[sacw] SACW #2 | 27 April. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire Dispatch #2 | 27 April 2002
http://www.mnet.fr

PUNISH THE GUILTY OF GUJARAT GENOCIDE
Call for a National Campaign For Defence of the Indian Constitution
http://www.PetitionOnline.com/ptggg/petition.html

__________________________

#1. Notes on Holocaustian Politics (Upendra Baxi)
#2. No Indian Prime Minister has justified a communal pogrom the way=20
Vajpayee has (Praful Bidwai)
#3. Death and devastation through a teenager's camera (Deepshikha Ghosh)
#4. Separate Religion from Politics (Pran Sharma Depinder Singh=20
Rajesh R. Jitendra Murmu Viren Lobo)
#5. Gujarat - Pogrom and polls (Dionne Bunsha)
#6. A Note on Hindu Rashtra (Shiv Vishwanathan)
#7. Culture and identity under Hindutva (Jayati Ghosh)
#8. Surat Film festival is part of resistance to communalism.

__________________________

#1.

April 17, 2002
(Contribution to Seminar, May 2002)

NOTES ON HOLOCAUSTIAN POLITICS
by Upendra Baxi
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/UBaxiApr2002.html

_____

#2.

Frontline
Volume 19 - Issue 09, Apr. 27 - May 12, 2002

Plumbing new depths

No Indian Prime Minister has justified a communal pogrom the way=20
Vajpayee has. The BJP's Goa conclave marks the lowest point in=20
Hindutva's hardline evolution, underlining the need to punish the BJP=20
politically.

Praful Bidwai

ATAL BEHARI VAJPAYEE'S public address at the April 12 BJP National=20
Executive meeting in Goa has rudely convulsed the secular conscience=20
of India's citizens. Many were jolted out of the complacent=20
assumption, promoted by sections of the media, that Vajpayee is some=20
kind of "moderate" or "liberal" - "the right man in the wrong party"=20
- a leader "secular" at heart, whose political "compulsions"=20
regrettably drive him from time to time to compromise with Hindutva.=20
Yet others attributed the tone and tenor of his speech to his=20
interaction with the party's young "hardliners" immediately before=20
the Goa meeting, such as Pramod Mahajan, Arun Shourie and M. Venkaiah=20
Naidu, or to the temporary "influence" of L.K. Advani, which made him=20
reverse the stance he adopted during his April 4 Gujarat visit.

The significance of Vajpayee's address goes much beyond his personal=20
"unmasking". His adoption of a virulent communal posture - which=20
looks at Indian society in terms of a division between Hindus and=20
Others, and accords social and political primacy to the majority=20
community - is shocking, but not really surprising. Vajpayee has=20
never claimed to be secular in the sense of separating religion from=20
politics, or even to have cut his umbilical cord to the Rashtriya=20
Swayamsevak Sangh.

Several public statements can be readily cited, which indicate=20
Vajpayee's ideological-political inclinations: for instance, "the=20
Sangh is my soul" (1995), "I will always remain a swayamsevak"=20
(September 2000), the Ram temple agitation is a "national movement",=20
not a sectarian-parochial one (December 2000), and his Uttar Pradesh=20
election speech in February 2002, in which he chided Muslims for not=20
voting for the BJP, but also warned them it could come to power=20
without their support. These are not aberrations. Nor is his annual=20
obeisance to the Sangh in the form of guru dakshina. Vajpayee is as=20
dedicated to Hindutva or "cultural nationalism" as any RSS pracharak.

The true significance of Vajpayee's disquisition in Goa lies in its=20
relationship to the BJP's recent rightward evolution, and secondly,=20
in the new low political depths it plumbs. Never before has a Prime=20
Minister of India, of whatever persuasion, descended to making a=20
hate-speech against Muslims or Christians, castigating them as=20
"outsiders". Never before were our religious minorities humiliated by=20
a Prime Minister who would want them to feel grateful for being=20
"allowed to pray" - that is, for exercising their fundamental=20
constitutional right.

Never before has an Indian Prime Minister used such aggressive body=20
language to justify the Gujarat pogrom by citing the=20
"who-cast-the-first-stone" argument. Vajpayee blamed the victims of=20
India's worst communal pogrom for their own suffering. No other Prime=20
Minister has so blatantly undermined public confidence in the rule of=20
law and in the possibility of minimal justice for all in this society.

We now know, from numerous independent media accounts, and from=20
several highly credible and sensitive reports*, that the Godhra=20
killing of 59 Hindus was not, causally, "the first stone". The=20
post-February 27 carnage in Gujarat, which has claimed upwards of 850=20
lives, would probably have occurred even if the Godhra incident had=20
not. The conditions were ripe for the massacre of Muslims in that=20
"Hindutva laboratory" State. Elaborate preparations had been under=20
way for weeks before the massacre, in particular after kar sevaks=20
were dispatched daily to Ayodhya following the stepping up of the=20
temple campaign.

For instance, according to sources in Vadodara, lakhs of anti-Muslim=20
leaflets were illegally printed on slow treadle machines - which must=20
have taken months. Bombs and trishuls were stockpiled over a period=20
of weeks. The gap, exceeding 24 hours, between the "trigger event"=20
and the anti-Muslim violence - in contrast to, say, the immediate=20
reaction in Delhi to Indira Gandhi's assassinatio - only confirms the=20
organised, unspontaneous, planned nature of the pogrom.

Reconstruction of the Godhra incident, for example in the Citizens'=20
Forum report, suggests that it was a spontaneous, rather than an=20
elaborately planned, over-reaction to the daily harassment of local=20
Ghanchi Muslims (oil-pressers by occupation) by communally charged=20
kar sevaks returning from Ayodhya. Had there been serious preparation=20
for the attack on the Sabarmati Express, scheduled to reach Godhra at=20
2-55 a.m., there would have been a large crowd on the railway=20
platform at dawn. There was not.

When the train rolled in five hours late, there were only a handful=20
of vendors, porters and passengers on the platform. An altercation=20
broke out between the kar sevaks and Muslim tea vendors. It was only=20
when a rumour spread that young Sophia Khan had been dragged into=20
coach S-6 that a crowd gathered near Signal Fadia, a basti known for=20
communal tension and criminal activities.

Seven weeks on, the government has failed to provide credible=20
evidence linking the Godhra episode to a "conspiracy" involving=20
Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence or even an organised group in=20
Gujarat or elsewhere. Nor can it explain why towns such as Ratlam,=20
which are physically far closer to Godhra, and which have a similar=20
composition of Hindus, Muslims and Adivasis, did not register any=20
"retaliatory" violence, while distant Ahmedabad did.

The reasons are self-evidently Gujarat-specific and political. They=20
have to do with the Narendra Modi government's conscious decision to=20
support the Vishwa Hindu Parishad's February 28 bandh call and the=20
authorities' decision to transport the bodies of the Godhra victims=20
by train to Ahmedabad in a ceremonial manner calculated to inflame=20
passions. It is impossible to separate the post-February 27 violence=20
either from the Modi government or Gujarat's communalised context.

The fact that Vajpayee stooped to endorse Modi's "action-reaction"=20
logic to justify violent retribution upon a falsely constructed=20
collective culprit (Muslims) speaks of an utterly debased mind. The=20
logic of such revenge is ultimately the logic of "getting even" with=20
history, of Nazism, of barbarism. That is now unfolding before our=20
eyes.

Clearly, the BJP has decided to embrace a virulent form of Hindutva,=20
one that bases itself on a contemporary version of the "Two-Nation"=20
theory. Its disgraceful defence of Modi, its coercive tactics in the=20
NDA, its prolonged refusal to discuss Gujarat under Rule 184 in the=20
Lok Sabha, and its wholly unapologetic, brazen, attitude towards the=20
continuing climate of fear, intimidation and terror in Gujarat all=20
confirm this. The very fact that the BJP seriously threatened to hold=20
mid-term Assembly elections in Gujarat in a vitiated atmosphere, and=20
used it as a bargaining chip in negotiating with its allies,=20
testifies to its cynicism.

The consequences of this stance are already apparent. Thus, BJP=20
spokesman V.K. Malhotra made a revoltingly aggressive statement=20
likening the Congress to the pre-Partition Muslim League - merely=20
because the Congress expressed concern at the butchery of Muslims=20
(although not to the exclusion of concern for Hindus too). And one=20
cannot fail to note Modi's deviousness in transferring honest police=20
officers who tried to maintain a semblance of impartiality, or his=20
gross insensitivity to traumatised Muslim children in thrusting=20
examinations on them at centres located in areas where Muslims were=20
butchered.

Gujarat is a fit case for compelling the State government to abide by=20
the Constitution under Article 355 and for imposing President's Rule=20
under Article 356. True, Article 356 has been repeatedly misused to=20
dismiss Opposition governments. The demand for its use is being=20
voiced by forces with an extremely dubious record. But there could be=20
no fitter case than Gujarat to which the following description from=20
the Constitution applies: "a situation has arisen in which the=20
government of the State cannot be carried on in accordance with the=20
provisions of the Constitution."

The constitutional machinery patently broke down in Gujarat on=20
February 28 when scores of citizens were massacred with the full=20
complicity of the state, and when it could not even protect a=20
guardian of the constitutional order, a High Court Judge, who=20
happened to be a Muslim.

It is precisely for such contingencies that President's Rule was=20
envisaged. The Gujarat situation cannot get normalised with Modi's=20
replacement alone. If hardcore sanghis like Goverdhan Zadaphia or=20
Ashok Bhatt were to take over, it could worsen. It is essential, but=20
not enough, that Modi be sacked. The whole government must be=20
dismissed and Gujarat placed under President's Rule with advisers of=20
impeccable integrity and experience, recommended by Parliament as a=20
whole.

It will take months for Gujarat to recuperate and achieve normalcy in=20
any real sense. Such normalcy must include reconciliation between=20
estranged neighbours and communities, full physical, psychological=20
and economic rehabilitation, and restoration of public confidence in=20
the impartiality of the government as regards different religious=20
groups.

The danger of half-hearted reconciliation should be obvious. If the=20
one lakh Muslims who are in relief camps - and three or four times as=20
many, whose livelihoods have been affected - are forced to fend for=20
themselves without state and community assistance, they will probably=20
leave Gujarat altogether, or create "safe" ghettos for themselves.=20
The greater the ghettoisation, the greater the mutual estrangement of=20
religious groups, the lesser their social interaction - and the=20
greater the scope for conflict.

That is the last thing Gujarat needs. Indeed, it would be a recipe=20
for another communal pogrom. That is precisely what Hindutva craves=20
most. If the BJP succeeds in its game plan in Gujarat, by whipping up=20
anti-Muslim hysteria, it will replicate the same trick nationally -=20
if necessary, by staging another Godhra. If the Nazis could stage the=20
Reichstag fire, the BJP can create a Godhra-II, through agents=20
provocateurs.

These comparisons are not far-fetched. In foundational premises of=20
its ideology and politics, the BJP shares a great deal with the=20
Italian fascists, the German Nazis and the Taliban. They all reject=20
the emancipatory heritage of the Enlightenment. They privilege=20
tradition (itself ill-defined and distorted) over modernity. They are=20
profoundly intolerant of difference. They hate democracy and=20
equality. And they do not believe in just and fair means to achieve=20
just ends. They are prone to despotic methods and barbaric violence.

It will take a lot of effort to fight a force like the BJP-RSS-VHP.=20
It has already captured a number of institutions and key positions in=20
government and civil society. It has a dedicated, if fanatical,=20
cadre. Even in the short run, it will not be possible to isolate the=20
Hindutva forces unless the perpetrators of the Gujarat violence are=20
severely punished for their grave crimes, along the lines described=20
in the previous Frontline column (issue of April 26), and unless the=20
BJP is politically punished, that is, made to pay a heavy price=20
through systematic boycott and isolation.

One wishes this would happen both nationally, in the National=20
Democratic Alliance, and in Uttar Pradesh, where the BJP is about to=20
form a government with the Bahujan Samaj Party. Regrettably, the BSP=20
leadership seems to be bent on using its Dalit base as virtual=20
common-fodder for Hindutva - for dubious, at best petty, short-term=20
gains.

Fighting Hindutva will be a long haul. But the struggle would not=20
even have been joined unless the Opposition mounts relentless=20
pressure on the NDA, both inside and outside Parliament, through=20
dharnas, rallies, public meetings and mass mobilisation. The People's=20
Front should consider launching a relay dharna in Gujarat's major=20
cities.

The Opposition will do well to join hands with citizens' groups such=20
as SAHMAT, Aman Ekta Manch, People for Secularism and the Citizens'=20
Initiative (Ahmedabad), which have done a great deal to highlight the=20
Gujarat issue and collect donations for the victims' relief. For=20
instance, SAHMAT mobilised artists to donate their paintings and=20
raised Rs.5.5 lakhs through their sale.

One thing is clear: it will be a crying shame if the BJP is allowed=20
to go unpunished for its grievous assault on India's=20
secular-democratic-constitutional order, and on the foundations of=20
this plural, diverse, multi-cultural society.

*Citizens' Forum: Gujarat Carnage 2002, by an independent=20
fact-finding mission composed of S.P. Shukla, K.S. Subramanian, Achin=20
Vanaik, and Kamal Mitra Chenoy; State-Sponsored Carnage in Gujarat,=20
Report of a CPI(M)-AIDWA delegation; The Survivors Speak, by a=20
Women's Panel sponsored by Citizen's Initiative, Ahmedabad; Ethnic=20
Cleansing in Ahmedabad, by SAHMAT; and A Report on the Gujarat=20
Carnage, prepared by the People's Union for Civil Liberties.

_____

#3.

Death and devastation through a teenager's camera

By Deepshikha Ghosh, Indo-Asian News Service

New Delhi, Apr 23 (IANS) Somewhere in Gujarat, the tin shutter of a
house-cum-shop balances precariously on its edge, spared the devastation
that has razed the rest of the structure it once shielded.

The shutter was donated to the widow who owned the shop, jointly by her
Hindu and Muslim neighbours.

Today it is the picture that speaks a thousand words about Gujarat, the lan=
d
of Mahatma Gandhi, ravaged by unprecedented sectarian violence that has
claimed nearly 900 lives till date.

The narrator of the story this time is 15-year-old Sahir Raza, the student
of a New Delhi school, who walked the streets of Gujarat armed with nothing
more than a camera and a deep sense of horror at the mindless fury and its
aftermath.

The result was an eloquent mix of photographs, titled: "...and they killed
him again" -- on display in a three-day exhibition.

"Gujarat is in a terrible condition... People are trapped and have not
returned home for 40 days," said Raza, recounting the plight of a boy of hi=
s
age who had not been able to sit for his examinations because he was
terrified to step out of his house.

On his third major project since tackling the environment and the Yamuna
river, the shy, gangly teenager was accompanied by his parents on his
mission to capture the Gujarat carnage for posterity.

"I had to wait for a long time before I could even dare to go to Gujarat an=
d
take photographs." He went only when the mobs had thinned considerably, but
soon discovered that he had reached scenes of violence much before many
victims who dared not return home.

He concentrated on pockets where the violence had left in its wake plenty o=
f
poignant, even gruesome reminders.

At Naroda Patiya, where some 90 Muslim men, women and children were roasted
and their properties destroyed, Raza's images take a life of their own.

"I have never seen frozen flames," he reports about a photograph showing
charred remains of cloth and paper burnt on a cooking stove, and an orange
burnt patch on the wall behind that uncannily resembles live flames.

A freshly dug grave awaits a body in one still, while survivors in a refuge=
e
camp try to pick up the pieces by sewing and other activities in another.

Open pages of charred books, broken toys, a watch that abruptly stopped, th=
e
haunted eyes of a woman whose son was roasted alive, deserted streets, raze=
d
mosques - Raza's eyes rarely miss details that are often passed up in
inquiry reports and official versions.

The young shutterbug who took up the passion for photography at the age of
nine admitted he was afraid to even venture to some areas for fear of being
targeted by mobs.

"I am not a practicing Muslim, but people like me are targeted just because
our name is Muslim."

When Raza went to Ahmedabad, he could not shake off his nervousness. "There
were lots of places where the tension was so thick that I couldn't dare to
get off, click my photograph and jump back in."

He recalled a particularly tense day when he photographed an audacious
banner put up by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) - "Welcome to the Hindu
Rashtra (nation)." It had to be a quick job.

But his worst experience was looking at photographs that a Muslim family
friend showed him of the killings. "They were the most ugly photographs I
had ever seen - it was ghastly," said Raza, shutting his eyes at the memory=
.

Living in New Delhi hasn't really left the 15-year-old untouched by the
sectarian violence raging in Gujarat. "What is happening in Gujarat is
affecting the whole country. I know I will also be targeted some day becaus=
e
of my name..."

--Indo-Asian News Service
_____

#4.

From: Anne <anne@d...>
Subject: Separate Religion from Politics
Dear all,

This message pertains to the problem of communalism exemplified by=20
the ongoing situation in Gujarat. Some of us strongly feel after the=20
violence in Gujarat that there must be a complete separation of=20
religion from politics. Religion must be a private matter for the=20
individual. This is not just a demand that we must make of communal=20
parties, but of all parties that overtly or covertly use religion for=20
political gains. Not only must we make this demand of others, we too
must internalize the idea of separating our religious beliefs (or=20
non-beliefs) from our political expression - voting, supporting or=20
working for political parties. Some of us support or work for various=20
people's movements. This too is a political act and we must take this=20
idea even to
the movements that we support.
Please see the complete statement below. We are looking for=20
expressions of support and for specific suggestions on how we can=20
operationalise our agenda. Please forward to more people along with=20
this covering note if you think it is useful.
Please send your responses to me
Viren
MOVEMENT FOR SEPARATION OF RELIGION FROM POLITICS
The ongoing communal attacks in Gujarat once again show that the slow=20
poison of communalism is spreading through Indian society and=20
threatening to tear apart our multi religious and multicultural=20
nation. The decision of the VHP -a constituent of the Sangh Parivar-=20
to construct a Ram Mandir at the site of the demolished Babri Masjid=20
any time after March 12th whipped up Hindu religious feelings in a=20
planned way to cater to the electoral interests of the Sangh Parivar=20
in UP and Uttaranchal. However, when the electoral results were not=20
up to their expectations, the need to pursue the Hindutva agenda more=20
aggressively was felt and stressed by the constituents of the Parivar=20
- particularly the VHP. The Gujarat communal massacres and violence=20
that followed shortly thereafter were also carried out according to=20
carefully prepared plans. The Gujarat violence was therefore part of=20
a larger plan of communal politics. The burning alive of men, women=20
and children; the selective looting and burning of shops and homes;=20
and the call for economic boycott, have seared the conscience of=20
people all over the country. For the first time in our history, a=20
State Government has displayed a thoroughly communal approach,=20
colluding with the attackers and justifying their actions. The=20
Central Government has in turn justified the actions of the State=20
Government. The open communal bias of the institutions of Government=20
and the organs of the State is reminiscent of the dark days of
Nazism. The barbaric events of Gujarat must now serve as a last=20
warning of what is in store for us if the politics of communalism=20
remains unchallenged.
Parliamentary parties have talked of according equal respect to all=20
religions, but in practice have fostered communal vote-banks of=20
different religions, deepening and expanding communal tension. Over=20
the years, the institutions of Government have been involved in=20
religious rituals with political motives. Leaders of religious sects=20
have begun to exert undue influence on Government decisions. We have=20
also seen open instigation of communal violence, and the use of=20
government and administrative apparatus to spread communal violence=20
and foster communal viewpoints. Communalism is no longer only a=20
vehicle to capture votes and come to power. Parties in power have=20
begun using the Government and the organs of state to further=20
communalise society. The communalisation of society is being done at=20
a time when people of all religions and persuasions are facing=20
problems of poverty, unemployment, lack of access to education and=20
health, decline in values, communal division, and caste and gender=20
oppression. People=92s movements against these problems can be=20
successful only if we propagate, accept and internalise the need for=20
complete separation of religion from politics. Otherwise,=20
politically-driven communal ideologies will divert and divide us,=20
resulting in an endless spiral of violence.
In a multireligious and multicultural nation like ours, peaceful=20
coexistence of all is possible only if religion is treated as a=20
private matter of its citizens. Citizens may practice any religion of=20
their choice, but political parties and the government must be kept=20
away from all matters of religious belief. This is the lesson that=20
our history as a nation has taught us.
It is futile to look towards parliamentary political parties alone=20
for leadership in the fight against communal politics. Most=20
parliamentary parties use the issue of secularism as a slogan to=20
obtain votes. At the same time, they do not hesitate to make use of=20
majority or minority communal feelings for their own political=20
advantage. The various unprincipled alliances that some parties have=20
entered into have greatly weakened public sentiment against=20
communalism and for secularism. The neglect of grassroots movement=20
and organisation have led to a false belief that communalism can be=20
checked by administrative action alone. This is the time for all of=20
us to shake off complacence and act decisively against communalism.=20
We must now pledge ourselves towards a people=92s movement for the=20
complete separation of religion from politics.
Let us make a beginning by promoting the idea of complete separation=20
of religion from politics. Let us discuss this idea in our homes,=20
neighborhoods and workplaces. As people begin to respond positively,=20
suggestions on how to implement this idea will come in. This will=20
lead to a practical programme of action. Let us make a beginning now.
Pran Sharma Depinder Singh Rajesh R. Jitendra Murmu Viren Lobo=20
Contact e-mail: ratnam@b..., anne@d...

_____

#5.

Frontline
Volume 19 - Issue 09, Apr. 27 - May 12, 2002

GUJARAT
Pogrom and polls
Even as the attacks on the minorities continue relentlessly, the BJP=20
government's priority in Gujarat appears to be holding Assembly=20
elections rather than providing relief and rehabilitation.

DIONNE BUNSHA
in Panchmahal and Vadora
http://www.flonnet.com/fl1909/19091250.htm

_____

#6.

A Note on Hindu Rashtra
Shiv Vishwanathan
CSDS, New Delhi.

On 13 November 2002, Mr. Narendra Modi, Chief Minister of Gujarat was=20
awarded the third Milosevic prize. The India Abroad Group reported=20
the award as a unique event as it was the first time that a genocide=20
award had been given to a democratically elected regime. The citation=20
which spelt out the historic details of the achievement also=20
congratulated him for the clarity and precision with which he had=20
developed and pursued the concept of Hindu Rashtra. Mr. Modi in=20
characteristic style played down his achievements, confessing he was=20
only a pracharak, implicating others in the organization. Modi's=20
speech which was greeted with cries of 'Chota Sardar' was also=20
disrupted by a Human Rights group which circulated a small note. Very=20
much like 5 points made for examination questions. We reprint=20
excerpts below for wider discussion.

The idea of Hindu Rashtra is a semitic notion. It tries=20
to create a notion of Hinduism on lines of semitic religions like=20
Christianity and Islam. Depressed with the cowdung mentality of=20
Hinduism where anything goes, the clarity of Hindu Rashtra seeks to=20
put an end to its toleration for confusion and competing ideas. The=20
idea of Hindu Rashtra believes that the only good Hindu is a=20
semiticized Hindu. Psychiatrically it is marked by what a French=20
psychologist Dion Michelet dubbed as =91Church envy=92 or =91Madrasa=20
deprivation=92=97the need or felt deprivation for a strong centre and the=20
presence of one book that characterizes Christianity and Islam. Hindu=20
Rashtra represents what has been dubbed in another context as the=20
monoculture of the mind. Only it backs an official clarity of what a=20
Hindu is with political organization and technological will to=20
achieve it. If Hindu Rashtra began as a subject or subaltern notion,=20
it is now a hegemonic idea. It's understanding must be sought not in=20
nationalist texts but in its reinventions in party propaganda,=20
fundamentalist groups. Let it also be emphasized that the term Hindu=20
Rashtra is India's official contribution to 'Cultural Studies'=20
replacing the effete idea of Unity in Diversity. As a leading NRI=20
remarked: "Hindus are no longer the Al Gores of the world".

2) The term Hindu Rashtra is a schizophrenic minoritarian=20
notion as it pits Hindutva against the plurality of Hinduism and also=20
the aridity of the nation-state against civilizational ideas. The=20
world Hindu Rashtra is a colonialist construct as it internalises=20
colonial ideas of martial and masculinist superiority. RSS activists=20
received bangles wherever the level of atrocity and violence was=20
corresponding low. Hindu Rashtra is also a play on time as it fights=20
past battles under present circumstances. See particularly its CD Rom=20
'How to Defeat the Moghuls Now'.

3) Hindu Rashtra is a Genocidal Notion. As the citation=20
remarked it is the promise and potential of Modi that the committee=20
found endearing. The citation added sonorously that Modi had still=20
not achieved the genocidal effect of Stalin (12 million), Hitler (7=20
million), Pol Pot (3 million). But the citation remarked that Modi=20
was given the award for local events with global possibilities.=20
Sociological studies of Gujarat violence calibrate it as partition+3.=20
Unravelling this, it means that it adds to the quality of violence in=20
a new way. If partition is the benchmark, the Sikh Riots represents=20
partition+1, Bombay partition+2, Gujarat partition+3. The citation=20
commended in particular Modi's attempt to transform a riot into an=20
act of low intensity warfare. The Modi effect fulfilled five aspects=20
of the genocidal paradigm. It invented or introduced new forms of=20
violence. It spread violence to new areas. It celebrated the=20
breakdown of institutional structures especially the police. It=20
worked systematically on the destruction of the=20
ecological/occupational base of a people. It also reflected a=20
complete lack of guilt on the part of perpetrators, many of whom=20
celebrated the return of the killer instinct to the only sport we=20
have been proficient in.

4) The Hindu Rashtra=97whatever Tilak, Gokhale and=20
Golwarlkar might have thought of it=97in its updated form suffers more=20
from the impact of American fundamentalism and the Israeli effect. In=20
fact, if the RSS has a role model it is more Sharon. If they could do=20
to Muslims, what Sharon has done to Arafat, Gujarat would be even=20
higher on the Pol Pot scale. The Hindu Rashtra as a notion is=20
pro-information but anti-culture. Its use registers, invades privacy=20
to burn down Muslim firms registered under Hindu names. It believes=20
in openness in this sense but it is deeply hostile to cultural=20
difference. Finally, in its current form, it is anti-business, and=20
anti-global in tendency. It destroys a climate for investment but=20
Modi will discover his Krupps and his Farbens. Maybe even a few=20
Japanese or French investors.

5) Finally, Hindu Rashtra is a reinvented concept. It has=20
nothing to do with its original creators. It is a creation of=20
electoral politics. In fact, it establishes once again, the link=20
between electoral politics and genocide. The African lesson repeated=20
in Nigeria and Rwanda now takes root in India.

We must finally conclude by reiterating that Modi is right about=20
being modest. The current violence is only a pilot plant. It will=20
soon be upscaled when Gujarat will become a Monocultural Hindu=20
Rashtra. By then Modi should receive the Pol Pot Award for=20
humanitarianism. Nominations end on 7th December 2005. All forms to=20
be in triplicate.

=97 Shiv Visvanathan

_____

#7.

Frontline
Volume 19 - Issue 09, Apr. 27 - May 12, 2002

Culture and identity under Hindutva
Look who are the ones that feel they have the power to decide who=20
'true Indians' are.

TWO recent news items - although on very different matters - have=20
brought into focus the ways in which the notions of culture and=20
identity are being mauled and misinterpreted by the self-proclaimed=20
votaries of "Hindutva".

Jayati Ghosh

The first is the desecration and attempted destruction of the tomb of=20
Ustad Faiyaz Khan Saheb, one of the most eminent Hindustani classical=20
musicians of the past century, in Vadodara in Gujarat, by hooligans=20
claiming to be "Hindu". This act had a symbolic significance far=20
beyond the physical impact of the vandalism itself. Historically,=20
fascist or proto-fascist movements typically have chosen to attack=20
certain symbols of culture, as part of a more general statement=20
against tolerance. But this particular attack on Faiyaz Khan's tomb=20
was not just an assault on tolerance. Rather, it probably reflected a=20
deeper frustration at the very ethos represented by the finest=20
practitioners of such music, including Khan Saheb himself, because it=20
represents a spirituality that greatly transcends the practice of any=20
particular religion.

Many of the people who have been shocked by this particular act have=20
articulated their sadness also at the ignorance and stupidity=20
expressed in this violent gesture. After all, Faiyaz Khan - whose=20
lineage went back to Tansen himself - was not just one of the=20
greatest musicians modern India has produced, with a mastery over=20
both dhrupad and khayal singing. He was also (under the pseudonym=20
"Prempiya") a highly original composer of songs (cheej), many of=20
which are now inseparable from the celebration of Hindu religious=20
festivals. In the court of Maharaja Sayajirao of Baroda, where he was=20
the court singer from 1912 until his death in 1950, festivals like=20
Holi could not be celebrated without the music of Faiyaz Khan,=20
especially his hori geet.

But perhaps it was not just stupidity and ignorance that motivated=20
such vandalism. It is possible that some of the anger was directed in=20
this manner precisely because Faiyaz Khan, like some other finest=20
musicians of this country, exemplified a musical culture that did=20
much more than simply transcend religious differences. The best=20
elements of the musical traditions of our country integrate various=20
religious and other spiritual tendencies into a common civilisational=20
coherence. Therefore such music implies a deeper recognition of basic=20
unity across religious and even linguistic divides.

Such a sense of integration is of course completely repugnant to=20
those who want to base people's identities in terms of "the other" as=20
enemy. And it contradicts the notion that is sought to be purveyed,=20
of one section of our population as somehow alien and not part of the=20
supposed mainstream. So this may explain the degree of aggression=20
towards even those who are long dead, simply because they remain=20
potent symbols of the assimilation, intermingling and harmony.

Let us be clear: while these particular acts may be perpetrated by a=20
small number of hooligans, the fact that such people can operate with=20
apparent abandon reflects much broader social, political and economic=20
forces. Quite apart from the appalling role played by the State=20
government and its agencies in all this, there are the social effects=20
of a prolonged process of indoctrination by the agents of belligerent=20
"Hindutva". This raises the important question of where the financing=20
of such indoctrination, and of the social groups that have engaged in=20
it, has come from.

In fact, it turns out that in the recent past, a significant part of=20
the resources for the various more violent and revanchist elements of=20
the Sangh Parivar, as well as for the more mainstream political party=20
it has bred, has come from abroad, in particular from non-resident=20
Indians (NRIs) based in North America. The Bharatiya Janata Party,=20
for one, has clearly recognised its debt to such sources of funds,=20
and has proposed a range of measures to reward those Persons of=20
Indian Origin who have contributed so much financially to the=20
strengthening of right-wing forces in India.

THIS is what leads to the question of the other news item, which=20
brings out clearly what is the basic notion of identity of such NRIs.=20
Last year the Vajpayee government announced with much fanfare a range=20
of measures to celebrate and reward Persons of Indian Origin. One of=20
the decisions was to create the post of "Ambassador at Large" for=20
NRIs and PIOs based in the United States. This post was awarded to a=20
gentleman resident in the U.S., who had been a stalwart of the=20
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh for many years. He was given the personal=20
rank of Ambassador.

Unfortunately for this gentleman, the U.S. government decided that=20
such an appointment meant that this chosen Ambassador would in turn=20
have to choose his true loyalties. He has been told that in order to=20
take up this position, he would have to give up his "Green Card"=20
status, which gives him permanent resident rights in the U.S.

This has led to much frantic lobbying by the Indian government=20
requesting the U.S. government to change its decision. The reason:=20
obviously, when faced with such a choice, there is no doubt what the=20
"Ambassador" would choose. There is in fact no question of this=20
gentleman even thinking about agreeing to give up his Green Card, so=20
if the U.S. government holds on to its position he would definitely=20
drop his much-hyped accreditation as "Ambassador". This obviously=20
would turn out to be quite an embarrassment for the BJP-led=20
government, since it is such a clear statement of where the basic=20
loyalty lies.

Of course such a dilemma has its amusing side. But it is also=20
appalling that it is such people - and the government and locally=20
based right-wing forces that promote them and benefit from them=20
financially - who then feel that they have the power to decide who=20
"true" Indians are, and that they can dare to tell those whom they=20
decide to treat as minorities that they continue to exist in this=20
country only because of the "benevolence" of the supposed "majority"

_____

#8.

Surat Nagarik Adhikar Manch, Surat
Pedestrian Pictures, Bangalore
present
FILM FESTIVAL
ON
POLITICS OF DEVELOPMENT

10 - 12 MAY 2002, SURAT

The ongoing communal violence across Gujarat needs to
be condemned in the strongest possible manner. The
Sangh Parivar's efforts towards ethnic cleansing in
the state goes on unabated. The central government on
the other hand is content with making statements about
=EBsharing the grief of the people=ED. No specific actions
to bring the guilty to book have been taken. Instead,
in a ruthless and calculated move, plans have been
announced to hold elections in the violence-ravaged
and lawless state.

What is heartening however, is the general outcry
among people against the ongoing communal violence in
Gujarat and the Government's apathy to survivors in
relief camps. The film festival in Surat is part of
this resistance to communalism.

The films being screened over the 3 days are -

*Hey Ram - Genocide in the Land of Gandhi
Directed by Gopal Menon it is a survivors=ED account of
the recent Gujarat riots.

*Naseem
Directed by Saeed Mirza, the film provides a
micro-cosmic view of the riots following the Babri
Masjid demolition

*The Bee, the Bear, the Kuruba
Directed by Vinod Raja, it is a story of the struggle
in Nagarhole, Karnataka for life and livelihood.

*Kis ki raksha?
Directed by Shriprakash, the film outlines the
successful fight of the adivasis in Bihar against the
Government=EDs plans of building a military camp in
Netrahaat.

*Ram ke Naam
Directed by Anand Patwardhan the film provides an
understanding of the politicization of religion.

*Jari Mari
Directed by Surabhi Sharma, this film is about the
unorganised sector in Mumbai in the context of
globalisation

*Ribbons of Peace
Directed by Anand Patwardhan, this is a short film
against nuclearisation based on a popular song

*A Narmada Diary
Directed by Anand Patwardhan, this film documents the
powerful struggle against big dams in the Narmada
Valley

*Lesser Humans
Directed by Stalin, this film documents the oppression
faced by 'bhangis' in Gujarat

*We Are Not Your Monkeys
Directed by Anand Patwardhan, this film presents a
powerful dalit critique of the brahmanical version of
Ramayana through the songs of dalit poets.

*Naka, Naka, Dupont Naka
Produced by The Other Media Communications, this film
records the successful struggle of villagers in Goa to
prevent the extremely polluting US-based
multi-national company, Dupont, from setting up a
plant locally.
-------------------------------------------------------

The film festival locates the question of communalism
in the context of a development model that is
completely eroding people's lives, livelihood,
cultures, and relationships. It is an effort to
understand the nature of violence that is increasing
daily in our society, as well as the politics of
development behind it . The films being screened deal
with the struggles of people who challenge the
marginalisation and violence that the development
process is wreaking on their lives.

We invite you to join us for three days from 10 May
2002 to 12 May 2002 in this protest at Surat. Please
confirm your participation at the earliest as people
will be joining us from different parts of the
country. For further information about the venue, the
logistics and a detailed synopses of the films,
contact -=20
T.G.Jacob - 0261 - 3227174
Prof. Suguna - 0261 - 2730073
Pedestrian Pictures - pedepics@y...

--=20
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