? Can 'social
engineering' to lure the low caste/class into the Hindu Fascist politics
of Sp succeed? Can the 'temple mantra' work again and yield the political
dividends?

Since BJP was unsure about this, it kept vaguely talking about role of
temple construction movement (or Babri demolition) in building the BJP as
it is today, but did not take it up outright. Also if we recall in the
decade of 80s also it was VHP, which first tested the waters before BJP
plunged in it to catch the electoral fishes. Now it seems the maximum
dividends have been reaped and this issue may not be gainful any longer to
Hindutva politics. It is because of this that BJP was keen on Indo Pak war
in the wake of attack on Parliament, as the hysteria created in the wake
of war would have surely appealed to a newer set of gullible to come in
the ambit of Hindu vote bank. Since Uncle Sam vetoed the war, BJP has been
caught in the horns of dilemma. The way it has been prostrating in front
of US, it dare not go against its dictates. So it does face the risk of
getting wiped out from the UP scene, and in due course may get
marginalized from the national scene as well.

Some facets of this problem need to be recounted. The RSS progeny, VHP has
a big collection of persons who are called sants (saints). They
participated and worked for demolition of a mosque so that they could
build a temple on the ruins of destruction and mayhem. These self
proclaimed Rambhakta's claim that they are deprived of worshipping their
idol, Lord Ram, whose temple they want built precisely at the 'same spot'
where he is supposed to have been born. The saintliness of these VHP sants
needs to be evaluated. As one of the sants, a Rambhakta, Tulsidas,
responded in a very different way when he was barred from entering Ram
Temples. He was debarred as he wrote the story of his idol in the
Lokbhasha (language of ordinary people), Avadhi dialect of Hindi,
violating the norm of writing in Devbhasha (language of gods, Sanskrit),
access to which was not allowed to Shudras and women. For this 'crime' of
his he was 'outcasted' by the Brahmin community. Undeterred by this he
wrote
Tulsi Gulam sarnaam hai Ram Ko
Jako Chahe so kahe vohu,
Mang ke khaibo, Masjid man Rahibo
Laibo ka ek, Na debe Ko Dou
(Tulsi says he is slave of Ram. Whatever people say, let them say; I
survive on alms and live in a mosque. My give and take with the worlds is
done-Goswami Tulsidas, from his autobiography-Vinaycharitavali). Was it
the same mosque, which the current 'Ram Bhaktas' demolished to satiate
their 'love for Ram'? This crop of 'saints' is 'redefining' the virtues of
saintliness and is a cog in the politics for Hindu Rashtra. They are being
'used' by RSS for Hindutva politics should be clear to all except those
who are feigning to be ignorant of this politics or those who are
benefiting from this fundamentalist politics.

The deeper coordination of different wings of Sp is clearly obvious. There
seems to be a Chaturvrnay (Caste hierarchy and division of labor) in this
political conglomerate. While RSS decides the strategy, VHP incites the
religious hysteria and BJP converts that into the electoral 'notes'
(!votes), while the lowest on the hierarchical scale the Bajrang Dal
wields Rampuri knives, disguised as Trishuls. Now even the guns are being
made available to this layer of Sp. Superficially it may sound that there
are trishuls drawn between them, but their patriarch RSS, ensures a
'smooth' coordination and so all the stepping on each others toes is
avoided.

With failure of the Chetavani yatra and plea to the PM not yielding the
desired results what new strategies this wily outfit, Sp, will come
forward with, is a million vote question.

(The writer works for EKTA, Committee for Communal Amity, Mumbai)

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