[sacw] SACW #2 | 18 May 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire Dispatch #2 | 18 May 2002
http://www.mnet.fr

For Information & news on the Gujarat Carnage visit:
http://www.onlinevolunteers.org/gujarat/

__________________________

1. India: Discussion on The Gujarat Genocide at Indiana University
2. India Passing Blame on Godhra Muslims (David Hardiman)
3. Open letter to the President of India written on the occasion of=20
Baroda Ekta Diwas
4. Open letter to the President of India written on the occasion of=20
Baroda Ekta Diwas
5. Convention For Peace, Secularism And Democracy (Mumbai - 1st and=20
2nd June, 2002)
#6. Moral Catastrophes and Immoral Reasoning (S.Subramanian)

__________________________

#1.

From: "Kundan Kumar" <kkumar@i...>

Dear Friends,

This note is an outcome of a discussion within few of us in Indiana=20
University, Bloomington, on the Situation in Gujarat. We humbly hope=20
that some of these ideas could be found useful by people who are=20
working on this issue. We would also like to help, within our=20
limitations, initiatives against the grave dangers facing our=20
nation. It is our strong opinion that all of us, specially Hindus,=20
need to work actively to counter those who spread hate and exclusion=20
in India in name of religion.

Kundan (on behalf of the group).

Discussion on The Gujarat Genocide

Bloomington, Indiana, USA

May 6th , 2002

A small group met to discuss the riots and its aftermath in Gujarat.=20
The large-scale genocide in Gujarat has brought forth clearly the=20
ugly face of hindu fundamentalism and fascism, that threatens to tear=20
apart the very fabric of our country. The riots in Gujarat are=20
clearly large-scale genocide and a horrific form of religious=20
cleansing, with the responsibility lying squarely with the Sangh=20
Parivar, namely the RSS, the VHP, Bajrang Dal and the BJP. The state=20
administration in Gujarat not only failed to quell the violence, but=20
was active participant in perpretation of atrocities against=20
Muslims.=20=20

For us it is clear that we stand at a juncture, a crossroads, from=20
which one road goes towards the disintegration of the country, to=20
fascism and to totalitarian rule and the other road is the path of=20
struggle against the Fascist forces which are trying to destroy the=20
secular fabric of India, and ultimately India itself. The issue is=20
not just of religious intolerance, the issue is of the survival and=20
existence of all those who would speak out in the name of humanity,=20
of tolerance, of secularism, of a pluralistic society in India. The=20
events in Gujarat are a preview of what is in store for the rest of=20
the nation, if the Sangh parivar is allowed to go on with its fascist=20
agenda.

To nurture, to love and to empathise with others is what makes us=20
human; to try to go through the reports of what has happened in=20
Gujarat is a soul searing and terrifying experience, and the pain of=20
the victims is shared by us. That many of these victims are women and=20
children, old and infirm, who have been murdered in manners, which=20
are brutal beyond description - is something, which we find=20
absolutely unacceptable and horrifying. What is even more horrifying=20
is that those really responsible for sowing this bloodshed, the VHP,=20
RSS and the BJP leaders, will never be brought to justice and that=20
they would continue to play their macabre game of death.

We as a group strongly feel that it is necessary for common people=20
like us, individuals coming together, to help fight the propaganda of=20
hate and to remove the masks from the faces of these Fascist=20
organizations built on the foundations of exclusion and hate.

Some of the ideas that the group came up with are as follows:

i) Write letters to editors of all the newspapers=20
and magazines in India, including the vernacular ones. We will be=20
writing one set of common letter as a group as well as individuals=20
would write independently. For vernacular newspapers, we will=20
translate the letters to vernacular languages and sent to the=20
Newspapers.

ii) Develop websites devoted to exposing VHP/RSS :=20
It is apparent that VHP/RSS are masters of obfuscation and deceit. It=20
is extremely important to bring out their real face to the public,=20
and one of the ways to do this is by using internet, by making sites=20
where information and analysis about their real nature will be=20
available. (RSSWATCH/ VHPWATCH etc.) . Also we must combine this=20
with efforts to expose the real face of these organizations at all=20
levels i.e. in international media and in local media.

iii) Possibility of asking the expatriate Indian=20
Music community to bring out a music CD on Communal Amity in Gujarat=20
from which the proceeds will be donated to Gujarat Riots victims. We=20
will try to reach people who can do this - or request others to see=20
if this can be done.

iv) Approach Indian poets and authors to write on=20
this situation and issue. Again, this is something which the formal,=20
larger groups can take up. Possibilities of bring out anthologies=20
can be explored.

v) Influence International community to bring=20
pressure on the Indian Rulers : Over the past few years , we have=20
seen that in view of the westward looking ruling elite, criticism and=20
censure by Western media and Western Governments can really act as=20
checks on the India.. Therefore a sustained information and lobbying=20
campaign needs to be launched to make the international community=20
more responsive to the nature of fascist challenge in India .

vi) Alliance building: There is a need to tap the=20
existing human rights organizations for taking up the issue of=20
Gujarat and the emerging fascism in India. We should also bring the=20
atrocities on women to the attention of the feminist and women's=20
organizations outside India so that they could lobby their own=20
Governments to take suitable steps to pressurize the Government of=20
India=20

vii) Need to push big business and Indian Corporates to=20
support anti-communalism initiatives : Post Gujarat, the Indian=20
Corporate sector seems to have woken up to the massive menace=20
majority fundamentalism poses to the stability of the Country. It is=20
extremely necessary to get them to start supporting initiatives which=20
fight communalism and promote unity. Given the fact that they have=20
openly come out against communalism to some extent, they could be=20
approached by some of the organizations/initiatives to provide=20
financial and logistical support. The fact that most people who are=20
seriously fighting communalism also tend to be anti-corporate sector=20
should not detract from this stand against communalism. They could be=20
approached to set up institutions which will engage full time in=20
combating communalism. They could also be asked to support=20
initiatives like documenting, publishing and disseminating widely the=20
examples of syncretism in India. It might not be a bad idea to hold a=20
conference with CII and FICCI on this issue.

viii) Another area which can be taken up by Indian=20
Academic community in cooperation with the Indian Corporate sector/=20
Donors is to initiate a detailed study of the economic impact of=20
Gujarat riots, factoring in the destruction, stoppages, arson, the=20
person days lost, the slowdown in investments etc.

ix) Follow up with organizations like Amnesty=20
International, Human Rights Watch to ensure that these organizations=20
keep the Indian situation well covered and to pressure them to follow=20
up on their reports.

People who met for the group discussion:

Chetan Agarwal, Anjali Bhat,Harini Nagendra, Neera Singh,Nursadh Ali,=20
Kundan Kumar

________

#2.

EPW Commentary, May 11, 2002

Passing Blame on Godhra Muslims

A history of 'anti-national' activity is being woven for Godhra=20
putting together a series of incidents from the past. A clear=20
examination of one such incident of 1928 reveals that as in February=20
2002, then too the hostility was rooted in pernicious but local=20
political traditions, requiring only a spark to prompt a sudden and=20
tragic escalation of violence.
David Hardiman

The Gujarat home minister, Gordhan Zadaphia has recently announced=20
that he has ordered the preparation of a dossier on the long-standing=20
'anti-national character' of the town of Godhra. What he means by=20
this is that the Muslims of the town have always sought to undermine=20
the Indian nation state, and that their murderous attack on a train=20
on February 27, 2002 was merely an extension of this malign history.=20
Zadaphia asserts that: 'The anti-national history of Godhra will=20
definitely form part of the chargesheets to tighten the noose against=20
the culprits'.1=20

Zadaphia lists one such case of 'anti-national' aggression from the=20
pre-partition period: "1927: One P M Shah was killed by Muslims after=20
a scuffle." The next incident is said to have occurred in 1946, after=20
which there were six incidents before the tragedy of 27 February. In=20
all cases, the focus is entirely on violence by Muslims against=20
Hindus. Here, I shall examine the first these 'incidents' so as to=20
show that once we place such events in a context, the culpability is=20
by no means so one-sided as Hindu communalists like Zadaphia try to=20
make out.

During the 1920s, 'one P M Shah' was indeed killed by some Muslims in=20
a skirmish. It was however in 1928, not 1927. Shah is clearly a=20
baniya name, and Zadaphia's insinuation is that a member of this=20
mild-mannered caste was murdered by aggressive and fanatical Muslims.=20
In fact, Purushottamdas Maganlal Shah, a pleader, was the president=20
of the local branch of the Hindu Mahasabha. Since 1917 he had, with=20
Vamanrao Mukadam, a Maharashtrian brahman who was a teacher at Godhra=20
high school, also led the Indian National Congress in the town.=20
Mukadam published a local newspaper called Vir Garjana that=20
persistently maligned the Muslims of the town. From 1923 he was also=20
a member of the legislative council in Bombay, where he carried on=20
his anti-Muslim harangues. The local Congress received its strongest=20
support from the baniyas of the town, a socially reactionary group=20
that had been very upset with Gandhi after he visited the dalit=20
quarter of the town in 1921. All those who had come into contact with=20
the Mahatma afterwards took bath. Of all places in Gujarat at that=20
time, Godhra was perhaps the strongest hotbed of Hindu nationalism.

Godhra had at that time an unusually large Muslim population for a=20
Gujarat town, over half the population being of that religion. In the=20
past, the chief tension had been between the ghanchis, who were=20
Sunnis, and the Daudi Bohras, who were Shias. In 1855 there was even=20
a riot between these two groups. By the 20th century, however, the=20
rivalry that had come to split the town was between the ghanchis and=20
the baniyas. The ghanchis - the single largest group in the town -=20
were an enterprising and prosperous community that had dominated the=20
carting and carrying trade in the region. The coming of the railways=20
in the late 19th century undermined this business, causing=20
difficulties for many. A good number had nonetheless diversified into=20
buying up land in the district, which they cultivated in a highly=20
efficient manner and profitable way. Some also lived from shop=20
keeping and usury. They also dominated the leather-tanning trade of=20
Godhra. They had a reputation for being an assertive community, and=20
the British always had considerable difficulty in making them to pay=20
their taxes. Their strongest local rivals were the baniyas, who were=20
thriving through their trade and usury. In the early 20th century=20
both groups began to embrace fundamentalist values as a means to=20
legitimise their local rivalry - the ghanchis purifying their Islam=20
and the baniyas moving towards the Hindu Mahasabha. This created an=20
increasingly explosive and poisonous atmosphere in the town.=20
Politicians such as Mukadam and Shah exploited this to build up their=20
power base amongst the baniyas who, in owning the largest amount of=20
property in the town, controlled its property-based vote.

On September 18, 1928 matters came to a head when, it was alleged in=20
colonial police reports, some ghanchis attacked a procession of Jain=20
baniyas. Mukadam and Shah were on their way to inform the collector=20
when they were ambushed and beaten with lathis. Mukadam's left arm=20
was fractured and Shah received a head injury from which he died next=20
day. Although 20 Muslims were arrested and tried in December of that=20
year, all were acquitted, as it was impossible to prove a case=20
against them.2=20

Although this incident was minor compared to the mass slaughter of=20
February 27, 2002, there are parallels between the two cases. In=20
both, the hostility was rooted in pernicious but local political=20
traditions, requiring only a spark for there to be a sudden and=20
tragic escalation of violence. It should also be noted that the=20
violence on one side was by ghanchis, not the Muslims of the town as=20
a whole, for the Daudi Bohras have had little in common with their=20
co-religionists and have often been strong rivals. While none of this=20
excuses the actions of the ghanchis on either occasion, it needs to=20
be stressed that they were at both times reacting to severe long-term=20
provocation by right-wing Hindu nationalists. In their malicious and=20
deliberately divisive activities, such nationalists have continued to=20
stoke a deeply destructive violence. It is in fact fundamentalism of=20
all sorts - whether Hindu or Muslim - that is the national enemy.=20
Gordhan Zadaphia might like to ponder this fact and consider where=20
the real culpability lies before he and his henchmen pass their=20
one-sided judgment on who has acted in an 'anti-national' manner.

Notes

1 'Latest from Gujarat: Godhra anti-national, it will help our case',=20
The Indian Express, April 30, 2002.
2 Information on the riot from the fortnightly report for Bombay=20
Presidency, December 1928, and Bombay Presidency Police Abstracts of=20
Intelligence 1928, pp 621-22.

_____

#3.

Subject: Open letter to the President of India written on the=20
occasion of Baroda Ekta Diwas

To=20
May 13, 2002
The President of India,
Rashtrapati Bhavan, New Delhi.

Dear Honourable President,
As we gather together on the occasion of Baroda Ekta Diwas, we, the=20
men and women of Baroda wish to bring several current issues to your=20
notice. The happenings in Gujarat since Feb. 27, 2002 have affected=20
the women of Baroda grievously. We would like your high and=20
honourable office to take cognizance of these happenings and initiate=20
the needed corrective measures. The genocide unleashed by the state=20
authorities has gone on long enough and is destroying the entire=20
fabric of our society. We want to point out that the post-Godhra=20
carnage has affected most women living in Vadodara in some way or the=20
other. Lives of minority women have changed drastically. They have=20
lost their homes, their social support systems, and their=20
livelihoods. And women from all communities are affected by the reign=20
of hatred, fear and the terror promoted by the state and the police.=20
The police have done selective and discriminatory 'combing'. While=20
mobs have been attacking localities and stoning houses from definite=20
directions, the police forces have not deigned to comb those areas=20
and bastis. Police men have instead barged into homes of minority=20
women, defying all norms of decency, looking for weapons and their=20
men. They have pulled women out of their homes, sometimes dragging=20
them by their hair. It is surprising that in these sort of combing=20
operations, no women police were present at all. The abuses, verbal=20
and physical, cannot be described. The policemen, many of them drunk=20
have uttered filthy gaalis, they have hit and beaten women, sometimes=20
so severely that many have been left with broken limbs. Many pregnant=20
women have been hit on their stomachs with butts of guns. Many old,=20
widowed women have been similarly severely abused. Verbal abuse by=20
the police, having both sexual and religious connotations has deeply=20
offended our dignity. They have violated citizens=92 right to practice=20
their religion by bursting in during prayer timings and treating=20
their prayer books with disrespect . Young underage boys have been=20
picked up during these so-called combing operations and have been=20
kept illegally in the jail for 8 to 10 days. Many of them have been=20
beaten in the jail. The combing operations too have affected majority=20
women similarly.
Several poor migrant men workers have been picked up from within=20
their homes and illegally detained just to fulfil the numbers game.=20
Their wives have been left to fend for themselves and their children=20
without any information or explanation. Several of us have complained=20
to the police, identifying the perpetrators of these atrocities. So=20
far no action has been taken. Many of us are scared to identify the=20
persons who have inflicted psychological and physical violence on us.=20
Our fear is that we will become the targets of further violence. We=20
thought that the police is there for our protection, but our=20
experience has proved otherwise. Those of us living in camps and=20
sheltering with relatives are terrified at the thought of returning=20
home.
The state government is promoting 'compromises' to ensure our safety=20
if we decide to return to our homes. These compromises are=20
unacceptable to many of us because they add on to the heap of=20
injustices that we have already endured. Our right to livelihood is=20
obstructed because the administration has not been able to restore=20
conditions in which we can ply our small businesses and trades. Many=20
of us who are out of the camps are hungry because we haven=92t been=20
able to go out and earn our food. Our children are distracted and=20
fearful. With the schools closed they have nothing to keep them=20
occupied. We fear to let them go out and play, lest the policemen=20
from the neighbourhood police chowky decide their activities are=20
anti-social. Although conditions to return home are unsafe, we keep=20
hearing that we must go back as the camps need to be closed. The=20
relief and rehabilitation measures being provided by the state=20
government are grossly unjust. We are receiving pittance as=20
compensation for the lifetime of earning and meager belongings that=20
we had so painfully put together. While we would like law and order=20
to be immediately restored in our state, we do not want any further=20
violation of human rights and repressive action against women. We=20
fear that this will happen with KPS Gill's presence in Gujarat.
In this situation we wish to convey to you that we expect you to take=20
just action. We expect you to mete out justice. Our demands are as=20
follows:
=B7 Remove biased police and state personnel
=B7 Take strict action against those whom we identify as=20
perpetrators of violence on us
=B7 Ensure a swift return to normalcy in the state.
=B7 Ensure security of life and livelihood
=B7 Ensure relief and rehabilitation packages that are just.
=B7 Ensure that the situation remains under control through the=20
month of June We look forward to your positive action to ensure the=20
above.
In anticipation,
Olakh, Sahiyar, Shishu Milap, SAHAJ, WSRC and other individuals and=20
organisations that are part of the PUCL and Shanti Abhiyan of Baroda.
Copy to, Chief Minister of Gujarat, Prime Minister of India, National=20
Human Rights Commission, National Commission for Women

_____

#5.

MOVEMENT FOR SECULAR DEMOCRACY C/o Narmad-Meghani Library, Opp.=20
Mithakhali Crossing, Mithakhali, Ellis Bridge, AHMEDABAD-380006.=20
Ph.no.:-(079) 6404418. E-mail:- dnr@i...

NATIONAL CONVENTION FOR PEACE, SECULARISM AND DEMOCRACY MUMBAI -=20
1ST AND 2ND JUNE, 2002

Friends, The Godhara and post-Godhara carnage have shocked the=20
whole world. Serious concerns have come from various quarters of the=20
country. Many human rights organisations and bodies including NHRC,=20
Editor's Guild, Human Rights Watch, Women's Group Peoples Tribunal=20
have come out with revealing reports, which have drawn the=20
world-attention and put pressure on both Centre and Gujarat State=20
reluctant Governments to act. Togetherness, Solidarity of the=20
concerned people with the victims of Gujarat, in fact is=20
overwhelming. Voices against fascism and peace, voices for justice=20
were echoed throughout the country through rallies, dharnas, human=20
chains, demonstrations, conventions, and of course through debates=20
in Parliament and State Assemblies. No less role has been played by=20
the mainstream print medias and electronic media. With all our=20
limitations and constraints the secular, democratic and peace loving=20
people of Gujarat tried their best to cop up with relief,=20
rehabilitation, legal aid and put pressure on the government and to=20
match with the outside response of the concerned people. The overall=20
response from inside as well as outside Gujarat against fascism is=20
the only silver lining. There is a potent danger of fascism, which=20
is looming large. Today it is Gujarat; tomorrow it can be the whole=20
of India. Now it is high time for the co-ordination and=20
consolidations of all secular, democratic, anti-fascist and peace=20
loving forces of the country. A broadest possible platform is the=20
call of the hour. And all our efforts should be aimed in this=20
direction. The concerned citizens, various organisations of Bombay,=20
Maharashtra have come out to host a National level Convention to=20
evolve the process of a co-ordinated action, which MOVEMENT FOR=20
SECULAR DEMOCRACY fully endorse. The people of Gujarat and Mumbai=20
share a common history and have a certain organic relationship.=20
Mumbai as the venue of the convention is very significance. In this=20
two-days convention, the papers will be placed on the followings:
=B7 The Gujarat Genocide in the laboratory of Hindutva.
=B7 The caste politics underlying the carnage.
=B7 Impact on women and children
=B7 Gujarati Muslims; where do they go from here?
=B7 A history of the riots in Gujarat.
=B7 Collapse of the institutions of the State,
=B7 The onslaught of Communal Fascism - response and resistance from=20
the People's Movement. Delegates from all walks of life are=20
expected to attend the conference from all over India.

VENUE OF THE CONFERENCE AbhinavSikshan Prasark Mandal,A.B.=20
Goregaonkar High School NR.Goregaon Rly. Station(West) , Membai,=20
400062 Time-9 A.M. onward DATE-1st.& 2nd. JUNE.

Registration Fees: Rs.50/-Arrangements for boarding and lodging have=20
been made for the delegates. Please send in the confirmation at the=20
earliest on: E. mail-natconongujarat@y...

For any other information contact the following organisers at Mumbai
Prof. Uday Meheta-022-6491478 JitenDesai-022-6361795 Subodh=20
More-022-8815067 Feroz.H. Mithiborwala-0228515165
Details of the programme will be sent to you soon. Foe any other=20
clarification contact
NARMAD_ MEGHANI LIBRARY MSD A. bad Ph-tel/ fax 079-6404418=20
Email-dnr@i...

Yours Prakash.N. Shah, Convenor, MSD. D.16-5.02

_____

#6.

MORAL CATASTROPHES AND IMMORAL REASONING
By S.Subramanian*

In the aftermath of the dreadful carnage in Gujarat, and in the=20
course of the continuing violence witnessed in that State, many=20
people have spoken out against these terrible happenings in loud,=20
clear voices of pain, anger, and denunciation. Ordinary citizens,=20
activists, political parties, the media, scholars, professionals -=20
all of these agencies have joined their voices against the forces=20
that seek legitimacy for state-abetted communal pogroms, ethnic=20
cleansing, and genocide. Every one of these voices that has spoken,=20
when we have not, deserves our humble acknowledgement and gratitude.=20
For it is thanks to these voices that we now have at least an audible=20
murmur in place of the deafening silence that might so easily have=20
come to pass if there had been universal subscription to the sort of=20
moral reasoning that seems to mediate the refined quietness of such=20
large sections of the literate upper middle class population of this=20
country. It is of this silence from this quarter that I wish to=20
speak: the silence that informs ordinary conversation among friends=20
and acquaintances; the silence of large chunks of the regional=20
written media; the silence of influential men and women in public=20
affairs; the silence of academic institutions which one might have=20
expected to serve as "natural" sources of principled and intellectual=20
opposition to wrong-doing. It would be helpful if this essay could be=20
seen as being directed at, rather than against, these sources of=20
silence, not least because this essay is in some measure an exercise=20
in talking to oneself, in addressing a problem of which the author is=20
himself a part rather than outside of it. Despite this caveat, it=20
will not be surprising if what is on offer ends up attracting those=20
strictures that are specially reserved for the sins of didacticism=20
and preachiness. But the matter at hand is too important for one to=20
shrink from the prospect of being called moralistic: it's a small=20
price to pay in the face of the mor(t)al horrors that confront us=20
today. Apart from which, there might, after all, be something to be=20
said for suspending judgment on who is, and who is not, really guilty=20
of self-righteousness: there's just the possibility that those who=20
see their silence as a principled refusal to be holier-than-thou are=20
persistently judging you for judging without the humility that so=20
thoroughly informs their own modest quietness.

In conversations with friends, neighbours, acquaintances, one=20
perceives a certain self-conscious effort at avoiding the topic of=20
Gujarat. Not that there is any particular virtue, seen in the light=20
of sufficient intervention, in talking of the subject. It's just that=20
- as a matter of necessary involvement-unless there's some persistent=20
engagement with the subject, in thought and in speech, it's hard to=20
see one's way to any sort of meaningful intervention in the matter.=20
If the topic should still be determinedly insinuated into the=20
conversation, a commonly encountered piece of reasoning for not=20
pursuing it further assumes the following form: "What's the good of=20
talking about it? Where's the point? One's views are not going to=20
make the least difference to what's happening. (Pause). Are you going=20
to stick around during the vacation?" There are two grand traditions=20
in moral reasoning: the consequentialist tradition, and the de-ontic=20
tradition. In terms of the first system, actions are judged according=20
to their consequences. In terms of the second, actions are judged not=20
according to their consequences but according to prior moral=20
principles of obligation and onus. Utilitarianism is an example of a=20
consequentialist philosophy: that action is to be commended,=20
according to this philosophy, which brings about the consequence of a=20
higher sum total of utility for the members of a society. Moses' Ten=20
Commandments, and Kant's "categorical moral imperatives", are=20
examples of de-ontic systems of moral thought: the commandments and=20
imperatives place constraints on one's actions not from any=20
consequentialist line of reasoning, but from foundational=20
considerations of right conduct. Whether or not we are=20
self-consciously aware of it, much of our own moral reasoning is=20
guided by some combination of consequentialist and de-ontic=20
considerations. It's a matter of some importance to be clear about=20
which line of reasoning we choose to invoke under what circumstances.=20
When someone says "What's the good of talking about Gujarat?", s/he=20
is invoking a consequentialist argument. This strikes me as being=20
thoroughly misplaced. One does not talk about Gujarat because it may=20
(or may not) do any "good": one engages with the subject because it=20
is right to do so, or at any rate, because it would be wrong to avoid=20
it wholesale. It's no thanks to people who ask "What's the good of=20
voting?" that this country, despite all its monstrous iniquities and=20
imperfections, is still something of a functioning democracy. The=20
disabled old lady who has to be carried on her son's back over a=20
distance of twenty kilometers under a scorching sun to the polling=20
booth casts her vote because it's her right and her duty to do so,=20
not because she believes in the silly superstition (which it would be=20
natural to associate with her benighted status of illiterate=20
ignorance) that her one solitary vote from among a few hundred=20
million votes is going to make any blessed difference at the margin.=20
Her example is a humbling one, and should appeal in particular to the=20
humility of those who, apart from the consequentialist futility of=20
speaking up, are also seized, as a justification for their silence,=20
by the de-ontic principle that commands: "Thou shalt not judge." Not=20
judge when what's at stake is state-supported killing and lynching of=20
targeted communities? Even a die-hard supporter of de-ontological=20
ethics like the American philosopher Robert Nozick has conceded that=20
de-ontic reasoning must yield place to consequentialist reasoning in=20
the face of what he calls "moral catastrophes." By employing=20
consequentialist categories when de-ontic ones are more apposite to=20
the issue at hand, and, contrariwise, de-ontic principles when=20
consequentialist ones are in order, there's a fine confusion of the=20
logic of morality on display in arriving at the decision that silence=20
is an acceptable option to implement. Additionally, and in the=20
interests of consistency, if it's in order to ask "What's the good of=20
talking about Gujarat?", it should also be in order to ask "What's=20
the good of not doing so?" As far as I can tell, the "good" would=20
reside in the saving of a little bit of private bother, some personal=20
inconvenience. There's a certain dull lack of nobility in this "good"=20
which one must be forgiven for finding less than wholly inspiring.

A second line of argumentation is that of the "realist school" which=20
invites you to see the facts of life, a machismo acceptance of which=20
will convince you of the embarrassingly pathetic exhibition of=20
blubbery idealism you are guilty of when you breathe recrimination=20
and demand rectification. Specifically, it is out of court, in this=20
view, to condemn the DMK and the Trinamool Congress for voting with=20
the Government in the Lok Sabha, to criticize the AIADMK for=20
abstaining, and to find fault with the TDP for staging an=20
opportunistic walk-out after days of "will-they, won't-they?"=20
teasing. There are two strands to this line of reasoning: first, it=20
could be ill-judged to castigate political parties without a=20
sufficient appreciation of their political compulsions; and second,=20
what about the rest of the opposition? - it's not as if they're=20
acting the way they are for reasons of purity of heart, rather than=20
in order to make political capital out of what has happened in=20
Gujarat. I'll try and take the two strands in order. I don't believe=20
there's anything particularly hard-nosed, street-savvy, or=20
man-of-the-world-ish in understanding the political compulsions of=20
political parties. The calculus of cynicism is transparent enough and=20
simple enough for a child to grasp. No elaborate lectures are really=20
required to explain why political parties have acted the way they=20
have. But in moral reasoning I believe there is a strong case for=20
differentiating between reason as causation and reason as=20
justification. If a political party with a strong tradition of=20
rationalism and social justice decides to go with the Government on=20
the Gujarat issue, it requires no great cerebral feat to infer that=20
considerations of political survival have inspired the decision. One=20
can see reason as causation readily enough. One cannot even begin to=20
see reason as justification, though. It doesn't make it right, or=20
acceptable, or deserving of sympathetic understanding that the=20
political party acted as it did because its own strategies of=20
survival dictated that it should so act. The gradual and often-times=20
unconscious assimilation of reason as causation into the category of=20
reason as justification has a dangerous proclivity for blurring the=20
distinction between fact and evaluation. This just will not do. I=20
recall an incident involving my late friend S.Guhan, who could be=20
accused of many things, but not the vice of being impractical or=20
wanting in a pragmatic appreciation of the world and its ways. After=20
receiving a host of predictable and commonplace criticisms regarding=20
the political feasibility of a social security package he had=20
proposed at a seminar, he responded thus: "Someone has to do=20
something for the silent poor. We are not talking of what the=20
politicians are likely to do. It is obviously because they are not=20
likely to do it that I thought it was the responsibility of academics=20
to press for it." No, I cannot pretend to feel under an obligation to=20
see it from the perspective of the politician as s/he is presently=20
constituted; to the contrary, I feel under an obligation not to see=20
it from that perspective.
The second strand of the argument. Because I condemn the DMK, etc.,=20
does not mean I'm a Congress-wallah or a CPM supporter. There are=20
plenty of sticks to beat these political parties with, and no doubt=20
they should be wielded at the appropriate time and in the appropriate=20
context. But I should see it as being worse than diversionary to=20
question these parties' purity of heart and nobility of intent at=20
this juncture, however little faith I may have in either. Such an=20
undifferentiated assault is irrelevant in the present context, and=20
muddies the prospect of uniting forces against an evil that both=20
cries out to be swiftly stopped in its tracks and cannot possibly be=20
tolerated The plain fact of the matter (and it's a wonder that it has=20
been missed by the realists!) is that the battle lines were drawn in=20
Parliament following on a clear division of positions with respect to=20
a matter of profound importance for the security of a subset of this=20
country's citizens: it just so happens that the Opposition - whatever=20
its intrinsic character-was on the side of the angels. Under these=20
proximate circumstances, where one is faced by a referendum-like=20
situation, I should be inclined to reserve my disapprobation for=20
those who went along with the Government, without being starry-eyed=20
about those went against it. One may be no votary of the Congress=20
Party, but this fact need not in any way diminish one's disgust at=20
the Defense Minister's view that, contrary to the stories that were=20
being bruited, Gujarat was not the first instance of pregnant women=20
having their foetuses plucked out of their wombs to be thrown into=20
the fire. Finally, in respect of both strands of the "realist=20
school's" argument, it is instructive not to forget what the stakes=20
are. These, to repeat, are state-supported genocide and ethnic=20
cleansing. In brief: a moral catastrophe. * A third line of reasoning=20
has to do with the perceived wisdom of not taking issues like Gujarat=20
too "personally": it's the sort of thing that can jeopardize=20
objectivity, compromise stability, and lead to harsh and hasty=20
judgment. A cautious silence, in this view, is dictated by preserving=20
a distance that lends perspective. Is there substance in the view=20
that some people have taken the matter too "personally"? Yes. And No.=20
Yes, in the sense that moral reasoning cannot be bereft of a sense of=20
"selfhood": this theme constitutes an important part of Robert Bolt's=20
play of Sir Thomas More, and I can do worse than quote him from his=20
preface to A Man For All Seasons: "=8A [T]hough few of us have anything=20
in ourselves like an immortal soul which we regard as absolutely=20
inviolable, yet most of us still feel something which we should=20
prefer, on the whole, not to violate. =8A I think the paramount gift=20
our thinkers, artists, and for all I know, our men of science, should=20
labour to get for us is a sense of selfhood =8A". It is this sense of=20
selfhood that drives More to opposition of Henry's desire for a=20
divorce from Catherine: `And what would you do with a water spaniel=20
that was afraid of water? You'd hang it! Well, as a spaniel is to=20
water, so is a man to his own self. I will not give in because I=20
oppose it - I do - not my pride, not my spleen, nor any other of my=20
appetites but I do - I!' Yes, it's intimately personal in this sense.=20
And yet, also wholly impersonal, because the notion of selfhood is=20
being urged on every sentient agent as a universal, practical=20
prescription for right conduct. Our selves cannot but be welded=20
together, in a union of the personal and the universal, when we stare=20
a moral catastrophe like Gujarat in the face.

A fourth sort of justification for silence resides in placing a great=20
distance between the perpetrators of the Gujarat crimes and oneself:=20
the former do not represent the latter, and there can be no question=20
of taking responsibility for the inconceivably monstrous acts of=20
people that one has never had any truck with. It seems to me that=20
there are two sorts of response that are in order here. The first has=20
to do with the notion that whatever the (real or imagined) distance=20
between the perpetrators of the Gujarat outrage and oneself, there=20
can be no such distance between the victims of that outrage and=20
oneself. The Muslim minorities that have been stabbed and torched and=20
driven out of their homes are our brothers and sisters: they are ours=20
to defend and to protect; and considerations of solidarity with them=20
in their horrifying predicament require us to speak up, for reasons=20
of the rightness of assuming responsibility, even if not necessarily=20
guilt. A second response is that fighting the forces of evil is not=20
most effectively done by perceiving an incalculable distance between=20
those forces and ourselves: they are not as far from us as we may=20
comfortably assume, and the danger of silence is the danger of being=20
eventually assimilated into that evil. As Chesterton's protagonist=20
Father Brown puts it: " There are two ways of renouncing the devil=8A=20
One is to have a horror of him because he is so far off; and the=20
other to have it because he is so near=8A. You think of [a crime] as=20
something like an eruption of Vesuvius; but that would not really be=20
so terrible as this house catching fire." There is reason to forfeit=20
the complacence of a silence fathered by the imagined distance=20
between oneself and a moral catastrophe around one: the reason is the=20
message of William Golding's Lord of the Flies, in which the boy=20
Simon dies trying to save his friends with the discovery of the truth=20
that "the Beast is in us."

A fifth, and rather more sinsister, reason for silence is a gradual=20
accession to the relentlessly insidious thesis that has infiltrated=20
the public consciousness, the thesis which suggests that radical=20
thought and a secular outlook have systematically eroded the=20
legitimate rights of the majority community, and paved the way for a=20
natural (even if slightly regrettable) reprisal such as has been=20
witnessed in Gujarat. A recent example of this nauseating variety of=20
"reasoning" offers the view that the persistent attempt at seeing=20
society as being dominated by "upper classes" and "upper castes" has=20
driven good and moderate Hindus like C.Rajagopalachari out of the=20
political reckoning, to be replaced by phenomena like Narendra Modi;=20
such divisiveness on the part of radicals and secularists has driven=20
otherwise nationalistic members of the "upper classes and castes" to=20
seek employment with multinational companies or abroad; and more=20
along the same lines - the idea being that Gujarat and allied=20
happenings are an inevitable culmination of the excesses of a certain=20
kind of politics that has stretched the tolerance of the majority=20
community beyond endurance. The message is quite clear: Oliver Twist=20
had it coming to him, and rightly, when he asked for more; and if you=20
will not brook the iniquities of the caste, class and communal=20
divisions of this country, just wait and see how much worse it can=20
and will get. The wages of resisting moral injustice are moral=20
catastrophes - which you, and you alone, will have brought down upon=20
your heads. This is substantially the position that was recently=20
chillingly underlined by the RSS, and echoed (despite the subsequent=20
"clarifications", for which he has now become famous) in his warning=20
to `jehadi' Muslims issued in Goa by the Prime Minister of this=20
country. I confess myself unable to respond to this form of=20
"argumentation"; the problem I confront is a very elementary one,=20
namely, that in this line of "moral reasoning", there is neither=20
morality nor reason to contend with.=20=20=20

There is a sixth reason for silence: quiet celebration, amongst=20
certain quarters, of the Gujarat bloodbath. This is the most=20
horrifying moral catastrophe of all.

* The author is a Chennai-based social scientist.

--=20
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