[sacw] SACW | 3 April. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire - Dispatch | 3 April 2002
http://www.mnet.fr

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#1. Musharraf's Faustian Bargain (Mansoor Ijaz)
#2. Hindutva Reign ( I.A. Rehman)
#3. Dossiers of Genocide (Raja Menon)
#4. Secular activists meet on Gujarat (7th of April Ahmedabad)
#5. Meeting on Gujarat Carnage and Bangalore Resolution (April 7,=20
2002, New Delhi)
#6. Whither Gujarat? (Mari Marcel Thekaekara)
#7. Full text of Gujarat Report by National Human Rights Commission,=20
New Delhi, India
#8. The road taken, from Sialkot to Ahmedabad (Kuldip Nayar)
#9. Method in madness (Prakash Patra)
#10. Police Harassment: Support SANGAMA, Bangalore, India
#11. The April issue of the-south-asian

__________________________

#1.

Los Angeles Times
Sunday, March 31, 2002
SUNDAY OPINION PAGE

MUSHARRAF'S FAUSTIAN BARGAIN
By MANSOOR IJAZ
Mansoor Ijaz, an American of Pakistani origin, is a member of the
Council on Foreign Relations.

NEW YORK--Last week, Pakistan's reform-minded dictator, Gen. Pervez
Musharraf, rolled out plans to directly ask the people of Pakistan to
extend his stay in the President's House for five years before October
parliamentary elections are held. He did so in fear that the country's
established political parties will find him an untenable leader after the
fall vote.

It was a disturbing echo: In 1984, Pakistan's last military ruler, Gen.
Zia ul-Haq, called for a similar vote to legitimize his power grab before
holding elections in which political parties were prohibited from
participating. Musharraf also barred Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif,
Pakistan's two most notable-and corrupt-political leaders, from running in
the fall elections to choose the next prime minister.

On the surface, these moves by the man who many in Pakistan consider the
country's last and best hope for stability and respectability fall well
within Pakistanis' tolerance for bad governance. Musharraf, after all,
is widely perceived, in Pakistan as well as overseas, as reversing
dangerous trends set in motion by Zia, who curried favor with religious
extremists to dilute the power of the country's political parties.

But on the same day that Americans and foreigners were attacked as they
prayed at a church in Islamabad, Musharraf released from house arrest
religious extremists he had cracked down on in his landmark January
anti-terrorism speech. As worrisome, the decision revealed the hidden
role that Pakistan's powerful Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI)
continues to play in domestic politics and provided further evidence of
why the agency needs to be overhauled thoroughly if Pakistan is to
become a more viable state.

The decision to release the mullahs appeared to be part of a larger
strategy to appease hard-line Islamist elements, whose followers
constitute an important and potentially large voter bloc in the proposed
May referendum. An alarmingly low voter turnout in last year's local
district elections, whose candidates were vetted by Pakistani
intelligence, probably forced Musharraf's political operatives to settle
on the referendum option as the best way to legitimize the general's
stay in power beyond the October vote.

The need to call for a referendum organized by ISI political operatives
in which Musharraf is the sole choice suggests just how weak the
general's internal grip on power may be: Rather than achieve his stated
goal of continuity by retaining the presidency through a majority vote
of the newly elected national assembly this fall, Musharraf seems
prepared to opt instead for the lesser-indeed, questionable-legitimacy
bestowed on him by an ISI-run referendum.

With the war on terrorism bogging down in Pakistan's semi-autonomous
northwestern tribal areas and religious extremists regrouping,
Musharraf's global travels to wrest economic concessions from U.S.
allies is not keeping his friends where he needs them most-at army
general headquarters in Rawalpindi and on Pennsylvania Avenue in
Washington. During the internal debate over whether or not to hold a
referendum, Musharraf's fellow army lieutenants are said to have
questioned the Pakistani leader about the value of his being both
president and army chief. The implication was that Musharraf had to
choose one or the other.

Therein lies Musharraf's dilemma. Without command over military
personnel and assets, Musharraf's powers as a self-anointed president
who lacks a broad public mandate would not be of much use to U.S.
military planners and the war on terrorism. On the other hand, a
successful referendum vote turning on the support of ISI-backed
religious fanatics desperate for a way back into Islamabad's power
circles would send Washington an equally troubling message-the
extremists may be back.

It wouldn't be the first time. By October 1990, then-ISI chief and
Islamic fundamentalist Lt. Gen. Hamid Gul had cobbled together a
coalition of anti-Bhutto political parties, called the Islamic
Democratic Alliance, to block her reelection. Sharif, the victor of the
ISI-rigged election, morphed into an Islamist sympathizer to maintain
his gravitas with the intelligence community.

At a time when clarity and composure are needed in Islamabad, Pakistan's
military-intelligence complex has exhibited remarkably conflicting
agendas for the country's future. Pakistan remains a breeding ground for
rogue intelligence operatives intent on executing a jihadi agenda of
disrupting Pakistan and its neighbors. Reformed at the top though it may
be, the ISI remains a deeply politicized institution full of radical
Islamists at the middle-management level. It spies on Pakistani citizens
who aspire to power, and crafts and finances radical Islamic policies
abroad.

When its agenda is served, the ISI targets foreigners at home as well.
That Sunday attack on churchgoers in broad daylight, in which its
perpetrators got away without so much as a police siren going off inside
Islamabad's diplomatic enclave-heavily guarded by elite police
squads-may prove that.

In not owning up to the serious management problem created by the deep
divide between reformists and extremists inside the ISI, Musharraf is
fueling the duality-and duplicity-of Islamabad's anti-terrorism
policies. By letting Pakistan's mullahs and fundamentalists back up for
air, he has made himself an easier target of their wrath for signing up
Pakistan in the U.S. war on terrorism. The religious fanatics may be
quiet now, and they may secure Musharraf's short-term future. But the
revenge they seek for Musharraf's secularism will surely come, and
Pakistan as a state will be the ultimate casualty.

Rather than stumping for extremist votes, Musharraf needs to end the
ISI's dubious mandate by dismantling the heart of its Islamist
operations. He needs to reassign its national-security responsibilities
to the more secular military intelligence directorate within the army,
the same group on which U.S. military forces have relied since Sept. 11.
He needs to reallocate ISI's resources to the recruitment, training and
deployment of secular anti-terrorism squads throughout Pakistan.

And Musharraf should stop playing electoral games with his people.
Pakistan's chief military man should stay out of politics and
concentrate on destroying terrorists. To do otherwise is to set the
stage for his own self-destruction, and for America's withdrawal from
the region once again.

______

#2.

Newsline (Karachi)
March 2002

Hindutva Reign

The exclusion of any commitment to secularism from the BJP's=20
discourse in recent years contributed in no small measure to the=20
communal bloodshed in Gujarat.

By I.A. Rehman

Even before communal rioting broke out in Gujarat,=20
enlightened public opinion in India was apprehensive and uneasy about=20
communal bloodshed taking place around March 15, the date fixed by=20
the Vishwa Hindu Parishad both for a 100,000 strong militant rally in=20
Ayodhya as well as the beginning of the Ram Mandir construction.=20
Although Mr. Vajpayee had taken the position that he would rather=20
resign his office than permit any action before the judiciary had=20
given its ruling on the matter, informed observers of the situation=20
believed that it would be impossible to avert large-scale communal=20
conflict and bloodshed. This was before the BJP's electoral losses=20
in several Indian states, particularly in Uttar Pradesh.

That the election results in the UP aggravated communal=20
tensions in India cannot be denied. Loss of power can unhinge the=20
mind of any political outfit, and the effect on an extremist group=20
operating on narrow, almost non-political premises, such as the BJP,=20
was bound to be even more unsettling. While political analysts have=20
attributed the BJP's defeat to several non-communal factors, such as=20
the failure of its government in the UP to meet the people's=20
expectations, party hardliners have apparently concluded that they=20
have suffered as a result of the dilution of their communalist=20
agenda. They cannot find any other explanation for their rejection=20
by the Muslim voters except communal distinction and they also=20
attribute the revolt of the lower caste Hindus to a weakening of the=20
dharma raj. This assessment does not appear to be confined to the=20
Vishwa Hindu Parishad fanatics or the Bajrang Dal and may have=20
affected the party's central leadership as well. Though in practical=20
terms the BJP may still consider itself securely ensconced in New=20
Delhi, it cannot ignore the psychological impact of the debacle on=20
the wider Indian electorate. The taming of the Muslim voter, if not=20
his physical elimination, acquired an urgency not just as an end in=20
itself, but also as a means of reimposing upper caste political=20
discipline on the lower caste multitudes.

However, it would be wrong to fix one's gaze solely on=20
the BJP hardcore's fears of loss of power while looking for the=20
causes of the latest flare-up. The contribution of three other=20
factors that have fouled the Indian political climate need to be=20
taken into consideration.

Firstly, the shift in the BJP's overall attitude towards secularism.=20
In its march towards power in the early nineties, the party did not=20
directly reject secular ideals, it only argued that the secularism of=20
the Congress party was a sham and that it would establish genuine=20
secularism by delivering to the majority community its due and=20
guaranteeing the minority communities no more than what was fairly=20
due to them. The strategy was designed to capitalise on the people's=20
fatigue with the moribund policies of the Congress. However,=20
realising that it could not hope to win power by itself and that it=20
had to forge an alliance with other anti-Congress elements, the BJP=20
reduced the rhetoric about its secular credentials and even promoted=20
the fiction that only small groups within its fold (VHP or Bajrang=20
Dal) were die-hard communalists. References to secularism from the=20
party pulpits became fewer and fewer. The exclusion of any=20
commitment to secularism (of any variety) from the party's discourse=20
sent a message to its rank and file that wherever they were not=20
obligated to troublesome allies they could pursue their Hindutva=20
agenda with greater vigour.

Secondly, the Indian middle class, including those=20
claiming to be liberal, appeared to be uncritically willing to jump=20
on the BJP bandwagon. The merchant class was happy that its=20
contribution to the BJP coffers was paying dividends: in terms of=20
economic policies, inter-party differences in the country had largely=20
vanished, and perhaps the possibilities of making the government=20
amenable to the interests of big capital were real. The liberals in=20
particular judged the BJP less on merit and more in the context of=20
their antipathy towards the alternatives. Even when they were unable=20
to stomach the policies and doings of the saffron brigade, they=20
idolised the figure of Mr. Vajpayee as the guardian of their=20
interests completely ignoring the fact that the party's body-weight=20
mattered far more than the disposition - that too assumed - of the=20
leader of its government. At the same time, these liberals continued=20
to harp on India's secular traditions built up in the past, without=20
realising that that era had ended quite some time ago. They should=20
now accept their role in making the communalists acceptable to the=20
masses. This is not to deny the courage and level-headedness of=20
those groups and individuals who have condemned the Gujarat=20
authorities' collusion with the rampaging bloodthirsty gangs that=20
went on a killing spree.

Thirdly, the impact of the India-Pakistan confrontation=20
at the state level needs to be re-assessed. Hitherto, a great deal=20
of attention has been paid to the effect of pre-Partition communal=20
politics on the policies of these two neighbouring states. The=20
contribution made by continual confrontation at the state level to=20
keep the fires of communalism burning in both countries has not=20
received its due attention. All those working for peace through=20
people-to-people contacts realised this even more sharply in the wake=20
of the Kargil affair, which unmistakably strengthened communalist=20
trends in India. India's response to the opportunities provided by=20
the US-led war against terrorism probably convinced its communalist=20
adventurers that the time to finally solve the problem of Pakistan=20
had come. The delay in the denouement of their wishes was bound to=20
increase their frustration and anger. There is reason to believe=20
that the advocates of Hindutva cannot be happy with Pakistan's=20
efforts, however limited, to bury its bogey of obscurantists because=20
their argument for turning India into a religious state is dented by=20
every step Pakistan takes in the opposite direction.

The recent experience of the peoples of India and=20
Pakistan leads to two conclusions. First, that communalism cannot be=20
buried in this part of the world so long as the states of India and=20
Pakistan continue their increasingly indefensible confrontationist=20
policies. And, secondly, that communalism in India and communalism=20
in Pakistan are not two separate phenomena, but in fact constitute a=20
single integrated curse on South Asia which has to be tackled jointly=20
by the people of the subcontinent. Once it is realised that=20
communalism threatens the fundamental interests of the entire=20
population of South Asia, the roles expected of the state apparatus=20
and the civil society in both countries can be delineated.

The pressure on both states to give up their=20
confrontation must be increased, with less emphasis on pleadings to=20
resolve their differences and disputes and more on the possibilities=20
of contributing to each other's stability, progress and happiness.=20
At the same time, civil society elements in both countries that are=20
committed to democratic, non-communal dispensation and the=20
restitution of the rights of the under-privileged, must strive to=20
break through the barriers to their interaction. Pakistan's outrage=20
at the current carnage in Gujarat and elsewhere in India is=20
understandable, but it should be inspired not merely by=20
considerations of religious affinity with the victims but also, and=20
perhaps in greater measure, by concern at the threat communalism=20
poses to the entire Indian population, especially to the ideals of=20
secularism, on which rest the hopes of a better South Asia.

______

#3.

Outlook Magazine | Apr 08, 2002
OPINION

Dossiers of Genocide
The colluding administrators should have the fear of an=20
international, public trial. Genocide can't hide behind sovereignty.=20
RAJA MENON

In the winter of 1983, some of us in the Navy were posted to Kiel,=20
Germany (then East), a city known as the home of the German U-boat=20
fleet in the last war. As the cold weather closed in from the north=20
we vacationed southwards and inevitably landed up at Belsen, the=20
northern-most site of the concentration camps in the German homeland.=20
It is unnecessary to reiterate the horrors of the place, but what I=20
found most curious was: how did the Brown Shirts and the SS know=20
where to look in each city to find the Jews? The answer is that in=20
Germany - as in every other continental country - each family is=20
registered with the municipal authorities, called the Ordnungs Amt.=20
This office is kept informed whenever a family shifts residence.=20
Originally designed to improve municipal administration and=20
population statistics, these records became the source of information=20
on Jewish families, who were then concentrated in a camp.

It appears that well before the Godhra outrage, Hindu fundamentalist=20
outfits were similarly extracting municipal records, employment=20
exchange registers, telephone-bill addresses, electoral rolls and=20
even a public relations firm's business list to compile a dossier of=20
Muslim residential addresses. Could this be true? There is little=20
doubt that the state police and the IB are fully aware whether these=20
allegations are either true or false. If they are true, there is no=20
question that both the Gujarat government and the Union home ministry=20
also knew the first steps towards replicating the 'Night of the Long=20
Knives' by the Brown Shirts had begun in Gujarat. The IB's reporting=20
chain leads it to the home secretary. There is also no reason why=20
such information should be kept classified and denied to the people,=20
unless the Union agency is part of the conspiracy - which takes me=20
back to Belsen.

People leave Belsen in cold shocked rage. This rage is often seen in=20
the erratic driving of cars coming out of Belsen. Every person has=20
his private vision of horror. My preoccupation was what were the=20
thousands of people, who knew about the plans to eliminate the Jews,=20
thinking? Today we know that they buried their heads in the sand,=20
ostrich-like, and didn't want to ask questions - why were the SS=20
collecting lists of Jewish addresses? Or why were so many Jews=20
disembarking from cattle wagons and what was being burnt behind the=20
barbed wire that gave rise to a sickly smell each night? Didn't=20
thousands of people in Ahmedabad know whether Muslim addresses were=20
being collected? Didn't, at least, dozens of good, sound,=20
secular-minded IB officers know? Will they speak up? Because if they=20
don't, what will eventually happen is that the Union home ministry=20
will perhaps single-handedly break up this country.

Since large numbers of educated people have expressed their feelings=20
in the press and said that Godhra and the post-Godhra 'riots' were=20
two sides of the same coin, it is necessary to point out the extreme=20
dissimilarities. To us in the military, the definition of a riot is=20
clear. It's created by mobs, which are large masses of men with no=20
discriminating impulses. This is the reason why when the time comes=20
to open fire, the killing of one or two leaders causes the mob to=20
panic and disperse. Collecting lists of intended victims identified=20
on the basis of religion, carrying LPG cylinders to cut open safes of=20
Muslim business houses and training people to create LPG explosions=20
without blowing themselves up are clear indications of premeditated=20
genocide. Establishing that is absolutely necessary for the arguments=20
which follow.

Genocide can rarely be investigated by state organs, because they=20
have complicity in the killing process. The government should know=20
this better than anyone else, since India was one of the prime movers=20
of the Convention on Genocide enacted by the General Assembly in=20
1948.What the convention attempted to state was that the sovereignty=20
of states committing genocide could be trampled upon, if that is the=20
only way in which the people can be protected from the state. Can a=20
judicial commission instituted by the Gujarat government indict=20
itself for genocide? Hardly likely. In the outpouring of revulsion=20
against the killings, most of the ire has been directed against the=20
politicians and the Hindu fundamentalist organisations. If the=20
intention is to prevent the recurrence of such a carnage, this ire is=20
misplaced. The target should be the servants of the Gujarat=20
government whose inaction amounted to complicity.

There have been any number of large-scale communal riots in India in=20
the past 150 years. The Indian government machinery that deals with=20
riots is time-tested and robust. But it collapsed in Gujarat because=20
the bureaucrats and the police conspired with the politicians.=20
Barbaric mobs and venal politicians are part of the Indian scene, but=20
the first act of rehabilitation is to threaten the errant government=20
servants with worse consequences than what the Gujarati politician is=20
capable of inflicting. That can only happen through threats of a=20
public international trial. The Gujarat government servants'=20
misconduct is no different from that of the two Rwandan nuns being=20
tried in Belgium for complicity in genocide - they refused sanctuary=20
to fugitives who were later massacred. Rwandan sovereignty was=20
superseded to bring the nuns to trial, although their guilt seems=20
less than that of the station house officer, Naroda police station.

(Raja Menon, a former naval officer, writes on strategic affairs.)

______

#4.

>Dear Friend,
>
>The events of the last month in the State of Gujarat has shocked all=20
>those believing in a just and equitable India where citizens are=20
>allowed to practice the faith of their choice. Much of the evidence=20
>points towards State complicity and planned genocide with the=20
>Gujarat head of the VHP admitting openly to having masterminded much=20
>of the burning and looting of minority property. It is imperative to=20
>stop the spread of this kind of hooliganism and barbarism with the=20
>help of the government and its allied organizations, on a=20
>nation-wide platform.
>
>The level of violence and the hues of hatred it has taken on are=20
>unprecedented in the history of independent India. The massacre is=20
>reminiscent of Rwanda and Bosnia. The continuing threats to the=20
>minority community are vituperative enough to terrify even the most=20
>educated and balanced of the community, stopping them from picking=20
>up the threads of their lives.
>
>SAVE (Society Against Violence and Enmity) India is an organization=20
>of 27 NGOs and individuals who feel the immediate need to synergise=20
>efforts nationally to fight this cancer. It invites you to=20
>participate in an all day event on the 7th of April at 10 a.m. at=20
>the Adivasi Hall, Gujarat Vidyapeeth, Income Tax Cross Roads,=20
>Ahmedabad, to pool ideas and concretize processes to make this issue=20
>a national one that will not slip from the public eye once Gujarat=20
>goes back to "normal". Many human rights organizations and other=20
>concerned NGOs and individuals have confirmed particpation.
>
>Accommodation at Rs50 per person per day has also been organized at=20
>the Vidyapeeth. You can also decide to stay at Faize Mohammedi=20
>Society, Narayannagar Road, Paldi, Ahmedabad 380007, phone 6642959.=20
>We would be happy to have you come and represent your organization=20
>at the meet.
>
>Kindly confirm your participation, time of arrival and accommodation=20
>requirements to Arti Trivedi at this address.
>
>Sincerely,
>
>Girish Patel
>Mallika Sarabhai
>Prakash Shah
>Uday Mehta
>Vilas Sonavan
>Ramesh Pimple
>Anil Prakash
>

_____

#5.

Convention
Gujarat Carnage and Bangalore Resolution
Assault on Constitutional Order and Unity of India

Sunday, April 7, 2002
Speaker's Hall, Constitution Club, Rafi Marg, New Delhi-110001
10 am onwards

The tragedy of Gujarat is heart rending. During the past weeks=20
hundreds of innocent lives have been lost. Lakhs have been rendered=20
homeless and thousands are missing. Numerous Mosques and Mazars have=20
been razed to the ground. All this is still happening with the=20
meticulous planning, active connivance and material support of the=20
State machinery.

In this situation when people are feeling totally insecure, RSS has=20
come out at Bangalore meeting with a unique formula for prescribing=20
how the minorities can earn their safely and security. The resolution=20
at Bangalore exposes the real purpose behind Gujarat violence and the=20
purpose is to force upon the minorities the status of second-class=20
citizens.

The perverse violence in Gujarat has given birth to new stories of=20
human misery, anguish and pain, but there is no madness about it.=20
This is all premeditated and very well thought out strategy to=20
demoralise a section of the people and destroy their will to exercise=20
their constitutional rights, particularly right to vote in a manner=20
that the agents of violence find objectionable.

Violence in Gujarat is an assault on civil society and secular values=20
and Bangalore resolution is nothing but a challenge to constitutional=20
order and social fabric of India. It is time to stand up to save=20
human values and defend our Constitution and rule of law.

We invite you to participate in a convention on Sunday, April 7th,=20
2002 at the Speaker=92s Hall, Constitution Club, Rafi Marg, New Delhi=20
at 10.00 am to discuss the above mentioned challenges and find ways=20
to protect India from these assaults.

AMU Old Boys Association

Mr. Ehtasham Khan 9810376725
Mr. Arif Mohd Khan 9810143786
Mr. Shakil Ahmad 9811506489
Ms Shabnam Hashmi 9810633765

PS- List of speakers would be circulated in the next dispatch.

____

#6.

The Hindu, Tuesday, Apr 02, 2002
Open Page

Whither Gujarat?

Gujarat continues to be consumed by the cancer of communalism. But=20
the carnage did not happen spontaneously because of Godhra. It was a=20
slow deliberate campaign of ten years of hate filled religious=20
rhetoric inciting people to defend Hinduism. Hired assassins,=20
vicious, specially trained, armed mercenaries led the mobs which=20
massacred Muslims in Gujarat. Journalists, writers, poets and decent=20
people scream for help for the traumatised victims, the remains of=20
the pogrom. For a premeditated, cold blooded pogrom it was.

Politics of hatred

The Centre has shown more anger and dismay over the storming of the=20
Orissa Assembly than they did when the news about the orgy of murder=20
and rape broke. They condemned and distanced themselves from the=20
Bhubaneswar stampede. But the criticism of the Gujarat Chief=20
Minister, Narendra Modi, was muted. Indeed he was congratulated for=20
bringing in the Army after 72 hours. The Opposition has demanded the=20
banning of the VHP and Bajrang Dal. But why has no one raised the=20
question of the very validity of the BJP which has encouraged and=20
built its base on the politics of hatred and communalism? Who else=20
can own responsibility for the carnage? Having created the=20
Frankenstein and nurtured it, how can the very government which=20
depends on fundamentalist fanatics now control the monster of its own=20
making? Is not the very essence of democracy in danger?

As writers we are asked to restrain ourselves. But I thank God for=20
Star News and intrepid journalists who risked life and limb to bring=20
the horror of Gujarat before the country and before the world. Only=20
if our barbarity is totally exposed can we stop the pretence that=20
everything is back to normal. Even as I write this, the camps are=20
filled with Muslims in need. Over 50,000 victims sit traumatised and=20
glassy eyed unable to understand why they deserved this. Hate filled=20
mobs are still preventing Muslims from collecting their belongings=20
from their abandoned houses. They are threatening relief workers and=20
people they term pseudo secularists. Pamphlets are being circulated=20
demanding a total boycott of Muslim shops, of selling to Muslims and=20
of doing any business whatsoever with them. Even as I write this,=20
there are reports from credible sources in Gujarat about the=20
continuing campaign of hatred. The call for the Final Solution. Drive=20
them out of the State, and then drive them out of this country. Do=20
not buy from Muslim shops. Do not sell to them. The pamphlet=20
concludes with a warning that the curse of Hanumanji will be on your=20
head if you fail to implement it. The curse of Ramchandraji if you do=20
not circulate it. Jai Sri Ram!

While Gujarat continues to burn with hatred, the allies of the BJP=20
look on. Theirs is not to do or die for obvious electoral reasons.=20
They cannot withdraw support even if every decent Indian is appalled,=20
ashamed and stricken by the holocaust that has been perpetrated in=20
the name of religion. In a situation like this, it is imperative to=20
introduce President's rule in Gujarat and ensure that the Army=20
remains in charge of security. It is a lunatic fringe which supports=20
the hate-filled politics of communalism. Yet all of us must bear the=20
burden of the guilt and shame which has engulfed the country. And we=20
deserve to be branded as criminals because we have voted in a=20
criminal government that has shamed us. Nothing can take away the=20
horror of Gujarat or wipe out the trauma of the victims it created.

But it's about time we stood up to be counted and voiced our=20
protests. Are we a neutered nation that we refuse to act to punish=20
the perpetrators of the holocaust? Or has it become a habit, this=20
burning of brides, of Dalits, of Sikhs, of missionaries, the=20
murdering of girl children? The VHP and Bajrang Dal must be declared=20
terrorist organisations. But so must every individual who stands up=20
and spews hate, inciting people to kill each other. And the BJP must=20
be made accountable for its failure to protect the victims of Gujarat=20
and the continuing hate-filled scenario.

`Final Solution'

Like Hitler's Germany, we cannot escape the guilt, the horror and the=20
eternal shame that will haunt us and generations of our children when=20
the history of this century is written. For it must be reiterated and=20
established beyond doubt, that unlike all the other shameful=20
outbreaks of religious bigotry, in the bloody annals of our history,=20
this was a pogrom, designed in meticulous detail with pride,=20
following Hitler's handbooks, seeking a Final Solution and working=20
systematically towards that end. Who will conduct our Nuremberg=20
trials? Or identify the Himmlers and SS men, our home-grown=20
Milosevic? We need to punish the murderers and show the victims that=20
we are on their side. That we consider them our people. We need to go=20
to Gujarat.

MARI MARCEL THEKAEKARA

____

#7.

National Human Rights Commission, New Delhi, India

Full text of Proceedings of the Commission on Gujarat
Recommendations on Gujarat report
http://www.nhrc.nic.in/whatsnew.htm#gr1

____

#8.

Indian Express
Wednesday, April 03, 2002
http://www.indian-express.com/full_story.php?content_id=3D124

The road taken, from Sialkot to Ahmedabad
Rajya Sabha MP and The Indian Express columnist Kuldip Nayar=20
rediscovered the loss of the days of partition - on the streets of=20
and across refugee camps in Gujarat
Kuldip Nayar

I have returned from Gujarat with a pile of memoranda. It always=20
happens whenever I visit a riot-affected area. I got loads of them=20
when I was in Bhagalpur, Bhiwandi, Meerut, Mumbai and many other=20
places. I have lost count. The victims feel that once they have given=20
something in writing, they will get justice. They know it is a futile=20
hope, but they continue to cling to it.

The refugees in the camps I have visited in Ahmedabad are no=20
different. Despondency more than loss is writ large on their faces.=20
They want to be heard, want a door to knock on, a shoulder to cry on.

They have every reason to feel this way. Even after four weeks, no=20
FIR has been registered, no official taken to task, not even one=20
policeman suspended. On the other hand, the few who did a=20
conscientious job have been transferred. This has further jolted=20
their confidence. I have never seen so many people so much bereft of=20
hope.

I just listened to their harrowing tales, of murder, rape, people=20
burnt alive, looting. After some time, I felt could not take it any=20
more. Sorrow beyond a point dulls your sensitivity. Chief Minister=20
Narendra Modi was away to Rajkot. But I gave a bit of my mind to the=20
chief secretary and the home secretary. Why didn't any official in=20
Gujarat resign? Was there nothing called conscience, not even in the=20
land of Mahatma Gandhi? Why had none of them gone round to the=20
refugee camps? Must a BJP-run government be saved from dismissal=20
because of the Centre is led by the BJP?

And what happened to New Delhi? Should Home Minister L. K. Advani=20
have defended the state chief minister when his failure was palpable?=20
Would successive rulers follow these parameters of governance?

I found the answer at a gathering of NGOs, human rights activists,=20
Gandhians and all those who were working for relief and=20
rehabilitation in the state. They told me how the entire city of=20
Ahmedabad had been mapped out locality-wise within a few hours of the=20
Godhra incident on February 27. Areas, houses, shops and factories of=20
Muslims were marked and the specific task of killing, looting and=20
burning was assigned to different groups. They were in touch with=20
''their bosses'' who directed them on mobile phones. A pamphlet was=20
distributed to urge the Hindus to boycott the Muslims economically:=20
not to buy anything from their shops and not to have any transaction=20
with them.

The police behaved as if the force had been given instructions ''not=20
to interfere.'' During the 1992-3 Mumbai riots, the New York Times=20
had got hold of transcripts of conversations between the police=20
control room and officers on the streets. The advice was to allow=20
Muslim houses to burn and to prevent aid from reaching the victims.=20
In Gujarat, it was worse. The police instigated and protected the=20
rioters.

The day of Partition came back before my eyes. At that time too, the=20
police were hand in glove with rioters or, for that matter, the=20
killers. What was perceived as ''the call of religion'' had turned=20
thousands of ordinary people into a crowd of criminals indulging in=20
the types of atrocities that hardcore criminals would do. Even then=20
there was little remorse in the society as in Gujarat today.

But I felt spontaneous kinship with the refugees. They too had left=20
behind their hearts and homes, friends and hopes as I did when I left=20
my hometown Sialkot. Like the refugees, I too had seen murder and=20
worse. But their plight was more harrowing they were refugees in=20
their own country. Like the Kashmiri Pandits. It also reminded me of=20
the 1984 riots in Delhi where 3,000 Sikhs were butchered in broad=20
daylight.

I went to the spot where the Godhra incident happened. Reconstructing=20
the tragedy, I found that the train left Godhra station at 7.50 a.m.=20
on February 27. Some kar sevaks were still on the platform washing=20
their faces or teasing some vendors. One kar sevak pulled the chain=20
to stop the train. It left five minutes alter. The chain was pulled=20
again at 7.58 a.m., this time from three compartments. The=20
authorities are yet to identify who did it. When the train halted at=20
a distance of 800 metres from the station, the train was stoned and=20
the S-6 bogie was set on fire.

I have no doubt that the attack was well-planned. Otherwise, it is=20
not possible for a mob of 500 carrying petrol and kerosene to=20
assemble in three minutes in an area that can only be reached by=20
running through prickly bushes.

But Godhra pales into insignificance when compared with the=20
retaliation in Ahmedabad, Vadodara and other cities and even in the=20
countryside. Ten districts out of 23 in Gujarat have been affected.=20
The toll is now 736. Nearly one lakh, men, women and children are=20
living in inhuman conditions in what are called the refugee camps.=20
NGOs are managing them but even the wheat or atta provided by the=20
government is bad.

Why the Centre merely hemmed and hawed and did nothing is=20
understandable if the infighting within the BJP is understood. It is=20
a confrontation between the hawks and the doves. That also explains=20
why the PM did not go to Gujarat immediately.

Many in the party believe that such happenings will consolidate=20
Hindus on its side. A few like the PM and External Affairs Minister=20
Jaswant Singh believe otherwise. But they are quiet. They are afraid=20
of the RSS hardliners who initiated the thesis of Hindu consolidation=20
and and have found no fault with Modi, an RSS pracharak.

In my letter to the prime minister, I said that the riots in the=20
state were not Hindu-Muslim clashes in the sense that one community=20
fought against the other. ''It was really a pogrom, a well planned=20
and executed scheme. I find that the bureaucracy and the police have=20
been communalised. There are umpteen instances to show that the=20
government machinery was biased as if there were unwritten=20
instructions not to act against the rioters. Chief Minister Narendra=20
Modi should have been asked to quit long ago.'' I have made a=20
suggestion to expand the one-man commission to a three-member panel=20
to be presided over by a Supreme Court judge. The CBI, and not the=20
state inquiry set-up, should be in charge of the investigation.

The government has not yet done even a survey, let alone compensating=20
and rehabilitating them. Voluntary assistance is coming and some=20
people are adopting families to help them restart their lives. It's=20
still too inadequate and too tentative.

There is a larger question. Do we go from one riot to another? How do=20
we stop people who are trying to build a Hindu rashtra and demolish=20
the secular ethos of the country? The example of Pakistan is before=20
us: a theocratic state that's trying to be pluralistic after fanning=20
the wind of fundamentalism and jehad.

Can the genie thus released go back into the bottle? Democracy is not=20
the only institution which the nation loses. The climate also becomes=20
ripe for dictatorship and fascism and all that goes with them.There=20
is no option except to fight against the forces of reaction and=20
bigots. India's pluralistic society cannot be saved by staying quiet.=20
Martin Luther King was right when he said: ''The day we see the truth=20
and cease to speak is the day we begin to die.''

____

#9.

http://www.hindustantimes.com/nonfram/030402/detpla01.asp
The Hindustan Times, Wednesday, April 3, 2002
=09=20
PLATFORM: Method in madness
Prakash Patra

'Secularism is a part of the basic structure of the Constitution. The=20
acts of a state government, which are calculated to subvert or=20
sabotage secularism as enshrined in our Constitution, can lawfully be=20
deemed to give rise to a situation in which the government of the=20
state cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the=20
Constitution.'

This is what the Supreme Court had to say while upholding the P.V.=20
Narasimha Rao government's decision to dismiss the BJP-ruled=20
governments of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh in the=20
aftermath of the demolition of the Babri masjid in 1992.

A judgment of the apex court is supposed to be the law of the land=20
and it is the duty of the executive - the central government - to=20
ensure that the law prevails, irrespective of who is at helm of=20
affairs at the Centre or the state in question. It is the primary=20
duty of the Centre to ensure that the constitutional provisions are=20
not violated in any manner.

The Rao government, in a belated action, dismissed the three state=20
governments on the ground that these states could not be trusted to=20
follow the constitutional objectives of secularism. The presidential=20
proclamation was upheld by the Supreme Court, which stated in no=20
uncertain terms that the government's decision was based "on the fact=20
of violation of the secular features of the Constitution which itself=20
is a ground to hold that a situation has arisen in which the=20
government of the concerned states cannot be carried on in accordance=20
with the provisions of the Constitution".

The material evidence put before the court were as follows: the three=20
chief ministers belonged to the RSS (then, a banned organisation);=20
the state governments were reluctant to take action against the RSS;=20
some ministers of these states had patronised the kar sewaks before=20
and after the demolition of the mosque; and there had been atrocities=20
against Muslims. The Centre had serious apprehensions about the=20
secular credentials of these three state governments.

Delivering the judgment, the judges said: "Religious tolerance and=20
equal treatment of all religious groups and protection of their life=20
and property and of the places of their worship are an essential part=20
of secularism as enshrined in our Constitution. We have accepted the=20
said goal not only because it is our historical legacy and a need of=20
our national unity and integrity, but a creed of universal=20
brotherhood and humanism. It is our cardinal faith. Any profession=20
and action which go counter to the aforesaid creed are a prima facie=20
proof of the conduct in defiance of the provision of our=20
Constitution."

What Gujarat has been witnessing is worse than what had happened in=20
Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh in 1992. And yet,=20
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee is unwilling to act. Instead, he=20
has virtually given a clean chit to RSS pracharak-turned-CM Narendra=20
Modi.

The killings have not stopped in Gujarat where Modi flaunts his=20
saffron ties. Yet Modi goes scot-free. The government at the Centre=20
'trusts' him to uphold the secular concept as enshrined in the Indian=20
Constitution. The PM - the liberal face of the Sangh parivar - finds=20
nothing wrong with the manner in which the Gujarat government has=20
been handling communal violence.

But the same Vajpayee government does see a danger to the=20
Constitution when some members of a politician's family are murdered=20
in Bihar, allegedly at the behest of a Muslim MP. Minister of State=20
for Home Affairs I.D. Swami rushes to Bihar, notwithstanding the fact=20
that the law and order is a state subject. For the Vajpayee=20
government, jungle rule prevails in Bihar, but the law is upheld in=20
Gujarat.

Does one remember the flurry of activity on the part of the NDA which=20
sent several teams to West Bengal whenever Mamata Banerjee demanded=20
President's rule in the state? The argument then was that political=20
violence in West Bengal made it a fit case for central rule. Can the=20
events in Gujarat even begin to compare with whatever had happened in=20
that state in the run-up to the last assembly elections?

Would Vajpayee have applied the same yardstick to measure the=20
performance of a non-NDA ruled state? Would he have spoken to the=20
chief minister and be satisfied with the explanation given by him.=20
Violent riots are continuing for a month now and no one has heard of=20
the governor - supposedly the representative of the Centre and the=20
Constitution - being asked to submit a report on the law and order=20
situation.

The double standards are more pronounced when it comes to an=20
NDA-ruled state. Is the Orissa assembly a lesser seat of democracy=20
than the Jammu and Kashmir assembly - or for that matter Parliament?=20
Why does no one talk of the attackers being hauled up under POTA? Is=20
it because the attackers belong to the Sangh parivar?

Vajpayee has gone by the recommendation of Governor Vishnu Kant=20
Shastri to impose President's rule in UP to uphold the Constitution.=20
Would he consider the same for Gujarat in the light of the Supreme=20
Court judgment?

____

#10.

Dear friend(s)

SANGAMA is a Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO) in Bangalore,
India, and is a resource centre on sexuality issues with a focus on
sexuality minorities' (hijras (a transgender community in South Asia),
kothis (a community of feminine homosexual/bisexual men in South
Asia), gays, lesbians, homosexuals, bisexuals, transgender people)
rights. Sangama's work involves building awareness on issues of legal
rights and sexual health (including HIV/AIDS). One of Sangama's
efforts has been to provide a space for building awareness, counseling
and to work with sexuality minorities from lower class and non-English
speaking backgrounds to ensure their rights.

As a part of these efforts, sexuality minorities (particularly kothis,
hijras and homosexual/bisexual men from the poor and non-English
speaking backgrounds) have been meeting at Sangama every Sunday.
Representatives from human rights/social action/women's rights
organizations also attend these meetings.

On the 17th of March 2002 (Sunday) 7 policemen from the Commercial
Street Police Station walked into Sangama's office, inspected the
premises and stated that though Sangama is doing 'good work', they
cannot allow 'hijras' to meet in the Sangama office. Police also insisted
that hijras can have meetings only 'outside Bangalore City'.

Representatives of Peoples' Union for Civil Liberties - Karnataka (PUCL-
K, a human rights group), Vimochana and Manasa (women's groups)
and Sangama met the Deputy Commissioner of Police
(Administration), Bangalore City, who grasping the situation
immediately called the local Police Station and ordered the police
officials to stop harassing Sangama.

Despite this on 31st March 2002 (Sunday) the police barred entry of
various individuals, including human rights/social activists and
hijras/kothis into the Sangama premises. They initially even barred
entry to employees of Sangama. Arvind Narrain, a lawyer from the
Alternative Law Forum, and Elavarthi Manohar of Sangama met the
Circle Inspector Mr. M. S. Hussein to ask for an explanation. Mr.
Hussein only said that hijras would not be allowed to meet in the
Sangama office premises, and could hold their meetings anywhere
'outside Bangalore City'. He refused to answer any questions regarding
the legality of this action, and said that such queries may be directed
to higher officials.

We fear that there is a pattern in this police high-handedness, which is
directed against the whole hijra/kothi communities in the city. Only in
the last one week, 6 kothis were picked up at the Cubbon Park Police
Station under false charges, and severely brutalized in custody. A fact-
finding report being brought out by PUCL-K, Peoples' Democratic
Forum (a human rights group), Vimochana, DISC (a group working for
the rights of garment workers and sex workers) and Sangama
highlights many such instances of police violence on hijra/kothi
communities. It is not surprising then that the police targeted Sangama
for harassment.

A Press Conference was jointly held on 2nd April, 2002 at the
Bangalore Press Club by PUCL-K and South India Cell for Human
Rights Education and Monitoring (SICHREM) to focus on the
homophobic/transphobic attitude of the Bangalore Police. A meeting of
various activist groups is being held on the following day to discuss
these attacks and plan a common strategy against this police
highhandedness.

We request all groups and individuals to address protest letters to the
Chief Minister of Karnataka, and to the National Human Rights
Commission, India (NHRC), with a copy marked to Sangama
(sangama@s...). The e-mail address of the Chief
Minister, Karnataka is cm@k... or smk@b... The e-
mail address of the Chairperson, NHRC is chairnhrc@n...

A sample protest letter is given at the end of this mail.

In solidarity

Chandru, Famila, Kumar, Lakshmi, Manohar, Nithin, Revathi, Roshan,
Sharada, Sumathi

------------------------
To,

The Chief Minister, Karnataka/ The Chairperson, NHRC, India
(cm@k... or smk@b... and chairnhrc@n...)

Sir,

We are deeply disturbed to hear of the police violence on kothis and
hijras in the city of Bangalore. We are also shocked by the police
harassment of the personnel of Sangama, a sexuality minorities' rights
organization working with kothis and hijras in the city. This is an
infringement of the fundamental rights of sexuality minorities. The
suggestion of the police that kothis and hijras can meet outside the
city clearly implies that they are to be treated as outcasts in their own
city of residence.

We register our strong protest against this homophobic/transphobic
behavior of the police officials of Bangalore and defend the human
rights of kothis, hijras and other sexuality minorities.

We urge you to take immediate and strong steps to remedy this
situation.

____

#11.

The April issue of the-south-asian has been published=20
(<http://www.the-south-asian.com>www.the-south-asian.com) . The=20
contents are: A journey through Bhutan - excerpted from Akhil=20
Bakshi's forthcoming book 'Between Heaven and Hell'; Jatin Das - 4=20
decades of artistic passion; Hakim Ajmal Khan's ancestral heritage;=20
Textiles of Pakistan; Naveen Jindal; [...]

--=20
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