[sacw] SACW | 22 Feb. 02

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Fri, 22 Feb 2002 02:19:05 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire - Dispatch #1 | 22 February 2002

------------------------------------------

#1. Peace in South Asia: Pipe-Dream or Real Possibility? [Part I]=20
(Rohini Hensman)
#2. New York Peace Rally for South Asia
#3. India: Dhanbad Appeal - Mid-day Meals: Appeal for Action
#4. India : Harassment of prostitutes in Karnataka
#5. India: It is not the madarsa system but its managers that are at=20
fault (Mushirul Hasan)

________________________

#1.

PEACE IN SOUTH ASIA: PIPE-DREAM OR REAL POSSIBILITY? [Part I]

Rohini Hensman

As millions of troops of nuclear-armed India and Pakistan, products=20
of a communal partition which took place 55 years ago, confront each=20
other, a similar communal partition of Sri Lanka is being proposed as=20
a formula for peace. It sounds crazy, but it's true. Sumanasiri=20
Liyanage has to be commended for his honesty in canvassing openly for=20
'Partition as an Option' (Pravada, Vol.7 No.7). Others are more=20
reticent about admitting that the LTTE leadership has not given the=20
slightest indication that they will settle for anything less - but we=20
will return to this point later.

What is striking is the close similarity between the two situations,=20
although the time-sequence is different. In 1947, the=20
communally-defined (Islamic) state of Pakistan was partitioned from a=20
formally secular, democratic India, in which, however, Hindu=20
nationalist elements had a place which has become much stronger over=20
the years. In the mid-1970s, a struggle to partition a=20
communally-defined (Tamil) state, Eelam, from a Sri Lanka whose=20
secular, democratic status had already been undermined by Sinhala=20
Buddhist nationalism was launched, and continues into 2002. Given=20
these clearly irreconcileable nationalisms, what are the prospects=20
for peace on the subcontinent?

The Kashmir tug-of-war
Let us begin by looking at the India-Pakistan conflict, in which=20
Kashmir has become the symbol of mutual hostility. The Kashmiri=20
independence struggle against Maharaja Hari Singh began long before=20
India and Pakistan were formed, but he still retained power in the=20
princely state in 1947, when he was given the option of acceding=20
either to India or to Pakistan. As he dithered, Pakistan invaded, and=20
he fled, sending India a formal letter of accession. On 1 January=20
1948, India lodged a complaint against Pakistan with the UN Security=20
Council, at the same time undertaking that once the conflict ended,=20
Kashmiris would be able to decide whether to remain with India,=20
accede to Pakistan, or become independent. A plebiscite to decide the=20
status of Kashmir was part of a UN resolution on Kashmir in August=20
1948, accepted by both India and Pakistan. In 1949, another UN=20
resolution called for a plebiscite. It never took place, largely=20
because of Indian opposition. Kashmir continued to be occupied partly=20
by India and partly by Pakistan, with the ceasefire line, referred to=20
as the Line of Control or LoC, constantly subject to the outbreak of=20
fighting.

The National Liberation Front, later to become the Jammu and Kashmir=20
Liberation Front (JKLF), was founded in 1965, but gained momentum=20
only after rigged elections in 1987 convinced the people of Kashmir=20
that they could not hope for recognition of their democratic rights=20
under an Indian government. Its programme was 'Azadi': independence=20
from both India and Pakistan. But 'In the name of "patriotism" and=20
"security of the nation", the government of India has always=20
suppressed those who have used even peaceful means to express their=20
demands for self-determination.' Kashmiris on the Indian side of the=20
border were subjected to occupation by military forces that engaged=20
in mass rapes, rampant torture, disappearances, extrajudicial=20
killings and indiscriminate firing, for example on unarmed=20
demonstrators or unfortunate bystanders. The attitude of Indian=20
governments to the Kashmiri people is expressed in their constant=20
repetition of the refrain that Kashmir is a bilateral issue, to be=20
resolved between the governments of India and Pakistan: there is not=20
even a mention of the people of Kashmir, making it sound as if the=20
dispute is over a piece of real estate rather than the home of=20
millions of people. On their side, Pakistani governments pay=20
lip-service to the democratic rights of the people of Kashmir, but=20
their real agenda is revealed by the way in which they sabotaged the=20
Azadi movement, inspired by sentiments of Kashmiriat (i.e. secular=20
Kashmiri nationalism), and instead fostered a pro-Pakistani brand of=20
extreme Muslim militants in the latter half of the 1990s.=20

Any understanding of the problem in Kashmir must begin with the=20
acknowledgement that Indian state terrorism against Kashmiri=20
civilians has resulted in tens of thousands of instances of torture,=20
rape and murder. This is well known to anyone familiar with human=20
rights reports, but may come as a shock to many ordinary Indians=20
outside Kashmir, since the media so sedulously avoid any mention of=20
this topic, thus helping politicians to conceal the truth from their=20
own people. In this respect, as Chomsky pointed out in an interview=20
with Star News reporter Sreenivasan Jain, Indian mediapersons are no=20
better than their US counterparts. Secondly, it is important to=20
distinguish between (a) terrorist groups which engage in attacks=20
against civilians, (b) militants whose armed struggle is directed=20
solely against military targets, and (c) those who engage in=20
non-violent struggle for self-determination, including large numbers=20
of women. While the Indian state treats all opposition as terrorism,=20
it is crucial to recognise that (b) and (c) are not terrorists.=20
Thirdly, any solution must recognise the democratic right of the=20
Kashmiri people to decide their own future.

Realistically, given the circumstances, there are only two options:=20
(1) converting the LoC into a permanent international border, with=20
Kashmiris on each side being absorbed into Pakistan and India=20
respectively, and (2) a separate state, independent of both India and=20
Pakistan, democratic and therefore necessarily secular, in order to=20
accommodate the rights of Hindus, Buddhists and other minorities as=20
well as those of secular Muslims. The long-denied plebiscite under=20
the auspices of the UN would need to be carried out in a free and=20
fair manner to decide between these, with India and Pakistan=20
undertaking not to interfere and to respect the outcome.

Conflicting nationalisms
However, neither of these solutions would work so long as India and=20
Pakistan persevere in their antagonism to each other. Indeed, the=20
problem of Kashmir is only a symptom of the conflicting nationalisms=20
which date back to the horrific violence of Partition. Millions of=20
people butchered in the most barbaric manner, around sixteen million=20
displaced from their homes, countless women and girls raped,=20
mutilated and branded while countless others committed suicide to=20
escape this fate: this was only the beginning of a hot-cold war which=20
has continued for fifty-five years at infinite cost to both=20
countries.=20

General Musharraf's crackdown on extreme Islamist elements is a=20
promising beginning, but it is not enough: it fails to tackle the=20
fundamental problem posed by the definition of Pakistan as an Islamic=20
state. The claim to represent the Muslims of South Asia was vitiated=20
from the start by the decision of millions of Muslims to remain in=20
India, and undermined further by the war of 1971, which ended in East=20
Pakistan breaking away to form Bangladesh. It has resulted not only=20
in intense persecution of minorities such as Hindus and Christians,=20
but also in sectarian violence between Muslims. The authoritarian=20
version of Islam sought to be followed has trampled on the rights of=20
women and denied the rights of other sections such as workers and=20
political dissidents. Under these circumstances, it is only by=20
pointing to an external enemy (India) that any semblance of=20
nationhood can be preserved. The transformation of Pakistan into a=20
secular, democratic nation would be a precondition for peace.

On the other side, India is in name a secular nation, but the ruling=20
Bharatiya Janata Party is part of the 'Sangh Parivar', the family of=20
organisations headed by the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh), a=20
Hindu nationalist organisation banned for a while after one of its=20
members murdered Mahatma Gandhi. Its ideology of 'Hindutva' or=20
'Hindu-ness' (to be distinguished from the religion, Hinduism)=20
identifies Hindus as a race, culture and nation; its attitude to=20
minorities can be judged from the words of one of its founders,=20
Golwalkar: 'To keep up the purity of the Race and its culture,=20
Germany shocked the world by purging the country of the Semitic Races=20
- the Jews. Race pride at its highest has been manifested here=8A a=20
good lesson for us in Hindusthan to learn and profit by.' This=20
ideology is being taught to children in lakhs of schools resembling=20
the madrasas which produced the Taliban, while any other version of=20
history is sought to be ruled out by re-writing textbooks and a=20
vicious campaign against secular historians. This goes along with=20
the undermining of other human and democratic rights, especially of=20
minorities. The Indian demand for Pakistan to extradite Dawood=20
Ibrahim, accused of master-minding the Bombay bomb blasts of 1993=20
which killed over 300 civilians, conveniently glosses over the fact=20
that Hindutva terrorists who master-minded the demolition of the=20
Babri Masjid and the subsequent riots, which killed over a thousand=20
civilians in Bombay alone and were halted only by the bomb blasts,=20
are still at large today, and some occupy positions of state power.=20
The attitude to such terrorists can be judged from the fact that Dara=20
Singh, accused of several atrocities against Muslims and Christians -=20
including the barbaric burning alive of leprosy doctor Graham Staines=20
and his two young children - recently announced he was standing as a=20
candidate in the UP elections. Freedom of expression and association=20
are being undermined by a creeping authoritarianism, and many fear=20
another bloodbath will result from the campaign for a Ram temple in=20
Ayodhya. Clearly, a recommitment to secularism and democracy is=20
required in India too.=20=20=20

However, even that is not enough. The failure of Nehru's and=20
subsequent secular governments to agree to a plebiscite in Kashmir=20
shows that secular nationalists can be as idiotic as communal ones.=20
The problem, as Rabindranath Tagore saw way back in 1917, lies in=20
nationalism and patriotism themselves, with their built-in=20
exclusivism and supremacism: 'The nation with all its paraphernalia=20
of power and prosperity, its flags and pious hymns, its blasphemous=20
prayers in the churches and the literary mock thunders of its=20
patriotic bragging, cannot hide the fact that=8A the nation has thriven=20
long upon mutilated humanity.'

Tagore was writing about Europe, but his remarks apply equally to=20
Third World nationalisms. Nowhere in the world is the arbitrariness=20
of national boundaries more evident than in South Asia, where they=20
cut across communities and families, dividing neighbour from=20
neighbour, friend from friend, parent from child, husband from wife.=20
Over ninety per cent of the population of India and Pakistan have=20
everything to gain from peace, friendship and open borders between=20
the two countries. Those near the border, who suffer constant=20
violence and fear of death, would gain security and stability. Those=20
who have colleagues, friends or relations across the border would=20
gain easy and trouble-free access to them. For the poor, who die in=20
their thousands from lack of food and drinking water, exposure to=20
heat and cold, and easily preventable diseases, cessation of the=20
criminal wastage of billions of dollars on military hardware and=20
exercises in favour of more rational uses would be a huge gain. (It=20
costs $10 million per day - and many lives - for India and Pakistan=20
to patrol the icy wastes of the Siachen glacier alone! ) Even the=20
middle classes and business people have a great deal to gain from=20
improved infrastrucure and greater stability. On January 11 2002,=20
while the spine-chilling press conference in which Army Chief=20
Padmanabhan and press reporters talked nonchalantly about the=20
prospects of first and second nuclear strikes was being broadcast,=20
the Bombay Sensex plunged, and uncertainty about the possibility of=20
war kept it low. After all, who wants to invest in a country which is=20
about to be nuked? So the agenda of the peace movement in the two=20
countries must include winning over the majority of the population to=20
support for human rights, secularism and democracy, and the rejection=20
of nationalism. Without that, peace will continue to be elusive.

Permanent war in the name of 'peace'
Given the permanent war which has resulted from the communal=20
partition of British India - not to mention the barbaric violence=20
which accompanied the actual process - it seems perverse in the=20
extreme to call for a repeat performance in Sri Lanka. Liyanage=20
concedes that partition would include population transfer, which 'may=20
involve a lot of hardship and pain', but this is surely a euphemism=20
for the orgy of gang-rape and butchery which has, quite rightly, led=20
to transfer of population being classified as a crime against=20
humanity in the Nuremburg Principles. Nor will this be a one-time=20
price to pay. Communal partition will strengthen Sinhala chauvinists=20
in Sri Lanka, just as it strengthened Hindu nationalists in India -=20
indeed, there are indications that the prospect of it is already=20
doing so. The result will be two hostile nations facing each other=20
across a border which, in relation to their size, is much longer than=20
the India-Pakistan border. As Liyanage has helpfully pointed out, it=20
is already clear that a massive part of the new state will consist of=20
disputed territory, since he proposes that only 'Yalpanam Province'=20
be handed over to it, whereas the LTTE claims the entire North-East.=20
One can predict that the TNA constituents of the government will toe=20
the LTTE line on this issue, since LTTE spokesman Anton Balasingham,=20
in his speech in London on 5 December 2001, promised they can expect=20
to be 'garlanded' a la Rajiv Gandhi if they fail to do so, but it may=20
be more difficult for the UNP and SLMC to explain to their Sinhalese=20
and Muslim followers that they must prepare to be ethnically cleansed=20
from the East as they were from the North. If the disputed territory=20
of Kashmir, which is a much smaller proportion of the combined area=20
of India and Pakistan, has led to a 55-year war which has now become=20
nuclear, we can be quite sure that this new war will last well into=20
the 22nd century. Most inhabitants will be directly affected by the=20
hostilities, and both nations will descend into abject poverty as a=20
result of military expenditure. The 'peace'-mongers deserve to be=20
congratulated for pushing an agenda that will ensure war for the=20
foreseeable future!

[continued in SACW #2 | 22 Feb 2002]

______

#2.

*Please Post Widely*

One Million Dead In 1947
Half-Million Dead In 1971
How Many Millions In A Nuclear War?
**************************************
Peace Rally for South Asia
SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 24TH
5:30 PM - 7:30 PM
37th Rd. and 74th St. - Jackson-Heights
Subway: E/F/G/R/7 to Roosevelt Ave./74th St.
**************************************
PEOPLE OF ALL COMMUNITIES ARE WELCOME.

Hundreds of thousands of troops are stationed on the Bangladeshi,=20
Indian and Pakistani borders, while families from border towns are=20
being forced to leave their homes. While the militaries stand on the=20
brink of war for national pride, people all over South Asia continue=20
to suffer from poverty,homelessness, joblessness and hunger. This is=20
what our governments call progress.

Join us to protest the military conflict between the Indian and=20
Pakistani governments. While the governments and militaries=20
sacrifice our lives, our rights, and our hopes, show them that we the=20
people demand peace and justice. Show them that we the people are=20
united in the belief that war is not the answer.

1. No Military Conflict: Remove All Troops From the Borders
2. No More Nuclear Build-up: Money For Social Programs And=20
Education, Not for Military And War
3. Solidarity Among People And Cross-Border Relations
4. U.S. Out Of The Region

Sponsoring Organizations (list in formation): Andolan, DRUM, FOIL,=20
INSAF, Iran Forum, Manavi, New York Taxi Workers Alliance, NYC=20
Coalition for Peace and Justice Steering Committee, SAMAR Magazine,=20
SAYA, South Asians Against Police Brutality and Racism, Workers=20
Awaaz, Youth Solidarity Summer.

______

#3.

DHANBAD APPEAL

Mid-day Meals: Appeal for Action

Dear friends,

You may be aware of the Supreme Court hearing on the "right to food",=20
initiated almost a year ago in response to a petition submitted by=20
the People's Union for Civil Liberties. A significant "interim order"=20
was passed on 28 November (see below for further details). Among=20
other provisions, this order directs all state governments to=20
introduce cooked mid-day meals in all government and=20
government-assisted schools. This is to be done within three months=20
(i.e. by 28 February 2002) in half of the districts, and within 6=20
months in all districts.

This order is a major victory for the "right to food" campaign.=20
However, many state governments are likely to resist the order in one=20
way or another. For this reason, it is important to supplement the=20
legal process with organised popular demand for school meals. In the=20
absence of public pressure, the order may not be implemented.

To initiate this campaign, we propose a "day of action" on Tuesday 9=20
April 2002. The highlight of this day of action will be a "people's=20
school meal" organised by local communities in selected schools. The=20
aim of this action is to shame the government and show that people=20
are tired to wait. This public mid-day meal could be organised in or=20
near any government school. Small towns would be a good location from=20
the point of view of media attention and public outreach. It would=20
also be useful to include district headquarters and state capitals,=20
and strategic spots such as the doorsteps of the CM's residence, DM's=20
office, etc. Other activities are also welcome, e.g. lobbying of=20
MLAs, agitation outside FCI godowns, representations to the relevant=20
authorities, etc.

The preparation phase, during the next few weeks, is an opportunity=20
for mobilisation and lobbying activities. We recommend a question in=20
the State Assembly, during the "budget session" in March, asking the=20
state government to explain publicly what it proposes to do to=20
implement the SC order. Other means can also be used to promote wide=20
debate on this issue, e.g. public meetings, discussions with MLAs,=20
editorials in the local press, and so on.

This "day of action" on 9 April 2002 will be followed by a similar=20
day of action in early August, in states where school meals are still=20
not being implemented.

School meals are important not just from the point of view of=20
nutrition and health. They also boost school attendance, and enhance=20
children's learning abilities. School meals also promote social=20
equity, since the children who attend government schools come mainly=20
from disadvantaged families. Last but not least, school meals help to=20
break the barriers of caste, since they require all children to sit=20
together and share a meal, irrespective of caste. Given these=20
wide-ranging social benefits of school meals, many constituencies can=20
be mobilised for this action, including organisations concerned with=20
health, nutrition, education, social justice and dalit rights.

We appeal to all members of BGVS and other concerned organisations to=20
support this effort.

Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samiti

Dhanbad, 17 February 2002

THE SUPREME COURT HEARING AND THE "INTERIM ORDER"

In May 2001, the People's Union for Civil Liberties (Rajasthan) filed=20
a petition on the "right to food" in the Supreme Court. This petition=20
demands that the country's gigantic food stocks should be used=20
without delay to prevent hunger. The hearing has made good progress=20
so far. It has helped to generate wide public debate about the right=20
to food, and also to put pressure on state governments to improve all=20
nutrition-related programmes.

A significant "interim order" was passed on 28 November. The order=20
has three significant components: (1) it converts the benefits of=20
eight nutrition-related schemes (PDS, Antyodaya, mid-day meals, ICDS,=20
Annapurna, old-age pensions, NMBS and NFBS) into legal entitlements;=20
(2) it directs all state governments to begin cooked mid-day meals=20
for all children in government and government-assisted schools; and=20
(3) it directs the state and central governments to adopt specific=20
measures to ensure public awareness and transparency of these=20
programmes. For further details, please contact=20
<mailto:right2food@y...>right2food@y...

The directions relating to mid-day meals are as follows:

"We direct the state governments/UTs to implement the mid-day meal=20
scheme by providing every child in every government and=20
government-assisted primary school with a prepared mid-day meal with=20
a minimum content of 300 calories and 8-12 grams of protein each day=20
of school for a minimum of 200 days. Those governments providing dry=20
rations instead of cooked meals must within three months start=20
providing cooked meals in all government and government-aided primary=20
schools in half the districts of the state (in order of poverty) and=20
must within a further period of three months extend the provision of=20
cooked meals to the remaining parts of the states.

We direct the Union of India and the Food Corporation of India (FCI)=20
to ensure provision of fair average quality grain for the scheme on=20
time. The states/UTs and the FCI are directed to do joint inspection=20
of foodgrains. If the food grain is found, on joint inspection, not=20
to be of fair average quality, it will be replaced by the FCI prior=20
to lifting."

Contact addresses: asham_200@y..., right2food@y...,=20
rvbindu@h...

______

#4.

>Date: Tue, 19 Feb 2002 10:30:08 -0800 (PST)
>From: meena seshu
>
>Dear friends,
>
>I send you this e-mail with a heavy heart and with a deep sense of=20
>being violated and abused. The following unveils a story that turns=20
>more and more weird and sordid beyond anything that I have faced in=20
>ten years of my work with women in prostitution and sex work. My=20
>middle class upbringing never exposed me to the right of men who use=20
>abusive language so effectively as a form of violence that silences=20
>women such that we can never hold our head up with dignity. I am=20
>also deeply
>shocked that my dignity is so fragile.
>
>It all started with VAMP the prostitutes=92 collective buying a piece=20
>of land in the border town of Nippani in the Belgaum district of=20
>Karnataka state. Since the collective had finally bought its own=20
>space the regular Monday meetings shifted to Nippani. Women from=20
>seven districts of Western Maharashtra and North Karnataka were to=20
>atted these meetings as they have
>been doing for the past ten years in Sangli. Unfortunately from the=20
>second meeting the local coporators decided that the women who=20
>attended these meetings were defiling the `pure and sacred=92 space=20
>and they decided to put a stop to these meetings.
>
>They first threatened to kill the main leaders i.e. Meena Seshu and=20
>Shabana Khazi if the meetings continued. When this did not happen=20
>they threatened to break the vehicles that brought the women to the=20
>meetings and when we refused to bow down to their wishes they pelted=20
>stones on the building in the dead of the night. 25 to 30 boys with=20
>swords and thick bamboo sticks beat up every man who dared to pass=20
>through the street and robbed them of their gold and their money.=20
>The police turned a blind eye. On 18/2/2002 they tried to break down=20
>the door to Shabana=92s rented room and but for her land lord she
>would have been seriously injured if not dead by now. All this=20
>because the terms laid down by them were not acceptable to the=20
>collective and SANGRAM the NGO working with the women.
>
>When they realised that legally we had every right to hold a meeting=20
>on our own land they decided to negotiate. The terms offered by them=20
>were firstly all the women should use the `Bhangi bol=92 [the night=20
>soil lane of yester years] as they were not to be seen by=20
>respectable wives and children. Secondly, they should hold the=20
>meetings in the back side of the building
>under the hot sun because the hall faced the street and meetings=20
>held in the enclosed hall would mean that the women can be seen by=20
>the naked eye while entering the premises. Thirdly, none of the=20
>women in prostitution should come by four wheelers as this dared to=20
>offend the richer men in the street!!! They demanded that the jeeps=20
>are parked outside and the
>women walk down the side entrance through the Bhangi Street with=20
>their heads properly covered so that the respectability of the upper=20
>caste `chaste=92 women is not offended.
>
>Since all their demands were unacceptable and we rejected the same=20
>the women were hounded out of Nippani.
>
>Following is the report written by the reporter of TOI who wanted to=20
>cover the story. The words in italics are my insertions.
>
>"30-commercial sex workers hounded out from their homes by local=20
>gundas and policemen."
>
>Hounded out of their own homes in Nippani by an armed mob, the=20
>30-odd helpless commercial sex workers are not even a living entity=20
>today. Cowering in their make shift shelters in Sangli, Kolhapur,=20
>Ichalkaranji Shabana (a sex worker) and her frightened acquaintances=20
>are a traumatized lot. "For years we have been residing in the=20
>Devekar colony red light
>area. But today, we are homeless," says Shabana as tears spill down=20
>her cheeks.
>
>Ever since the prostitutes=92s collective Veshya AIDS Mukabla Parishad=20
>(VAMP) bought a small piece of land for themselves on January 10,=20
>2002 to carry out their HIV/AIDS and STD awareness programme in=20
>Nippani, the CSW=92s have had to face the wrath of local ruffians and=20
>few policemen. "On one arm the government is giving us free condoms=20
>to carry out HIV/AIDS prevention programmes and on the other hand=20
>police officials are harassing us," lamented Meena Seshu, general=20
>secretary
>SANGRAM.
>
>When contacted, the local Shiv Sena coporator, Mr Babasaheb Khambe=20
>said: "The CSW=92s were causing a bad influence in the neighbourhood.=20
>Under the garb of HIV/AIDS prevention programme these women are=20
>promoting prostitution," he said. Likewise, Congress counselor, Mr=20
>Vijay Shetge said, "The women were all `hardcore prostitutes=92, and=20
>they should leave the
>place immediately." When asked where they should go, he said:=20
>"anywhere that is not our look out."
>
>However, what needs to be mentioned here is that, the red light area=20
>has been there for more than 80 years. Ex-MLA, Nippani Mr Subhash=20
>Joshi said that the rights of women in prostitution should also be=20
>protected, as they too are the citizens of this country.
>
>Furthermore, the so-called, culture vultures and harbingers of peace=20
>went on a rampage against these women. In the wee hours of Sunday,=20
>an armed mob of some 70-odd ruffians threatened and rattled the=20
>doors of a few CSW.
>
>Fearing their lives Shabana and few others fled to the nearest=20
>Townhall police station to file an FIR and ask for police=20
>protection, but in vain. "The inspector in charge just wouldn=92t=20
>write down the complaint. Instead they shunned us away," said=20
>Shabana.
>
>Worst came, when Neil Pate, a correspondent from a reputed national=20
>English daily investigated and questioned the Nippani Circle Police=20
>Inspector, Mr Satish S Khot for not filing the CSW=92s complaint.=20
>"They are are `bloody veshyas=92 and not `normal
>citizens=92 hence their compliant cannot be registered," Mr Khot=20
>asserted. In a fit of anger, Mr Khot showered a volley of abusive=20
>words and threatened the women saying, "I will strip all `veshyas=92=20
>in the public square and beat them black and blue till they die or=20
>else I will book all of them under the Immoral Trafficking Act=20
>(Prevention) Act 1956."
>
>The circle police inspector Mr Khot used abusive language that is=20
>very difficult to translate into English but the gist of all he said=20
>was that ` you prostitute - today you have come with this woman and=20
>creating this drama. Let her leave and tomorrow I will personally=20
>come and pull out your pubic hair. I will enter your vagina and tear=20
>it apart and do not forget that my penis has the strength of my=20
>police job and power.=92 He said, `hadasu=92, bosadi and phodhari,and so=20
>on and on=85 all of which are very abusive and is violence against all=20
>women. He shouted raved and ranted to the extent that I had to ask=20
>him to please
>sit down fearing he=92ll have a heart attack!]
>
>Furthermore, in a very rude manner Mr Khot even had the audacity to=20
>accuse Neil Pate of being a `pimp=92 and `agent=92 of the CSW=92s. He even=
=20
>threatened him, if the article was ever published. Mr Khot said,=20
>"The HIV/AIDS prevention programme was a big sham. The NGO Sampada=20
>Gramin Mahila Sanstha (SANGRAM), managed by Meena Seshu was making=20
>money from the government via condoms distribution."
>
>Meanwhile, fearing their lives and the lives of their small children=20
>the 30-odd CSW=92s fled to the neighbouring districts on February 18.=20
>Despite all this, the reaction of the local police authorities has=20
>been very casual so far.
>
>Western Maharashtra Shiv Sena Mahila Aghadi Coordinator, Ms Neelam=20
>Gorhe, who also manages the Stree Adhar Kendra in Pune said: "CSW=92s=20
>also have a right to live and get police protection when they are in=20
>trouble. It is erroneous if a police officer says they are not=20
>`normal citizens=92."
>
>A cursory look shows that, the `hounding episode=92 in Nippani red=20
>light area was a joint operation of the police, local ruffians and=20
>some prominent corporators.
>
>
>"Very few people listen to women issues. In the present situation,=20
>only a strong protest from the government and censures from the=20
>Human Rights Commission will help," laments Sadhana Zadbuke, a=20
>social worker from Kolhapur.
>
>Ends.
>
>
>in solidarity,
>
>meena saraswathi seshu

______

#5.

Indian Express
February 20, 2002

It is not the madarsa system but its managers that are at fault

Nipping thought in the bud

Mushirul Hasan

NOT long ago, we took pride in some of our theological seminaries for=20
their part in the anti-colonial struggle. Today, they are portrayed=20
as nurseries of ''sedition''. Schools at Deoband and Lucknow were=20
showcased as vibrant symbols of secular India. Come September 11 and,=20
suddenly, they were regarded as the source of all evil. Madarsas and=20
maktabs are vigorously assailed for fostering ''fundamentalist''=20
ideas. Sadly, the current debate is influenced by the Taliban upsurge=20
and is, for that reason, based on misplaced suppositions and=20
imaginary fears.

The Turks established the earliest known madarsas in north India in=20
the 13th century. During Mohammad bin Tughlaq's (1325-1351) reign,=20
Delhi alone had a thousand madarsas. A 16th century British traveller=20
visiting Thata - now a picturesque ruin near Karachi - reported 400=20
large and small madarsas. In the 18th century, the Dars-i Nizami=20
(devised by Mulla Nizamuddin) became the standard syllabus. The=20
curriculum was confined to the purely religious sciences. The Holy=20
Koran was at the heart of the curriculum, and its memorisation the=20
highest scholastic attainment. The Dar al-ulum in Deoband (founded=20
soon after the 1857 revolt) and the Nadwat al-ulama at Lucknow=20
(founded in 1894) adhere to the Dars-i Nizamia. They maintain=20
uniformity in belief and practice by determining what is true or=20
desirable in accordance with the Koran and the Traditions of the=20
Prophet.

So far so good. The real problem - one that afflicts the traditional=20
system of learning - lies with their managers who brook no intrusion=20
in their special field of instruction. A majority of them shut=20
themselves off from the contemporary world in their mosques and=20
madarsas, denouncing each other and dubbing everyone else as=20
ignorant, irreligious and atheistic. Only exceptional men, such as=20
Syed Ahmad Khan, the founder of the Aligarh Muslim University, Shibli=20
Nomani, founder of the Nadwat al-ulama in Lucknow, and Maulana Azad,=20
attempted to reconcile tradition and modernity by building bridges=20
between the two. But such men were too few and the results of their=20
labours too limited.

If you don't already know it, let me tell you that the other major=20
problem, for which the madarsas invite criticism, has been the=20
unchanging character of the curriculum. Aurangzeb, the last of the=20
great Mughal emperors, reprimanded his former teacher for having=20
taught him Arabic, grammar and philosophy, rather than subjects more=20
practical for a future ruler of a vast empire. Syed Ahmad Khan echoed=20
the same view, pointing to their syllabus being ''unsuited to the=20
present age and to the spirit of the time''.

Others, too, have criticised the curriculum for encouraging=20
memorising rather than real understanding. The scholar Fazlur Rahman=20
commented: ''By organically relating all forms of knowledge and=20
gearing these to dogmatic theology the very sources of intellectual=20
fecundity were blighted and the possibility of original thinking=20
stifled.''
Today, the Islamist orientation of the madarsas afflicts Pakistan but=20
most certainly not India. The crux of the matter here, one that=20
commands immediate attention, is the narrowing down of the general=20
field of learning, and the consequent decline and stagnation of=20
Muslim scholarship in our country. I object not to the imparting of=20
religious education but to the abysmal failure of the madarsa system=20
to equip students to compete in the wider world. India's Muslims must=20
have their share of men with turbans and flowing gowns, but they must=20
also produce, in equal measure, front-rank professionals.

For this to happen, the secular and religious leadership has to alter=20
the tone and tenor of the curriculum in order to make it responsive=20
to the requirements of this millennium. During the course of its=20
history, Islam developed the capacity to meet challenges creatively.=20
The basic problem now, however, is what elements in its history it=20
may emphasise and recombine for its effective self-statement in the=20
present challenge; what it may modify and what it may reject (Fazlur=20
Rahman). There is, I believe, much less ambiguity in the realm of=20
education. The principles of intellectual integrity necessitate a=20
fundamental reconstruction of educational thought.

In the second half of the 19th century, the traditional system of=20
education was reorganised to prevent the influx of subversive ideas=20
from the religiously alien and ''morally inferior'' British, and to=20
put a premium on unorthodox thought and learning. Today, the Muslim=20
communities are faced with a different challenge, i.e., to define=20
their agenda in response to the currents of change and progress. A=20
standard curriculum that excludes rational sciences is not good=20
enough; instead, there is a serious need for a constructive and bold=20
humanism that would restate and reinterpret Islamic educational ideas=20
in the contemporary social and cultural environment.

At the same time, the current mindset towards our traditional centres=20
of learning needs to be changed. Just as all the ''Hindu'' or Arya=20
Samajist schools do not spew venom against Islam and Christianity,=20
the maktabs and madarsas do not necessarily nurture fundamentalist=20
ideas. Mostly dependent on public donations and drawing students from=20
poor families, they survive on the margins of India's educational=20
paraphernalia. How can they breed terrorists? In the past, the same=20
maktabs and madarsas produced leading theologians, political=20
activists (thousands went to jail in response to the Gandhian=20
movements) and liberal reformers. They can still be the source of=20
(for example, the Deoband school) and the inspiration behind=20
rationalist thought and reformist initiatives.

The real problem is the prevalence of widespread illiteracy and a=20
higher drop-out rate at the elementary stage. It is not clear whether=20
Muslim children are not sent to schools because of economic=20
constraints, the sting of the prevailing bias against Urdu, or=20
because parents in larger arts and crafts centres hardly consider it=20
worthwhile to give their children higher education. But one thing is=20
for sure. Part of the reason why maktabs and madarsas flourish is=20
because the state has not done enough to promote ''secular''=20
education in mofussil towns and the rural hinterland. Hence, children=20
of poor Muslim families flock to religious schools. Over the decades,=20
these schools have performed a useful and legitimate role (as do the=20
gurukuls or the Christian schools). Let us not treat them with=20
suspicion and disdain but urge the government to creatively intervene=20
in secularising (not crass secularism) their curriculum and methods=20
of instruction.

Islam is ''surrender to the Will of the God'' - i.e., the=20
determination to implement the command of Allah. Given the place=20
assigned to knowledge in the Koran, one hopes that the managers of=20
madarsas will discover a fuller meaning of their role in Muslim=20
society. The degree and effectiveness of their vision may affect not=20
only their own future but also much of the world around them.

______

#7.

______

#8.

______

#9.

______

10.

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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