[sacw] SACW #2 | 24 Mar. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire - Dispatch #2 | 24 March 2002
http://www.mnet.fr

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#1. INDIA IS NOT FOR HINDUS ALONE (Sunil Khilnani)
#2. Flames of hatred (Dom Moraes)
#3. Survivors do not matter (C. Rammanohar Reddy)
#4. History of Guja-riot (Anil Dharker)

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#1.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/editoria.htm#head2
The Telegraph
24 March 2002

INDIA IS NOT FOR HINDUS ALONE

BY SUNIL KHILNANI

Not long ago, on a rainy London evening, I found myself at the=20
Festival of Hindu Youth. Parked outside the vast marquees set up for=20
the occasion were fleets of shiny cars, and inside the tents were=20
prosperous families. Almost all had their origins in the Indian state=20
of Gujarat - the region that, over the past weeks, has been swept by=20
violence. I was there to give a talk about Mahatma Gandhi, the most=20
extraordinary Gujarati ever to have lived - a man who, defying the=20
prejudices of his society, practised a pluralist and tolerant faith,=20
fought against the evil of caste, and gave his life in trying to end=20
violence between Hindus and Muslims.

In fact, there were few at the festival interested in Gandhi or his=20
message. Instead, I listened to speaker after speaker working on the=20
audience in televangelical style: exhorting the youngsters to stand=20
up for their Hindu religion, to defend their caste identities, and to=20
face down other religions that might intimidate them - especially=20
Muslims. In a north London suburb, I was witnessing the very=20
sentiment that today is ripping up the India that Gandhi and his=20
heir, Jawaharlal Nehru, had worked to build. The clash is between two=20
ways of envisioning India: an idea of India that finds strength in=20
the country's profound diversities, and that has tried, in a striking=20
and original experiment, to invent ways that allow these to cohabit=20
within a single political frame; and, set against this, the dream of=20
a nation purged of other religions, of an India that is homogenous=20
and ethnically cleansed - the Hindu extremist ideology of Hindutva.

Gujarat is the only Indian regional state ruled by this ideology. As=20
such, it offers the starkest image of what Hindu nationalism, should=20
it ever gain unrestrained control of the Indian state, will mean for=20
India and its future.

Gujarat has long been considered one of India's most developed=20
states. Its per capita income is over three times that of India's=20
poorest state, Bihar, and its fortunes are closely linked with a=20
large, economically powerful Gujarati diaspora across the globe.=20
Gujaratis have a reputation for being industrious and=20
entrepreneurial, civic-minded, and even (it sounds laughable now)=20
pacific. Their reputed virtues make them an epitome of the Indian=20
middle class - and there is, too, a successful Gujarati Muslim=20
bourgeoisie (indeed, Gujarati Muslims, who form around 12 per cent of=20
the state's population, are among the most assimilated in India).

Yet, literally and sickeningly, Gujarat is today the crucible where=20
the alloy of Indian selfhood is being tested. This region has hardly=20
been immune to religious violence in the past. But this time, things=20
are very different. The causes and the stakes of earlier Hindu-Muslim=20
clashes were local. Now, the violence is impelled by a larger story=20
about what kind of place India should be; and the immediate cause -=20
the attack at Godhra by Muslims on a train carrying Hindu activists=20
back from the northern town of Ayodhya - is in events elsewhere.

Most important, the violence against Muslims that followed the train=20
attack was not the work of spontaneous mobs, of the illiterate or=20
impoverished. As the police commissioner of Ahmedabad himself stated,=20
"These mobs were being led by the educated people - advocates,=20
doctors, the rich." The looters drove cars, and dialled mobile=20
phones. At their helm were politicians and party activists from the=20
ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and its umbrella of supporters: the=20
Vishwa Hindu Parishad and its "youth wing", the Bajrang Dal,=20
virtually terrorist organizations of thugs trained in arson and=20
killing, and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, whose members=20
assassinated Gandhi in 1948, a movement founded in the Twenties under=20
the inspiration of Mussolini's Brown Shirts. Standing behind them=20
were the BJP leaders in New Delhi who head the national government.

Together, these men showed a lethal determination to exterminate all=20
signs of Muslim presence. Alongside the most brutal murders, Muslim=20
businesses, homes, mosques, shrines and tombs were precisely targeted.

The ambition to make India a Hindu nation-state has existed since the=20
late 19th century. Why has it acquired such a devastating force now?=20
One of the remarkable achievements of India's half-century-old=20
experiment with democracy is that, over the past decade or so, the=20
lowest and poorest in the caste and economic order have entered the=20
world of electoral politics. Regional lower-caste parties have=20
proliferated, and have challenged the position of the upper-caste=20
orders. At the same time, the agrarian middle castes, many of them=20
newly prosperous, have felt threatened by those immediately below=20
them pressing for political recognition.

Indeed, Gujarat in the late Eighties and early Nineties was the=20
location of some of India's worst caste violence. Hindu extremism has=20
always drawn its support from these upper and middle castes -=20
economically and socially powerful, but numerically small.=20
Constrained by electoral politics, the BJP strategy has therefore=20
been to unite support around a "Hindu" vote. In search of a permanent=20
majority, it has tried to draw in other less-privileged social groups=20
by using a rhetoric of hatred and religious symbolism and inciting=20
fear of enemies - the repertoire includes Pakistan, Muslims,=20
Christians, the West. It has created a "monster" Hinduism - a=20
potentially immense coagulation of support that defies all=20
traditional forms of Hindu practice and belief.

The state of Gujarat has been the chosen laboratory for the Hindutva=20
experiment. The BJP's "family" of supporters has a stranglehold over=20
public life in Gujarat - in recent years, they burned churches,=20
ransacked an exhibition by India's leading painter (who happens to be=20
Muslim) and gained control of the media (they tried to shut down=20
independent television coverage of the current carnage, which showed=20
BJP politicians participating while police stood by idly).

Today, if you are a Muslim, a Christian, or a tribal, living in=20
Gujarat - if you are not a Hindu - the authority of the state has=20
ceased to protect you. Among the 30-odd regional states of the Indian=20
Union, many contend for the prize of being India's leading dystopia.=20
Now, Gujarat has placed itself well ahead. What is happening there=20
reveals the depth of the threat facing Indians today.

So far, the legal constitutional order of the Indian state - which=20
refuses to privilege any one religious community, and guarantees=20
security for India's many numerically small but historically=20
deeply-rooted religious groups - has, despite serious battering,=20
remained in place. In the 55 years since the horror of Partition, the=20
Indian secular state has, in fact, been able to restrict the number=20
killed in Hindu-Muslim riots to around 8,000 (another 3,000 Sikhs=20
were killed by Hindus in 1984). This is an unforgivable blot on the=20
face of any secular state. But it's worth setting this figure against=20
the background of India's demographic scale, its deep divisions, and=20
the profound stresses democratic change is bringing to the society.

This could now change. The leaders of the BJP, the prime minister,=20
Atal Bihari Vajpayee, and the home minister, Lal Krishna Advani, are=20
committed to a totalitarian vision. It is one that defiles Indian=20
civilization - a civilization that in truth is the mongrel creature=20
of diverse cultures, impulses and ideas.

It is time for patriotic Indians across the world to stand up and to=20
renew the idea of India that Gandhi, Nehru and the generations who=20
fought for India's independence stood for. If we do not, India will=20
cease to be itself.

The author teaches at Birkbeck College, University of London, and is=20
the author of The Idea of India. He is currently a fellow at the=20
Woodrow Wilson Center, Washington

_______

#2.

http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/mag/stories/2002032400120800.htm
The Hindu, Sunday, Mar 24, 2002
Magazine

Flames of hatred

`All around us, injured people were lying on the floor ... Those=20
without physical scars had obviously been wounded in their minds,=20
which might never properly heal.' DOM MORAES records his impressions=20
of Ahmedabad after the riots.

Trapped in a cage not of their making.

AHMEDABAD as it recovered slowly from its riots was full of hot,=20
thick, dusty air. Not many ordinary people were out on the streets,=20
but there was a heavy population of police and army trucks lumbered=20
ponderously around. In this dull, contained, atmosphere, the=20
aftermath of violence, the Sarabhai house looked almost=20
inappropriate, secluded as it is amidst gardens and trees. It is an=20
open, airy sort of house and on my first day in the city several=20
people had come to lunch: Mallika Sarabhai and her distinguished=20
mother were there, as well as the children and a guest, Tanveer=20
Kureishi. "I had to flee from my home," she said. "These last few=20
days I have been living like a refugee." But she seemed quite happy.=20
Her recent close acquaintance with violence had not shadowed her eyes.

All the women present, including Mrinalini Sarabhai, seemed to be=20
busy with citizen's committees and with the camps that had sprouted=20
up all over the city. Ten of these camps now existed, with about=20
37,000 people in them. "That's only in Ahmedabad," Mallika said.=20
"There are about 20,000 more people in camps in other parts of the=20
State. Most of them have lost their houses and property. They have=20
nowhere to go. We can only maintain the camps for a short while more.=20
The Government isn't even trying to pretend that it will help." She=20
was very angry, but kept herself under control, as if holding some=20
delicate part of her mind in check. "This has all been very carefully=20
orchestrated," she said, "and everyone has known for years that a=20
catastrophe like this was on the way."

In spite of the tension in the air, the house was peaceful. It was=20
only when I left it that I felt the tension. I met two young Muslim=20
businessmen, A.A. Sayed, a lawyer, and Iqbal Tadha, "It is all over=20
here," Tadha told me. "The Hindus have done whatever they wanted. The=20
Muslims are finished. They have lost all that they had." They wanted=20
to show me the worst affected areas of the city, and a camp they had=20
started, but were anxious that we should acquire press stickers for=20
our cars. "Otherwise the police will harass us." Their faces were=20
haunted. The Times of India very kindly provided the stickers.=20
Bharat, its Chief Reporter, was an old friend I had met in Patna a=20
couple of years ago. "I don't really think you'll need the stickers,"=20
he said. "But your friends have reason to feel nervous.

I've been posted in five different States and nowhere else have I=20
felt that such a deliberate polarisation had been created between the=20
communities. Gujarat was turned into a laboratory for Hindutva. The=20
Muslims are completely finished here."

His words echoed those of my companions. They drove me to some parts=20
of the town. Several houses here were gutted, the interiors blackened=20
with flame. Wrecked and burned cars still lay around. The houses had=20
been looted before they were burned.

"The looters weren't poor people," Sayyed said. "They were quite=20
rich, but they plundered the houses of wealthy Muslims. See, hardly=20
anything is left. There is a famous lawyer, A.V. Divecha. He has=20
powerful friends. When he knew the mobs were coming he phoned them=20
for help. But nobody would help him. The police stood by and did not=20
interfere."

Hotels in the city were extensively burnt, "because traditionally the=20
hotel industry was run by Muslims". As we trudged through the ruined=20
houses under an unfriendly afternoon sun, we met several of the=20
former occupants who had come to see if anything was left. Some of=20
them had been beaten and suffered burns and each had terrible=20
memories. They were unanimous that the police had been present all=20
through the riots, but had not helped. "At best they warned the=20
people to leave before they were killed. It was the same everywhere."=20
At one house Tadha pointed to the burned car outside. "This gentleman=20
is on government committees. They gave him that car for government=20
work." He laughed harshly. "The police stood by while the mob burned=20
it, attacked his family, and looted his house."

* * *

Next day it was once more sultry and oppressive. We drove to the=20
dargah where a camp had been set up. The courtyard and buildings were=20
full of people, who mostly had pathetic bundles of possessions.=20
"There are nearly 4000 here," Tadha said. "Most of them will have=20
nowhere to go when they have to leave here. We cannot keep this place=20
running indefinitely." Several people had bandages and burn marks. In=20
one of the buildings a young man lay on a crowded platform, his eyes=20
empty. His arms and legs were heavily bandaged. "They beat me," he=20
whispered. "Then they burned me." A doctor was attempting to help=20
him. "I can't treat you properly here," he explained. "You must go to=20
a hospital." The young man said, "No. No, how can I go outside?=20
Outside there are many Hindus."

Nearby an older, bearded man sat with his daughter in his lap. The=20
child lay face down, trembling and whimpering in small continuous=20
bursts. She was about five years old and wore a torn, stained yellow=20
dress. The father pulled it up to show her back, covered with weals=20
where she had been beaten and apparently sexually abused. She had an=20
angelic face and looked utterly stunned. "I can't make her speak,"=20
her father said. "She won't speak any more." Nearby a woman in her=20
thirties, called Amina, listened. "I saw a woman with a beautiful=20
daughter about 20," she said. "She offered the Hindus money not to=20
rape the girl. They took the money and then 10 of them raped her, one=20
after another. She also stopped speaking afterwards. I don't know=20
what happened to her in the end."

Tadha said, "These are the poor people. We are able to manage our=20
lives somehow. We have money in the banks. But these are the ones who=20
have really been finished. They will never be able to recover from=20
this." He rubbed his hand over his forehead. Neither Sayyed nor he=20
looked as though they had smiled for several days. All around us=20
injured people were lying on the floor, not asleep but staring=20
blankly at the plastered walls, which afforded them no possibilities.=20
Those without physical scars had obviously been wounded in their=20
minds, deep and severe wounds which might never properly heal. "Do=20
you like Narendra Modi," Amina anxiously asked me. "I don't like him.=20
But I like Sonia Gandhi. She says she will come and help us. Do you=20
think she will come before they kill us all?"

For this question, I, unfortunately, had no answer.

Dom Moraes is a writer, poet and columnist based in Mumbai.

__________________________

#3.

http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/mag/stories/2002032400150300.htm
The Hindu, Sunday, Mar 24, 2002
Magazine

Survivors do not matter

C. RAMMANOHAR REDDY

While the Gujarat earthquake brought out the best in people, a year=20
later it is the depths of inhumanity and barbarism that is being=20
exhibited.

A collective effort to rebuild after the earthquake.

WE all remember the 2001 earthquake. Indians, rich and poor,=20
spontaneously came forward to help the people of Gujarat cope with=20
the disaster. Non-governmental organisations rushed to aid with=20
rehabilitation. Companies "adopted" villages and their staff=20
contributed a day's wages. Many caught the first train to Gujarat to=20
assist in relief. And, after initially displaying some sluggishness,=20
even the Government sprung into action. There seemed to be a=20
collective national effort to stand by the people of Gujarat.

Compare our response today to the communal mayhem in Gujarat to how=20
we stepped out a year ago. Those who died this time were hacked to=20
pieces or burnt alive. Those who managed to survive now huddle in=20
fear in camps. Reports from Gujarat say that more than a fortnight=20
after the violence, tens of thousands of people remain in the=20
make-shift camps throughout the State; too terrified to return to=20
what remains of their homes. Food they get somehow, shelter just=20
about and sanitation does not exist.

Of course, nobody dares go to work or send their children to school.

The State Government is providing token relief, the NGOs this time=20
are largely absent and we, elsewhere in the country, continue with=20
our lives as if nothing has happened. No national appeals this time=20
for help, no companies coming forward to adopt camps, no offers to=20
take care of orphans and certainly no tax exemption for donations to=20
relief and rehabilitation efforts.

It is not that our responses are conditioned by the numerical scale=20
of a disaster and the country therefore prefers to be quiet about the=20
aftermath of the killings in which "only" 600 people were butchered,=20
compared to the official death toll of 10,000 in the quake. Most of=20
us are so deadened by public violence that it has already become just=20
another riot, some of us are simply terrified of reaching out and, it=20
has to be said, a fair number of Indians are quite satisfied with=20
both the carnage and the plight of the survivors.

The people who were fortunate to escape the mobs need help to=20
physically rebuild their homes (destroyed by the rioters), to find=20
work (not easy after the call to boycott Muslim businesses) and, most=20
of all, to heal the trauma that they have been subjected to -=20
watching family and friends burnt, pregnant women knifed to death and=20
even heads smashed. Nothing can ever heal those scars, but our=20
collective silence even in the aftermath sends out the message that=20
India does not care. If our collective silence permitted the killings=20
to take place, we refuse now to demonstrate our support for the=20
survivors. Open support would actually have signalled to the=20
communalists that they do not own the public space.

A collective silence after the riots.

The only help the inhabitants of camps in Gujarat are receiving now=20
is from the members of their own community who are helping out with=20
food and clothing, a handful of NGOs involved in relief, and a few=20
brave individuals determined not to let the horrors go by without a=20
response.

The new breed of "nationalist" secularists will first ask, "What=20
about the victims of Godhra?" as if our collective shame is confined=20
to the State wide killings after the massacre at Godhra. No person=20
with any sense of humanity feels that way.

Such questions about reactions to Godhra should not, in normal times,=20
be given the dignity of a response, but these are not normal times.=20
So it has to be said that the families of the survivors of Godhra=20
need no less support than the survivors of what followed.

A catastrophe brings out either the best or the worst in a nation.=20
The Gujarat earthquake brought out some of the best. But a year later=20
we have witnessed the depths of inhumanity in India and seen=20
barbarism at close sight. The callousness of our reaction today when=20
set against the overwhelming response to the quake a year ago may be=20
a minor statement about ourselves. However, if the massacres were a=20
crime against humanity; the subsequent silence is just as big an=20
offence. Silence is acquiescence.

Silence also means we continue as if nothing has happened. We refuse=20
to see that the bigots have been able to ratchet their aggression=20
many notches higher. What is at stake now is nothing less than the=20
kind of India that will be bequeathed to our children.

Omkar Goswami, the chief economist of Conferderation of Indian=20
Industries (CII), last week penned a moving piece (Business Standard,=20
March 16, 2002) which could not have said things more sensitively,=20
ending with the question: "Have we ever thought of the frightening,=20
fragmented, divisive polity that we are bequeathing to the next=20
generation, where, instead of removing poverty, we remove people?=20
Will we ever learn?"

______

#4.

The Hindu, Sunday, Mar 24, 2002
Magazine

History of Guja-riot

ANIL DHARKER

Crowds tend to go berserk if there is no firm show of authority,=20
which is what happened in Gujarat. Does the solution lie in a quick=20
change in the law enforcing machinery?
http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/mag/stories/2002032400200200.htm

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