[sacw] SACW #1 | 12 April. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire #1 | 12 April 2002
http://www.mnet.fr

GUJARAT CARNAGE 2002: A Report To the Nation
By An Independent Fact Finding Mission
[ Full Text at: http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/GujCarnage.html ]

__________________________

#1. Bangladesh: Urgent Appeal on Arbitrary Arrest and Torture of Dr. 
Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir
#2. Pakistan: Tick Yes for Musharraf (Sherry Rehman)
#3. Gujarat isn't India (Praful Bidwai)
#4. India: Invitation to Public Meeting - Citizen's Strategy & 
Action Plan for Fighting Fascism in India (Hyderabad, 13 April)
#5. India: Hyderabad - "Coalition for Peace and Communal Harmony" + 
letter to the chief minister of Andhra Pradesh

__________________________

#1.

South Asia Forum for Human Rights
G.P.O. Box 12855, Kathmandu, Nepal
Tel +977-1-541026;Fax: +977-1-527852
e-mail: south@s...
April 10, 2002
To
Honourable Prime Minister, Khaleda Zia,
Prime Minister of Bangladesh,
Prime Minister's Office,
Old Parliament House, Tejgaon,
Dhaka,
Bangladesh.

Fax: 0088 / 02 8113244, 811015, 8113243,
e-mail : ps1@p...

Urgent Appeal on Arbitrary Arrest and Torture of Dr. Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir

South Asia Forum for Human Rights (SAFHR) appeals to the Prime 
Minister of Bangladesh, Hon Khaleda Zia to urgently intervene in the 
matter of the arbitrary detention and torture in custody of Dr. 
Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir who was arrested in Dhaka on March 15, 2002.

According to the information received, Dr. Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir, 
the former State Minister for Planning, was arrested at the Zia 
International Airport on March 15th, 2002, and taken to the
Special Branch of the police office. Dr. Alamgir, who was returning 
from abroad, was detained under Section 54 of the Criminal Procedure 
Code (CrPC), for 'instigating' government officials and employees in 
Dhaka in 1996 to join the Janatar Mancha (people's platform) 
demonstration which eventually led to the removal of the Bangladesh 
Nationalist Party's (BNP) government from power. We have been told 
that on its return to power in 2001, BNP government initiated 
disciplinary proceedings against 180 civil servants involved in the 
demonstration. On March 15, Dr Alamgir an outspoken critic of the 
BNP's politics was arrested.

On March 16th, 2002, Dr Alamgir was produced before the Chief 
Metropolitan Magistrate's (CMM) Court in Dhaka who ordered his 
detention for two days and extended it for another two days. On its 
expiry, Dr. Alamgir was reportedly not taken to court, but was 
instead taken to the central jail in Dhaka. On March 21st, 2002, Dr. 
Alamgir's defence lawyers submitted a petition for a bail hearing to 
the CMM, and at the hearing on March 24th, 2002, Dr. Alamgir 
reportedly complained about the torture and ill treatment to which he 
had reportedly been subjected while in detention.

According to the information received, Dr. Alamgir reported that he 
had been taken to an unknown detention facility, where he was 
brutally tortured. He was allegedly beaten with bamboo sticks by 
three masked men, and a bottle was pushed into his rectum. 
Furthermore, during the two-day extension period of detention he was 
reportedly subjected to electric shocks on his genitals. Although Dr. 
Alamgir suffers from diabetes, he was not allowed to take his 
medicine, which was reportedly kept in a briefcase in police custody. 
While in detention, he was deprived of food, water and sleep, and was 
not given a mosquito net.

Following Dr. Alamgir's complaints on March 24th, 2002, the 
magistrate reportedly recorded that Dr. Alamgir had been tortured, 
but did not order an investigation.

According to several human rights activists of Bangladesh Dr. 
Alamgir's detention is arbitrary and politically motivated. The 
police reportedly failed to bring any charges against Dr. Alamgir 
until March 19th, 2002. However, they have now submitted a petition 
for his continued detention in connection with a murder case the 
report of which was filed with Kochua Thana in Chandpur (case no. 
26(9) 2001, Sec. 143, 326, 307). Apparently the name of the murdered 
person has not been disclosed till date.

Dr. Alamgir has been placed in detention for one month under the 
Special Power Act (SPA), which allows the government to imprison an 
individual for up to 90 days without a formal charge. On Dr Alamgir's 
brother challenging the legality of the detention, the High Court on 
March 30th requested the government to submit within two weeks the 
reason for detaining Dr. Alamgir under the SPA. Dr. Alamgir was due 
to attend a court hearing at the Chief Metropolitan Magistrates Court 
in Dakha on March 31st, 2002, but reportedly was not allowed to 
attend due to 'security reasons'. A custody warrant was allegedly 
sent by the prison's authorities to fix a new date. The Magistrate 
Kazi Meraj Hossain has set the next court hearing to take place on 
April 15th, 2002. 

SAFHR is gravely concerned for Dr. Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir's physical 
and psychological integrity, given that, he has reportedly been 
subjected to torture while in detention and continues to be at risk 
of further abuses. Also, the willful denial of his diabetic medicine 
has placed Dr Alamgir in a life threatening situation. SAFHR 
appeals that Dr. Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir be provided with immediate 
and appropriate medical care.

Madam Prime Minister we request you to immediately intervene in this 
matter and save the life of Dr. Alamgir. We are sure that you will do 
everything to fulfill the obligations of the government of Bangladesh 
to respect international standards of human rights. Further, we 
request you to look into the allegation of use of arbitrary arrests, 
torture and violations of procedural rights as a means of repressing 
democratic political opposition.

Rita Manchanda
Programme Executive
SAFHR

_____

#2.

Tick Yes for Musharraf
By Sherry Rehman

The newspapers are right. Back in the UK, most Pakistanis totally 
approve of President Musharraf's shiny new referendum. Out of the 
75,000-strong community here many of them have done well as 
naturalized Asians in Britain, and some have even reached positions 
of influence, if not power, in the local and national democratic 
structures. In fact, Pakistan can boast of originating two MPs, one 
life-peer, and scores of Labour and Tory councillors. They know how 
to work Westminster, and hold sacred the rights and claims of their 
constituents all over Britain.
Yet when confronted with the paradox of supporting non-democratic 
solutions for Pakistan, they become completely schizophrenic. It is 
the same man-on-horseback, instant gratification syndrome all round. 
The widespread expectation is that one man will come heroically 
charging in, and sweep all of Pakistan's deep-rooted problems away in 
a storm of non-radioactive dust. Then of course, you have the 
standard upper and middle-class Pakistani reaction to dictatorship 
mirrored in Britain's desis as well. The reasoning is that Pakistan 
is different, somehow. Not enough people are educated and sleaze 
seeps out of the politicians' pores. Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto 
have had their chance. Democracy votes in too many corrupt and 
out-of-control forces, so lets not have any more of it, for God's 
sake. Let' s just bring in good, clean technocrats and brigadiers 
from all over, and we'll all be better off. At least they will send 
home the tidal wave of turbans and beards, forgetting conveniently, 
that it is the same people who fostered the religious extremism in 
the first place.
And as General Musharraf's filmi-looking posters go up all over the 
country for his mass contact campaign, he so perfectly fits the 
soldier-as-saviour bill, that many of us can be forgiven for 
indulging in Lee Kuan Yew-ish fantasies about him as well. After all, 
it would be churlish not to acknowledge that the man has steered 
Pakistan through a dangerous time with the utmost skill. In the early 
months after September 11th, public opinion was almost unanimous in 
supporting his policies. His regime's economic policies were at least 
theoretically model, although the effects of that on the Pakistani 
street have yet to register. Quite above all that, for the first two 
years General Musharraf was in power, his demeanour carried with it a 
basic rough-and-ready veracity about it, which convinced even many of 
his detractors, that he meant what he said when he claimed he would 
abide by the Supreme Court's rules. Many thought he would find a way 
of staying in the political game at the end of the three years 
assigned him. Few believed that it would be this way. 
The reality, my lovelies, is that the few were right. Those who 
distrusted dictatorship and all it stands for, were a small minority 
railing against the inevitable reification of absolute power. No 
elaborate lectures are needed on why this referendum is being 
undertaken in the first place. The regime's justification for it is 
that it is needed to provide cover for the continuity of certain 
policies. Point taken. Many of its policies need the benefit of 
sustainability, but the thing to remember here of course, is that no 
political government in the last twelve years has had that luxury, 
mainly because they are never allowed to complete their terms. Maybe 
it is they who should be given that chance, as is the case next door 
in India, or any other imperfect democracy. The other hole in this 
argument's heart is that the suspension of constitutional norms was 
not the only route to General Musharraf becoming president. An act of 
parliament pushed through by the new legislature after October 2003 
would have given the desired results, although without the certainty 
that military men seem to need so much. The possibility of such an 
option would only have arisen if Musharraf had created political 
space for the two parties he seems to fear most, namely the PPP and 
the PML[N].Both its leaders could have been rationally persuaded, in 
the interests of Pakistan's future, to make some common ground with 
the new president. This route would also have demonstrated 
Musharraf's intention of sharing power, which he says this whole 
exercise is about. Instead, his continued intransigence about keeping 
both Nawaz Sharif and Bhutto out of the forthcoming election is 
itself a conceit of someone who believes at the same time, in the 
"unity of command." 
Referendums are not designed for choosing presidents, nor are they 
considered substitutes for regular electoral politics. But that is 
not the only objection. Firstly, for Pakistanis, the memory of 
President Ayub, and actually much worse, of General Zia, looms 
ominously large over the very word. The baggage of two generals who 
played havoc with the country will soon indelibly attach itself like 
the kiss of death, to General Musharraf, who until this point, at 
least had the virtue of standing out as different from them. My 
second objection to this referendum lies in the question framed for 
it. Does Musharraf really believe that we can't see through the fait 
accompli nature of the question to be used on April 30th ?It gives no 
voter any choice of another candidate. The blatant addition of a 
Zia-like catch to the question, in which the voter is asked to 
endorse his policies of anti-fundamentalism, economic continuity, 
restoration of democracy, and , no less, the Quaid's ideals, will 
amount to the voter equating all these with Musharraf's presidency, 
with no choice but to vote yes. But this is only the beginning. 
Serious charges of rigging have already started forming a shadow over 
this poll. We all agree that the credibility of every polling 
exercise lies in stringent rules that protect transparency and 
fairness. Well, guess what, the rules for this referendum are 
different. The problem is not that the voting age has been promptly 
lowered to 18, but the fact that there are no restrictions on which 
polling station one can vote from. No voter's list is needed, just 
the possession of an identity card. The mind boggles at the sheer 
number of opportunities this will provide for duplication of votes.
It gets better. Happily for the president, the possibilities for 
multiplying the votes have now gone up exponentially because when a 
voter goes into the polling booth, there will be no polling agent 
from the opposition or any neutral party, to oversee the bona fides 
of the vote cast, nor will there be anyone to stop the polling 
officer from stuffing the ballot box This was how General Zia's 
abysmally low turn-out had translated into a bumper head-count. 
Nobody has forgotten this fact, nor have they accepted the validity 
of the numbers. The new Referendum Order that has been issued is, in 
fact, very like General Zia's Referendum Order, which debarred any 
tribunal, court, or authority from challenging the validity of any 
section of the order. Which brings us to another caveat against this 
referendum. The drum-rolls for 30th April have hardly begun to sound 
when the red carpets, the stage entertainers, the bus-loads and the 
gravy train to elicit voters has already begun, all quite openly on 
state expense. The manner in which the perquisites of incumbency are 
shamelessly being used to garner support for the new president reeks 
of another dismal juncture in our history when like the 200,000 local 
representatives, a group known as basic democrats were used to usher 
in another ersatz, sham democracy.
If I was General Musharraf, I would think twice about turning 
the country into a political gulag where only oleaginous loyalists 
ruled. The provincial governors are already looking to becoming the 
key props to a system which will over-rule elected chief ministers. 
Not to be left behind, the Nazimate is working overtime at 
reinforcing a system which will bypass parliament. Lahore's Nazim, 
Mian Amir, for instance, is only the first mayor to harness his 
district's support for General Musharraf's referendum. Many more will 
follow, bringing their crowds by the truck-load. In either case, the 
good General will be in power for at least five years, backed this 
time, with the dubious power of this referendum. The new prime 
minister will enjoy his or her ceremonial post, but little else. 
Needless to say, the clash of powers that will arise between the 
local bodies and the new provincial governments will result in 
complete institutional gridlock. Musharraf says this will be a new 
era when one institution will be able to check and balance the other. 
Fine. Who, in the new National Security Council he creates, let alone 
in parliament, will have the power to check his office ? Not anyone 
in Pakistan, for sure. 

_____

#3.

The News International, Pakistan, April 11, 2002

Gujarat isn't India

Praful Bidwai

Six weeks into the pogrom of Muslims following the killing of 58 
Hindus at Godhra, Gujarat seethes with violence, hatred, insecurity 
and fear. Nation-wide revulsion in India at the butchery of hundreds 
of innocent citizens, and at Narendra Milosevic Modi's lynch-law 
rule, remains unrelieved by Atal Behari Vajpayee's belated, largely 
tokenist, one-day visit to the state on April 4.
Vajpayee, accompanied throughout his stay by Modi, condemned 
violence, especially of the bestial variety. But he failed to condemn 
its cause: the state's connivance at, indeed sponsorship of, 
organised murder and mayhem. Or reining in the wayward state 
apparatus compromised by Hindutva, he lapsed into pitiable 
platitudes. On the key question of sacking Modi, he was shamefully 
silent.

The demand to send Modi packing has acquired a sharp political edge, 
besides urgency. After last Sunday's gratuitous attack on journalists 
by the Gujarat police -- during a peace meeting at Gandhi's own 
Ashram -- even the BJP's "secular" partners in the National 
Democratic Alliance have found their tongue.
If the sack-Modi demand snowballs, the countdown to the BJP's fall 
from power at the national level may have begun.

It is ironical, but not insignificant, that this process should be 
precipitated in Gujarat, which has been called Hindutva's crucible or 
"laboratory". The victims recently placed in the crucible have been 
Christians, Adivasis (forest-dwelling nature or ancestor-worshippers, 
not Hindus), Dalits, and of course, Muslims.

Gujarat has long been India's most communally volatile state, with 
the Hindus sharply polarised against the others. In no other state 
has the ideology of communalism, and specifically, the doctrine of 
the impossibility of peaceful co-existence between Hindus and 
Muslims, struck such deep roots as in Gujarat.

Yet, it would be dangerously wrong to think that the vast majority of 
Gujarat's Hindus approve of India's worst pogrom since Partition, or 
support the state's role in it. An opinion poll, just published by 
"Outlook" magazine, says 65 percent of the people believe the Vishwa 
Hindu Parishad, the BJP's lumpen street-fighting arm, and the Modi 
government, connived to target the Muslims.
72 percent say they don't feel safe and secure in Gujarat. 44 percent 
believe the post-Godhra violence is unjustified. Only 32 percent 
think the government did enough to stop the violence; 58 percent 
don't. (Muslims comprise 10 percent of the sample. Caste Hindus 
account for 60 percent; Dalits and Adivasis for 25 percent.)

However, despite these qualifications, Gujarat does remain 
exceptional both for the ferocity of the current pogrom, and the 
persistence and frequency of communal violence. Communal conflict has 
been, regrettably, endemic to certain parts of India. Yet, over 90 
percent of the country has never been "riot-prone".

Only 18 percent of India's cities have experienced communal violence 
in the past half-century. Eight cities alone account for about half 
the death-toll in such violence. Two of them, Ahmedabad and Baroda, 
are in Gujarat. Godhra, also in Gujarat, has the horrific distinction 
of being under curfew for 200 days or longer in a year -- in the 
1970s and 1980s.

95 percent of rural India, in which 70 percent of the people live, 
has not witnessed Hindu-Muslim violence. Villages account for four 
percent of communalism's death-toll.

Admittedly, other parts of India do contain some of the ingredients 
found responsible for inter-religious strife in Gujarat. But they are 
nowhere nearly as developed, nor present in the same combination.

So what explains Gujarat's frightful communalisation? How could it so 
completely erase the Gandhian tradition of non-violence? How come the 
bhadralok, "respectable", "noble" upper-caste people, including 
doctors and lawyers, participated in the killing, burning and looting?

Gujarat is India's only state in which the BJP rules with a clear 
majority of votes, and has done so longest. Communalism's origins 
there go back a long time. Modern India's first recorded communal 
riot took place in Gujarat, in 1713. Throughout the past century, 
Gujarat has seen periodic surges of violence. It witnessed as many as 
443 significant communal flare-ups between 1971 and 2001.

Four factors explain Gujarat's extraordinary proneness to 
communalism. First, the near-absence of a social reform movement 
comparable to that witnessed in, say, Maharashtra, Bengal or Tamil 
Nadu in the 19th and early 20th century among the Hindus, and to a 
weaker extent, among north Indian Muslims under Sir Syed Ahmed Khan.

This made for a rigid caste structure and for heightened influence of 
Right-wing thinking in the culture of this business-oriented society 
which places a premium on commercialising all human relationships. 
The Right grew rapidly under the tutelage of Sardar Patel after 
Gandhi's early withdrawal from Gujarat in favour of national politics.

Secondly, Gujarat saw the consolidation of a powerful alliance 
between patidar land-owning farmers, and Brahmins and Banias. This 
divided "Bhadra Gujarat" from "Aam Gujarat". The division became 
irreconcilable in the 1980s when a challenge emerged "from below" -- 
a coalition called KHAM (Kshatriya-Harijan-Adivasi-Muslim), which won 
power in 1980.

The upper-caste elite attacked KHAM violently through a street-level 
agitation in 1981-82 against Dalits. This was repeated even more 
militantly against low-caste OBCs in 1985-86.

The leader of this Right-wing campaign was none other than Narendra 
Modi. Its predominant ideology was Hindutva, the binding cement of 
upper-caste unity baptised in blood. Originally targeted at low-caste 
Hindus, the campaign soon turned against Muslims, and in the late 
1990s, against (the largely Adivasi) Christians.

Hindutva has now given the Gujarat elite a uniquely aggressive, 
violent identity.

A third factor is the growing influence of conservative non-resident 
Indians. Gujarat has India's highest population of professional NRIs 
living in North America. Their "long-distance" nationalism is 
especially reactionary, and feeds Hindutva. This NRI community is 
typically more orthodox, traditional and backward-looking than its 
resident counterparts. It provides role-models for young Gujaratis.

However, an important long-acting fourth factor is Gujarat's weak 
liberal culture in the modern, pluralist sense. One reason for this, 
apart from the Right's strength, is the weakness of Gujarat's labour 
movement. Once militant, this was compromised by the imposition of 
the pro-employer Mazoor Mahajan union based on the romantic notion of 
"trusteeship": industrialists as labour's "trustees", not exploiters.

The disarming of the labour movement in early stage meant that 
Gujarat's elite was under little pressure to make human rights, 
labour rights, and other concessions, or to respect liberal values. 
As the great historian E P Thompson often said, a liberal culture 
doesn't come out of thin air; it arises from the people's struggles, 
when workers and peasants fight at the barricades. This didn't happen 
in Gujarat.

Over the past decade, the bhadralok's aggressiveness has become 
increasingly xenophobic and crude. In Gujarat, textbooks were 
severely rewritten to distort history by glorifying everything Hindu 
and maligning everything non-Hindu.

It is not accidental that Advani's infamous 1990 rathyatra was 
launched from Somnath in Gujarat -- and planned by none other than 
Milosevic-Modi. Advani has been repeatedly elected to the Lok Sabha 
from Gujarat.

The seeds of hatred sown by Hindutva have produced a crop of fascist 
horror and delivered a blow to the cause of Indian secularism and 
pluralism.

Unless the Hindutva juggernaut is stopped, some other states could 
also go Gujarat's way, devouring Constitutional legality and 
undermining the Indian nation's integrity. That's why sacking Modi 
isn't an ephemeral, short-term, limited, party-political demand. It 
is a moral-political-Constitutional imperative.

_____

#4.
INVITATION
PUBLIC MEETING
Citizen's Strategy & Action Plan for Fighting Fascism in India

Date: 13th April, 2002 ( Saturday)

Time: 06:00 pm

Venue: Press Club, Bashir Bagh, Hyderabad, AP

Speakers :

Ms. Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan
Mr. Anil Chaudhary, Vice-President, INSAF ( Educationist, New Delhi)
Mr. Zaheer Ali Khan, Managing Editor, SIASAT DAILY
Dr. Kalpanna Kannabiran, Professor, NALSAR, Hyderabad
(To present Report of INSAF STUDY TEAM to Gujarat, along with
Team Members: Dayamani Barla, Chittaranjan Singh, Wilfred D'Costa)

Chairperson:

Sri B Narsingh Rao, Academician

o o o

Dear Friends,

The communal carnage in Gujarat and the build-up for 15th March in 
the name of performing Yagna to start the construction work of Ram 
Mandir at Ayodhya are reasons enough to bow our heads in shame. "We 
the people of India...." have proclaimed ourselves to be a secular 
and democratic republic and thus, profess the right to a life with no 
communal violence.

As a national forum of about 500 social action groups, social 
movements and progressive intellectuals, INSAF is committed to resist 
globalization, combat communalism and defend democracy.

INSAF had sent a Team to study the situation in the rural and tribal 
areas of Gujarat, which have remained largely un-touched by earlier 
investigations/studies.

On behalf of INSAF, we invite you to this PUBLIC MEETING, where we 
would share the highlights of the INSAF Study Team Report, hear the 
first hand account of fascist attack on the media and Medha Patkar in 
Gandhi Ashram, and build a sound strategy and action plan to combat 
communalism & strengthen secular-democratic polity in the country.

Looking forward to your presence and active participation.

In Solidarity,

Ms. Jameela Nishat Adv. K 
Rajendran Rajendra K. Sail
National Executive Committee Member State Convenor, INSAF 
National Secretary, INSAF
Address : 10-3-300/A/1, Humauyun Nagar
V 500 028 ( Tel: 3535584)

______

#5.

Dear Friends

On 6th April 2002 a broad alliance of organisations, individuals, 
trade unions, womens organisations, human and civil rights groups, 
NGOs in Hyderabad, came together under the banner of "Coalition for 
Peace and Communal Harmony" and held a one day fast, peace rally and 
public meeting to condemn the ongoing carnage in Gujarat and press 
for dismissal of the Modi government amongst other demands. Please 
find as an attachment a report of the meeting, and copies of the 
letters sent to the President, Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh and 
the Governor of AP .

A delegation of the coalition, went to meet the Governor of Andhra 
Pradesh on 8th April, to hand over the letter and resolutions passed 
at the meeting.

As a follow up, a meeting was held on Monday 8th April 2002, wherein 
various follow up actions were discussed (minutes will be circulated 
soon). Amongst these include:

i) A delegation to the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh to present 
the resolutions taken at the meeting and to urge him to use his 
levarage to force the dismissal of the Modi government.

ii) April 15th to be a day of mobilizing the citizens of Hyderabad 
and Secunderabad to contribute in cash/kind towards relief and 
rehabilitation in Gujarat. Unlike the Gujarat earthquake where there 
was massive mobilization by a wide cross-section of 
people/organisations, in this disaster where over 1 lakh people are 
living as refugees in their own country- there has been absolutely no 
response from the "silent majority". We must break this silence. 
Different organisations have taken up the responsibility in their 
localities, to go from shop to shop, door-to door to appeal to the 
citizens to contribute for the relief and rehabilitation. At the same 
time flyers will be distributed appealing to citizens to speak out 
against this violence and contribute in their own small way.

We urge you to join in this effort. For those of you who would like 
to participate please contact the following telephone numbers:

*3399752 *7155491

COALITION FOR PEACE and COMMUNAL HARMONY
Hyderabad

COALITION FOR PEACE AND HARMONY, HYDERABAD

The Chief Minister,
Andhra Pradesh Government,
Hyderabad

Dear Chief Minister:

We are a group of concerned citizens and organizations whose 
objectives are the preservation of our national democratic and 
liberal values. We are also advocates of human rights, in particular 
those of women and children, and pride ourselves in the multi-ethnic 
and multi-religious character of India, which has always projected 
India's positive image in the international community.

We are deeply aggrieved at the recent spate of arson and violence 
and continuing lawlessness in Gujarat. Women and children are 
special targets of the attacks. Women are subjected to rape and 
killed thereafter or the earning members of the families are 
killed, and shelters destroyed. Currently, there is also an 
agitation for the economic boycott of the Muslims. The idea seems to 
be to repress a section of the Indian people by terror and economic 
deprivation. We urge upon you to use your office to arrest and 
rectify this trend and reverse it towards a rule of law. You have 
tremendous leveraging position in national politics because the 
existing government depends on your support for survival.

We request your intervention in the following specific issues 
concerning Gujarat :

1/ There is ample evidence to show that the Narendra Modi 
(NM)government, by its acts of omission and commission, and several 
utterances of Mr. Modi , has shown partisanship against the 
minority community. It has neutralized the functioning of 
law-enforcing officers. The NHRC,s preliminary comments are 
sufficient indictment of the NM government.. Please, therefore, 
pressurize the central government to remove the NM government as a 
first step to restoration of normalcy and of the confidence of the 
minority community and of the law abiding citizens. The officials 
guilty of complicity or dereliction of duty should be severely 
punished and by the same token, those who performed their duties 
courageously and as per law should be commended and not subjected to 
any harassment. Further, the conduct of the NM government should be 
examined by the NDA as the government at the center is not of the 
BJP but of the NDA.

2/. The judicial inquiry into the Gujarat violence should be made 
by a sitting judge of the Supreme Court , instead of by a judge of 
the Gujarat High Court as ordered now.

3/ While condemning in no uncertain terms the heinous crime at 
Godhra, we feel that the subsequent riots in Gujarat, specifically 
the phase that started after March 15, are premeditated and 
engineered by outfits like the VHP, Bajrang Dal. They have spread 
hatred against the muslim community in a planned manner even into the 
rural areas, targeting up to villages having a population of 500. 
This has caused the widespread and persisting rioting. This is 
nothing but an act of terrorism. We, therefore, request you to 
prevail upon the central government to stop the inflow of funds from 
abroad to these outfits and ban them, as they have done to 
organizations like SIMI. Further, the RSS , the umbrella organization 
of the BJP, VHP, Bajrang Dal must be condemned by the NDA government 
for its ominous resolution that the muslims must please the Hindus 
for their safety. The safety of any Indian citizen is guaranteed by 
the constitution, as long as he or she is law-abiding.

4/. These fanatic outfits are attacking the integrity of the country 
and are trying to create a permanent divide among the Indian people: 
diverting attention from the development of the vulnerable, weaker 
sections of society, the women and children; hurting the country's 
economy, frightening away foreign investors from this country and 
retarding development. These forces are also tarnishing the image 
of India as a multi-ethnic, multi-religious and secular country. If 
these forces are not checked in time, India cannot live up to its 
commitment to fighting terrorism. World opinion, already shocked by 
the events in India, will veer to the contrary view that India is 
fostering a "Hindu" variety of terrorism, which is a stain on the 
image of Hinduism itself, and no less frightful than any other 
terrorism.

5/ Please also exercise your pressure so that utmost importance is 
given on the rehabilitation of the riot victims, and also do 
whatever you can from your relief funds, at least as a token gesture. 
About 97000 registered riot victims are in relief camps and another 
25000 in unregistered community clusters. Despite Prime Minister's 
personal exhortation to Narendra Modi for their rehabilitation, the 
state government by its latest notification of 28th March has not 
said anything about their rehabilitation, Modi's thinking reportedly 
being that rehabilitation of Muslims at this stage would "terribly 
hurt Hindu sentiments". Can this government ever restore rule of law? 
Further the inmates of camps should not be asked to leave the camps 
until appropriate relief and rehabilitation measures are in place 
(NHRC recommendation).

6/ Finally, the report of the NHRC must be taken seriously and the 
recommendations acted upon speedily and in all earnest and 
sincerety.

7/ We would like to reaffirm our former statement that you have a 
key role to play in these national concerns. What happens in Gujarat 
is also your concern, because it is happening under the NDA 
government, which is also supported by you.. We reiterate our 
request to you to use your leverage to its maximum in any manner you 
think fit, to compel the Central Government and the state governments 
of parties belonging to the NDA, to govern as per law.

Yours 
Sincerely:

_____

#6.

Dear Friends,
A volume in honour of Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer on his completing sixty 
years entitled "Competing Nationalisms in South Asia" has now been 
published by Orient Longman. It has been edited by noted India 
scholar from USA Prof. Paul R. Brass and noted journalist Achin 
Vanayak. Various scholars from USA, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka etc. 
have contributed essays to this volume.

This volume was planned in honour of Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer for his 
commitments and unceasing efforts for containing communalism and 
promoting communal harmony and peace for the last 30 years. This book 
can be ordered from Orient Longman Pvt. Ltd., 1/24 Asaf Ali Road, New 
Delhi:- 110 002. Its cost is In Indian Rs.525/-. Their e-mail address 
is olldel@d...

Centre for Study of Society and Secularism

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