[sacw] SACW | 24 May 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire Dispatch | 24 May 2002
http://www.mnet.fr
__________________________

#1. Killings unabated in Kashmir (Bashir Ahmad Naik)
#2. Meeting To Launch a Permanent UK Body to Challenge Religious=20
Hatred and Fascism
#3. Pakistani challenges ban on Indian channels
#4. Press Release- re: seizure of a video cassette 'Hey Ram' (Forum=20
For Communal Harmony, Goa)
#5. Press Release re seizure in Goa of video being screened for=20
promoting communal harmony (Sahmat, New Delhi)
#6. Rally for Peace Between Pakistan and India (25 May, Palo Alto, Californ=
ia)
#7. Myopic Vision ( Ashis Chakrabarti)
#8. Secularism, Hindus and Muslims (Imtiaz Ahmad)
#9. Gujarat: the divide is complete (Prerna Singh Bindra)

__________________________

#1.

Date: 23 May 2002 20:36:25 -0000
From: bashir ahmad naik
Killings unabated
One more bloody feather in the May 21 cap! First it was Mirwaiz=20
Maulana Mohammed Farooq who fell to the mysterious killers on this=20
very day. Then it was the most charismatic leader of the=20
sub-continent then, Rajiv Gandhi who lost his life in the most=20
horrible manner; again the date was May 21. And now, it was again on=20
the same day that senior Hurriyat and peoples Conference leader Abdul=20
Gani lone is killed. In any case it will be illogical and irrational=20
to link the death of these three leaders with the date in any manner=20
whatsoever as the commonality of the date is nothing but a mere=20
coincidence. But still what drives home yet another stark commonality=20
is the fact that all the three leaders were killed because of their=20
politics. While in case of Rajiv Gandhi, the killers (LTTE) are=20
identified, in case of the Kashmiri leaders; killers' identity is=20
concealed under the shrouds of mystery. Although it will be too na=EFve=20
to think that the truth about these killings will ever surface in=20
public gaze, but nevertheless fact of the matter is that death still=20
continues to be the tool of ending the political dissent, at least in=20
this part of the world. And when the reality is as ugly and as=20
discomforting, talking about the dawn of modernism and claiming of=20
being abreast with the evolutionary trends is living in a fool's=20
paradise.
Power springs from the barrel of the gun. This reason was true for=20
the Maoist China more than half a century back. Leave aside the rest=20
of the world, even in the communist China today this saying no longer=20
holds sway. Like elsewhere in the world, knowledge has long come to=20
replace muscle or the gun (to be precise) as the ultimate lever of=20
power in a manner it has replaced the money. But in the strife-torn=20
places all over the world, violence still continues to dominate the=20
politics and more so in case of doing away with the political=20
differences.
Rajiv Gandhi was killed because the LTTE felt that it was the only=20
way to settle political scores with the Indian government and with=20
Rajiv's person. Similarly, in the killing of Mirwaiz Maulana Farooq=20
and now Abdul Gani Lone, there must have been similar thoughts latent=20
somewhere in the politico-psychology. Without going into who killed=20
these people and why, there cannot be much disagreement in concluding=20
that the blind violence cannot and must not be used as a tool of=20
ending political dissent. Instead there are always numerous other=20
ways of doing so, and indeed these are much in tune with the changing=20
trends of time and age. And when it comes to reconciliation, dialogue=20
is the only way to build up the bridges of trust and faith and=20
re-establish the broken channels of communication. But unfortunately=20
the politics, that has had violence as a marked characteristic here,=20
is yet to wake up to this reality. People here no longer talk, they=20
simply fight and once they meet each other with swords drawn, blood=20
is bound to spill.
Although every other person and party claims to be representing the=20
common people in the big or small manner, yet no one is ever ready to=20
forgo selfish political interests for the broader interests and=20
overall good of the common people. While as the status quo is having=20
a heavy toll on the people and the society, those at the helm of=20
affairs politically, are in turn being benefited by this status quo=20
and as such they appear in no mood to do away with it.
At a time, when the fears of war are looming large over the=20
sub-continental skies, Kashmiris in general and those living far away=20
from the frontiers in particular, are totally indifferent and not=20
even the least bit intimidated. Instead, a vast majority of these=20
people want a full-fledged war. They know that the continued=20
violence, death and destruction has worsened their situation. They=20
want an end to it. And in the absence of the political initiatives=20
guaranteeing this, they have resigned to the reality of war hoping=20
that it will break the jinx and give them at least some kind of=20
respite. Otherwise, as long as this uncertainty in the situation=20
continues like this, death will continue to dance up hill and down=20
dale in the Valley and it will hardly make any difference whether the=20
people are killed in May or December as long as they are killed.
BASHIR MANZAR Editor
Daily Kashmir Images
www.kashmirimages.net

_____

#2.

[even though the meeting mentioned below is long over the information=20
& contacts might interest people]

o o o

A Report on the Southall Meeting To Launch a Permanent UK Body to=20
Challenge Religious Hatred and Fascism

At a Southall meeting two weeks ago, arranged to discuss the current=20
crisis facing South Asian countries, it was agreed to establish a=20
permanent organisation to tackle the growing threat of religious=20
hatred and fascism in the region. The consequences of the so called=20
war on terrorism, the ongoing genocide against the minority Indian=20
Muslims in Gujarat, and the apparent links between a small UK Sikh=20
fundamentalist group and the fascist British National Party are some=20
of the burning issues that we need to address urgently. Although the=20
formal launch of a national body is likely to take some months, the=20
process will be set in motion by a meeting in Southall next Monday.=20
Over the next couple of months other similar meetings will take place=20
in different UK regions culminating in the founding conference. The=20
process will allow wide consultation and involvement of anti racist=20
and anti-fascist as well as secular and democratic individuals and=20
organisations. The first meeting on the group, yet to be named, has=20
been set for:
MONDAY 13th MAY 2002 at 7pm. The venue is TMG offices 14 Featherstone=20
Road Southall Middlesex UB2 5AA Ring 020 8843 2333 for directions and=20
venue location# All secular individuals and organisations welcome. If=20
you wish to attend please try and inform us beforehand so that we can=20
organize the relevant space. The provisional agenda for the meeting=20
is: 7pm:
Showing of Film =96 Hey Ram =96 Genocide in the land of Gandhi by Gopal=20
Menon 7.25 Report fro Dr Gautam Appa on Gujarat, who has just=20
arrived from the region 7.40 Report from Suresh Grover on Gujarat=20
Families Campaign 7.45 Questions 8pm Organizational and Action=20
Plan Introduction, contributions and decisions, including the setting=20
up of a steering group 9pm Close For further information about the=20
meeting, please contact Arif Azad, Sandeep Garcha or Suresh Grover at=20
020 8843 2333 or email us at admin@m...

_____

#3.

Pakistani challenges ban on Indian channels

>From Indo-Asian News Service

Islamabad, May 23 (IANS) A Pakistani man has gone to the court seeking the
lifting of a ban on Indian channels.

M.D. Tahir, an advocate, has filed a petition in the Lahore High Court
saying Pakistanis needed to see the Indian channels to understand India
better, despite objections from the government.

The ban was imposed after the December 13 terrorist attack on the Indian
Parliament for which New Delhi blamed Islamabad-backed groups. Pakistan say=
s
the Indian channels give out "negative propaganda".

The Pakistani government is, however, in no mood to lift the ban.

Shahzad Alam Malik, chairman of the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority,
told the high court that Indian channels were blacked out in the national
interest.

"The ban was imposed at the behest of the federal government due to hostile
Indian attitude and war threats by its leadership," he said.

Justice Kamarat Nazir Bhandari has adjourned the case till June 7 and asked
the petitioner to file a rejoinder within two weeks.

--Indo-Asian News Service

_____

#4.

Thu May 23 14:33:54 2002

FORUM FOR COMMUNAL HARMONY

Bicholim, Goa

23.05.2002

Press release

The Forum for Communal Harmony is deeply distressed at the news of police
seizure of a video cassette, Hey Ram, directed by Gopal Menon, which was
being screened in Velim on 21 May 2002.

The Forum has viewed the video cassette, Hey Ram, and is convinced that
it is a very human document. It has very consciously placed the carnage
in Gujarat in the perspective of Gandhiji^"s philosophy of communal
harmony and calls for Hindu-Muslim unity. It raises human issues. It is
based mainly on interviews of victims of violence in Gujarat. The brunt
of the criticism of those interviewed is not against any particular
community. Their appeal is to humanity. Their anger is against the
police, whom they accuse of direct complicity in acts of violence and
refusal to take action against perpetrators of violence. There is
acknowledgement of an instance of a Muslim family finding refuge in a
Hindu household. The victims themselves speak of communal brotherhood and
their determination to live in the land of their birth. There are shots
of peace marches for communal harmony and an end to violence. The entire
approach is to rouse human compassion, stress national unity, and point
out that such acts of violence amount to genocide and are acts fascism,
which need to be resisted for our very survival as a nation of multiple
hues.

India is a signatory to the UN Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. This Convention defines genocide as
follows:
"In the present convention, genocide means any of the following acts
committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national,
ethnic, racial or religious group, such as:

a) Killing members of the group;

b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group^=89"

What has happened in Gujarat are acts of planned genocide and the people
of India have a right to know the truth. The police have claimed that
exhibition of the video cassette has resulted in offence under Sections
153-A and 153-B of the Indian Penal Code. These two Sections relate to
promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race,
place of birth or residence, language etc., and doing acts prejudicial to
National Integration. The actions of the police are patently illegal and
high-handed.

This is a matter of serious concern, because it is part of a series of
actions against BJP-led governments, at the Centre and the State, against
freedom of expression. One of the most dramatic examples is the Tehelka
exposure episode. Those who exposed the very vital issue of the
corruption in our defence system and the threat to our national security
are being harassed in different ways, while the perpetrators of the crime
are being shielded. These are actions against the freedom of expression,
a fundamental right under the Indian constitution.

The recent communal violence in Gujarat is qualitatively different in
character from all previous ones since Independence. As Arundhati Roy
writes in her article in Outlook, of 6th May 2002, with reference to the
responsibility of Congress-ruled Governments in the Centre and States,
when they were in power:

"It is true that the Congress party has sinned, and grievously, and for
decades together. But it has done by night what the BJP does by day. It
has done covertly, stealthily, hypocritically and shamefacedly, what the
BJP does with pride. And this is an important difference."

The Forum for Communal Harmony believes that, without freedom of
expression, there can be no communal harmony, no end to violence, no
democracy. We are deeply concerned, because the illegal seizure of the
video cassette Hey Ram, by the police, under the present political
environment in the country, augurs ill for Goa, which has been free from
such inhumanity as we have witnessed in Gujarat.

Sd/-

Adv. Amrut Kansar
Ramesh Gauns
V. Gadgil

Best wishes,
Vidyadhar

*******
Vidyadhar Gadgil
1016, Muddo
P.O. Carona
Bardez, Goa -- 403523
Tel. No. (0832) 293766

______

#5.

Sahmat
8, Vithalbhai Patel House, Rafi Marg, New
Delhi-1100001
Tel- 3711276/ 3351424/ Fax- 3343500
e-mail-sahmat@v...

23.5.2002

We strongly condemn the patently illegal police action in Velim in=20
South Goa on May 21,2002 where video cassettes being screened for=20
promoting communal harmony were seized from a private show. It is=20
ironical that the chief minister of Goa, who belongs to a party=20
which is so blatantly spewing communal venom on the minorities in=20
the country, claims that the screening constitutes an offense under=20
section 153-A and 153-B of the Indian Penal Code. This section=20
relates to creating enemity between different groups on grounds of=20
religion, race etc.

Three independent film makers have made short video films-Hey Ram,=20
by Gopal Menon, Evil Stalks The Land, by Gauhar Raza and In the=20
Name of Faith, by Pankaj Shankar following the carnage in Gujarat.=20
The films are based on interviews of the victims of violence who=20
unambiguously accuse the BJP state administration and the different=20
wings of the Sangh Parivar and its ideology responsible for the=20
carnage. The films have a clear message of communal amity and=20
express full faith in secular India. It is the secular message of=20
these films that has rattled the BJP in Goa faced with the impending=20
electoral defeat.

The police action in Goa constitutes a gross violation of the=20
constitutional right of freedom of expression. Given the complexion=20
of the government there and the secular character of the films, this=20
communal offensive against secular creativity has to be defeated by=20
the joint efforts of all democratic and secular groups.

Shabnam Hashmi, Ram Rahman, Sahmat

______

#6.

Rally for Peace Between Pakistan and India

Organized under the banner: People for Peace Between Pakistan and India
When: Saturday, May 25, 2002, 7:00p.m.-7:30p.m.
Where: Lytton Plaza, 220 University Ave., Palo Alto, CA. 94301
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Background:
As the military standoff between India and Pakistan enters its sixth month,
a fourth of humanity lives under the threat of nuclear annihilation, and
concerned people are continuing their vigils for peace in South Asia.
The build-up of troops and arms along the India-Pakistan border can lead to
a disastrous war--a war, that like previous wars, would only bring death,
destruction, misery and impoverishment to the citizens of the two nations.
Peace-loving people in Pakistan, India, and all over the world, are
demonstrating for peace. SIMULTANEOUS PEACE VIGILS are being held in India
and Pakistan, and around the world, on the last weekend of every month.
In Bay Area, these vigils are being organized by Friends of South Asia.
We would like to call upon all peace-loving people to come to this peace vi=
gil
and we request you to sign on the above memorandum of demands.
**************************************************************************
PLEASE COME TO THE SIMULTANEOUS GLOBAL PEACE VIGIL
BRING YOUR FRIENDS AND FAMILY ALONG
COME AND STAND UP FOR PEACE
Friends of South Asia
408-265-2795 <mailto:FOSA_US@y...>FOSA_US@y...
Qaumantri Punjabi Bhaichara Group of California
408-935-9160 <mailto:newsmailus@y...>newsmailus@y...
Information on Past Vigils:
**************************************************************************
Report and pictures of first vigil:
<http://www.friendsofsouthasia.org/custom3.html>http://www.friendsofsouthas=
ia.org/custom3.html
Report and pictures of second vigil:
<http://www.friendsofsouthasia.org/custom4.html>http://www.friendsofsouthas=
ia.org/custom4.html
Report and pictures of third vigil:
<http://www.friendsofsouthasia.org/shopping_page.html>http://www.friendsofs=
outhasia.org/shopping_page.html
Report and pictures of fourth vigil:
<http://www.friendsofsouthasia.org/photo6.html>http://www.friendsofsouthasi=
a.org/photo6.html

_____

#7.

The Telegraph (Calcutta), 24 May 2002

MYOPIC VISION
BY ASHIS CHAKRABARTI

If nearly three months after the communal carnage, the tale of=20
Ahmedabad looks to be that of two cities - the new city, almost=20
exclusively Hindu, to the west of the Sabarmati river, which is back=20
to its sparkling, bubbly high life, and the poorer Muslim-dominated=20
east picking up the pieces on its near-deserted streets and bylanes=20
lined with burnt buildings and cars - it is because a sinister=20
argument runs underneath the picture of contrasts. It is a statement=20
that the carnage made to the two communities.

The first thing that strikes one about the Hindu argument is the=20
total absence of remorse. The brutalities of Godhra have vindicated=20
the sangh parivar's old thesis of "just violence" against the Muslims=20
as never before. In fact, more than the lack of remorse there is in=20
the Hindu statement a thinly-veiled touch of pride. Gujarat has held=20
its head high, showing the nation the way to defend Hindutva. Sitting=20
below framed pictures of 38 "Ramsevaks" killed at Godhra in the=20
Vishwa Hindu Parishad office, an important functionary gloated with=20
Gujarati ashmita (pride) as he narrated the state's leading role in a=20
succession of recent religio-political upheavals - from the Navnirman=20
movement of the Seventies, the anti-reservation stir of the Eighties=20
to the many rath yatras of the Nineties before and after L K Advani's=20
momentous one in 1990.

Does one know that Gujarat sent one-third of the participants in=20
Murli Manohar Joshi's ekta yatra in Kashmir in 1991 and nearly half=20
of the Babri Masjid demolition squad at Ayodhya in December, 1992?=20
With a proud tradition like this, where is the question of remorse?=20
Gujarat, on the other hand, has made India proud again and again. You=20
can't keep Gujarat down, a leading light of the Gujarat chamber of=20
commerce later told me, dismissing as political rhetoric the moments=20
of "shame" of the prime minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, at the Shah=20
Alam relief camp.

To the Muslim community, on the other hand, the message of the=20
carnage was that it must know its place if it has to live in Gujarat=20
or, for that matter, anywhere else in India. It must live fearfully,=20
almost silently, and away from the high life to which only the Hindus=20
are entitled. If ever it dares to express its anger as in Godhra it=20
must be prepared to take a huge reprisal that would break its spine.=20
If the Muslims are condemned to live in fear, that is because they=20
are the worst source of fear for the Hindus. Don't they threaten the=20
majority with their soaring populations because of their many=20
marriages and higher birth rates, their ever-present greed for Hindu=20
women and property, their ghettoized world of criminality and low=20
life and most dangerously, their links to terrorist groups at home=20
and in Pakistan? All Muslims may not be terrorists, but aren't all=20
terrorists Muslim, as recent events at home and beyond show? Don't=20
they take advantage of the Hindus' tolerance and subvert national=20
interests?

And of course, there are the wrongs of history - the desecration of=20
temples, forcible conversions and killings of Hindus, and so on. More=20
recently, didn't they collaborate with the British to sabotage the=20
freedom movement? After such knowledge, what forgiveness? Godhra was=20
only a confirmation of that fearful knowledge. And knowledge is=20
nothing if not a guide to action.

Once such stereotypes - Hindus as superior but threatened and Muslims=20
as inferior but aggressor - are created, killings become cleansings=20
that are good for the body and soul. Once one understands this, one=20
has a clue to the saffron mind which projects itself as more sinned=20
against than sinning. In fact, it is not the western Ahmedabadi's=20
insensitivity, as it first appears, but his intense sensitivity to a=20
mission satisfactorily accomplished that makes one part of the city=20
look so blas=E9. The saffronites are actually furious with the=20
"pseudo-secularists" who, instead of seeing and sharing the power and=20
the glory, dare to dissent.

It is not enough for the sanghis to create mindsets, stereotypes and=20
icons. You need organizations to translate the ideas into action. You=20
need the VHP, the Bajrang Dal, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and of=20
course, the Bharatiya Janata Party. But more important than all=20
these, you need the strongest of all organizations - the state - to=20
make the images take shape in action. By all accounts, the mayhem in=20
Gujarat this time has surpassed all previous records of the state's=20
participation, not just complicity, in it.

Partly due to the spontaneous outrage over Godhra but largely because=20
of the organized anti-Muslim psychological build-up, the police, the=20
bureaucracy and even large sections of the judiciary became willing=20
partners in creating the state of unreason that spilled over into the=20
streets. This was perhaps the most dangerous portent from Gujarat for=20
the whole country - this conspiracy of consent between the state and=20
polity, between the rioter and the police and between the underclass=20
and the elite. The state terrorism that one witnessed in Gujarat is=20
no isolated happening; it found its justification in the myth created=20
by leaders like Advani that the Indian state has been too "soft".

There obviously were dissenting voices but they were too terrorized=20
and helpless to speak up. Democracies, however imperfect, have=20
dissent as their life-blood. If an ideology conspires with state=20
power to stifle dissent, it is a dangerous signal, not just for=20
communal harmony, but for all freedoms for all sections of society.=20
To the saffron brigade, Gujarat may have heralded the proud=20
groundswell for the apocalyptic Hindu rashtra; but to freedom-loving=20
citizens this unholy alliance between state and ideology must seem=20
stormclouds on the horizon. Interestingly, the Muslims in Gujarat=20
refer to the riots this time as "toofan" (storm), while Hindus=20
generally describe it as "dhamal" (disturbances).

More than the accusations of the sangh parivar's role in the carnage,=20
it is the charge of state terrorism that infuriates the sanghis. It=20
is the pseudo-secularists, they fume, who ignore the spontaneity of=20
the Hindu anger and overemphasize the state's role symbolized in the=20
persona of Narendra Modi. They complain that words like pogrom and=20
fascism are indiscriminately and inappropriately used to characterize=20
the violence in Gujarat. India, they say, can never be Hitler's=20
Germany because of its diverse, pluralistic polity and society.

While situations in two countries are never the same, any authentic=20
study of the rise of Nazism in Germany would suggest interesting=20
parallels to the saffron campaign. Replace Jews with Muslims and you=20
find the same process of creation of stereotypes - the insecure=20
(because of the Versailles humiliation) but superior Germans living=20
in fear and hatred of the inferior but aggressive Jews. Even the=20
stereotyped Muslim as the hunter of Hindu women is echoed in the Nazi=20
campaign about the pernicious Jew lying in wait for the blond German=20
girl in his bid to pollute the Aryan race. And the larger stereotype=20
was the Jewish-Marxist plot which, like the Islamic conspiracy, was=20
out to wreck civilization. "In standing guard against the Jew I am=20
defending the handiwork of the Lord," Hitler wrote in his=20
autobiography, Mein Kampf - a parallel to the sangh parivar's work=20
for Lord Ram.

The saffronites' uneasiness about any parallels with the German Nazis=20
is somewhat astonishing. RSS guru Golwalkar put his admiration for=20
Hitler on record. The problem is Hitler had to deal with 20 million=20
Jews, but the Muslims in India number 130 million and would have=20
formed the ninth largest nation in the world if they had a whole=20
country to themselves. Even Hitler would have found pogroms an=20
inadequate means of settling the question. The sanghis are too myopic=20
in their vision to realize that the Hindus themselves cannot live=20
peacefully and prosperously next to such large neighbourhoods of=20
fear, hatred and suspicion.

_____

#8.

http://www.hinduonnet.com/stories/2002052400671000.htm

The Hindu, Friday, May 24, 2002

Secularism, Hindus and Muslims

By Imtiaz Ahmad

Hindus and Muslims should re-examine their positions within the=20
framework of contemporary situations and cooperate in promoting that=20
national cohesion which is essential to the building of a modern=20
India.

SECULARISM WAS accepted in India to facilitate the promotion of=20
religious tolerance and cultural co-existence. Indian leaders had=20
anticipated that acceptance of the goal of secularism would stimulate=20
a process of cultural osmosis in the country and bring about better=20
understanding among the different religious communities. On the one=20
hand, the Hindus would accept the entire Indian tradition to which=20
all sections of the Indian population have contributed and this would=20
provide assurance to minority groups that they would be treated as=20
equal citizens in a predominantly Hindu India. On the other hand, the=20
Muslims and other minority groups would accept some aspects of the=20
Hindu culture as their own to find a place for themselves within the=20
nation as religious and cultural units.

If the secular ideology had been dispersed throughout Indian society,=20
acceptance of secularism would perhaps have mitigated the=20
Hindu-Muslim problem. However, the belief in secularism was confined=20
to a very small elite. On the popular level, there were powerful=20
forces among Hindus which were not only opposed to the ideology of=20
secularism, but were even interested in using the opportunity=20
provided by Independence to revive their traditional Hindu culture.=20
Similarly, there were sections of Muslims who could not accept the=20
cultural osmosis contemplated by the formulation of the goal of=20
secularism.

Over the years, these forces gained ascendance in Indian life. Among=20
sections of Hindus, a growing awareness of themselves as a community=20
has started a process of revivalism. One aspect of this revivalism is=20
the tendency to represent Hindu values and beliefs as the values and=20
beliefs of all Indians. This tendency arises partly from the ideology=20
which was used to provide a substance to the national movement (early=20
nationalists had insisted that India was after all the land of the=20
Hindus). Partly it arises from a desire to repudiate over a thousand=20
years of Muslim rule in India.

Among Muslims, the consolidation of Hindu forces has created a=20
tendency towards cultural isolationism. Feeling that the majority of=20
the Hindus are determined to destroy their cultural symbols and=20
deprive them of their separate religio-cultural identity, they have=20
despairingly turned in upon themselves and are clinging desperately=20
to their religious traditions. And, somewhat rigid and narrow=20
interpretations of Islam have reinforced this isolationism.

Religious revivalism represented by the forces of Hindutva and=20
cultural isolationism represented by communal-minded sections among=20
Muslims have resulted in the failure of both to face the challenges=20
of modernity and to adjust to the process of secularisation which=20
have been underway though slowly and haltingly, in the country.=20
Efforts of the forces of Hindutva to rebuild a polity based on Hindu=20
values and to relegate Muslims and other minority communities to a=20
secondary position until they are willing to be assimilated within=20
the Hindu community and Muslim resistance to even those changes which=20
would be in keeping with the original Islamic message illustrate this=20
failure fairly clearly.

One obvious consequence of this uncanny situation is the familiar=20
phenomenon of `othering' integral to all multi-religious and=20
multi-cultural societies. As is well known, minority communities in=20
societies where a dominant community exists tend to be marked out as=20
the `other' by projecting them as different from the rest of the=20
population (more appropriately the dominant sections of the society)=20
and therefore susceptible to differential projection. At another=20
level, members of the minority community are considered as being far=20
too preoccupied with their distinctive identity and therefore prone=20
to resisting the thrust towards a broader integration into the=20
cultural mainstream or as being incapable of keeping pace with others=20
to respond to social transformation that the society of which they=20
are a part might be undergoing.They have also been projected as being=20
wedded to religious canons without requiring examining whether these=20
projections are in tune with the ground realities.

One can easily understand the reasons for Muslim resistance. In the=20
course of their social history Indian Muslims created, partly out of=20
Islamic traditions, partly out of others, an image of ultimate=20
reality. Today, they consider this image absolutely basic to their=20
definition as Muslims. They are reluctant to accept social changes=20
because they feel that these will compromise their culture and=20
thereby the very basis of their status as Muslims. On the other hand,=20
this resistance and refusal to respond to social changes are=20
represented by the forces of Hindutva as evidence of Muslim obduracy=20
that ought to be fought through an equally powerful mobilisation of=20
Hindus on communitarian lines.

Underlying these ideological conflicts are serious economic=20
cleavages. Indian leaders had hoped that economic development would=20
create new cleavages based on universalistic criteria and these would=20
replace the communal cleavages. So long as the developmental plans=20
worked well, the religious cleavages remained dormant. The failure of=20
economic planning and the adverse effects of a globalising world=20
economy have accentuated the old cleavages. The Gujarat violence=20
where Muslims were specifically targeted and their properties looted=20
and destroyed is clearly an expression of this revitalisation of the=20
communal cleavages. It seems clear that so long as economic=20
development continues at the present level the communal problem would=20
continue in some form or the other and may even be accentuated.=20
Equally, the failure of globalisation and severe economic disparities=20
and hardships generated by it for large sections of society will add=20
further fuel to the communal fire. What is, therefore, currently=20
needed for the reduction of social tensions is a change of heart and=20
attitude among both Hindus and Muslims. Each group should re-examine=20
its position within the framework of contemporary situations and=20
cooperate in promoting that national cohesion which is essential to=20
the building of a modern India.

In any multi-religious society the burden of promoting secularisation=20
and cultural tolerance rests chiefly with the majority community. So=20
far the forces of Hindutva, with an emphasis on revival of=20
traditional Hindu culture, and the militant demand for the=20
restoration of the former glory of Hinduism have been serious=20
barriers in the judgment of Muslims. They should accept the entire=20
Indian cultural heritage as their own

On their side, Muslims should not only accept secularism on a more=20
positive basis but also regard aspects of culture as their own. They=20
should seek, socially a truly pluralistic India, not an autonomous=20
community; culturally, a dynamic, participating community, not an=20
insulated, protected minority; and, politically, total participation=20
in the general body politic not communal politics. They should press=20
for those rights which they share with other citizens rather than=20
those which isolate them from and exasperate the majority community.=20
No doubt decisions as to which issues to fight for and which to=20
surrender may cause some agony, but it is vital that the truly=20
crucial issues should not be sacrificed over the insignificant and=20
ephemeral ones.

(The writer teaches political sociology at JNU.)

_____

#9.

Tehelka.com

Gujarat: the divide is complete

Prerna Singh Bindra recounts the polarisation in Gujarat, the wounds
of which, as she had witnessed, were always festering=20

New Delhi, May 15

"The people, whether they are Hindus or Muslims, belong to this=20
country=85It is not possible for us to think that we belong to separate=20
identities=85" Lofty ideals for a secular state by=20
philosopher-statesman S Radhakrishnan. Ideals that suffered=20
tremendous setbacks in India's chequered history of communal riots.=20
But it was February 27, 2002 which rewrote India's history as a=20
secular nation.

Godhra, a small nondescript town in Gujarat. Where the Sabarmati=20
Express burst into flames of a "Muslim" fire burning 57 Ram Sevaks,=20
burning Gujarat, burning humanity. The gristly story did not end=20
there. The fire raged on, but with a different target this time. It=20
scorched the Muslims. India, the secular state has been reduced to=20
ashes.

But in Gujarat, it has been a different story. In this state,=20
secularism, as it is defined, is mainly fiction enshrined in the=20
Constitution, but rarely practised. Gradually eroded by the long and=20
sporadic history of communal violence that the state has been a=20
witness to. Eroded in the minds of the people.

In Gujarat, one is not just an Indian. One is either an Indian or a=20
Pakistani. A Hindu, or a Muslim. A kisai or a Hindu. The history of=20
communal violence goes a long way back, as far as 1410 AD. But the=20
first major riots were recorded in its history in 1714. On holi,=20
which people celebrate to welcome basant, the season of colours. But=20
that day, almost 300 years ago, Gujarat celebrated with the colour of=20
blood. The riots started when a youth of one community sprayed colour=20
on a person belonging to a different community. That is how Gujarat=20
celebrates its festivals. With fear, and blood. And death.

I remember celebrating Holi in Ahmedabad more than a decade ago. We=20
were children. Laughing, flinging colour and water. Until the colour=20
in my hand landed on a stranger. A stranger who belonged to the=20
"wrong" community. Then there was terror and fear as the man raged,=20
his hands closing around the neck of this little girl who did not=20
know what Hindu meant. What Muslim meant. She was saved, but she=20
learnt her lesson. In her mind, the people were not just people. They=20
were Hindus and Muslims.

The first major post-Independence communal riots that Gujarat saw=20
were in 1969, more than a 1,000 people were slaughtered in the name=20
of religion. 1985. 1989-90. 1992. 2000. Years marked with blood, both=20
Hindu and Muslim.

In Gandhi's land, the lines delineating religions are sharp and deep=20
in the minds of the people. It's in their blood. But when it spills,=20
it merges. Indistinguishable. Unlike in life. In Ahmedabad, it is the=20
Sabarmati - the river best known for Bapu's ashram - which slices the=20
city into two. The new prosperous Western suburbs, predominantly=20
Hindu, and the old walled city, dominated by Muslims. The twain used=20
to meet occasionally, till the 1980's when the systematic=20
ghettoisation of Ahmedabad began. Frequent riots and tension forced=20
people to polarise.

Take the case of Dr. Zubeda Desai. She has the distinction of being=20
the first woman doctor in Gujarat. Her stature allowed her to stay in=20
Naranpura, one of Ahmedabad's posh localities, away from the ghettos.=20
But that was till September 23, 1992. As L K Advani's rathyatra was=20
scheduled to reach town on Septemebr 25, the good doctor was warned=20
by her neighbours to get away from the locality as it was not safe=20
for Muslims. Inded, the rioters almost reached her backdoor, burning=20
two dargas behind her house. She fled at midnight, with her family,=20
never to come back. She now lives in the Muslim part of town.

The city became polarised, and the real estate mafia moved in. Riots=20
and tension led to distress sales, compelling the government to bring=20
in laws prohibiting distress sale of properties. When that did not=20
help much, a new act, the Gujarat Prohibition of Transfer of=20
Immovable Properties and Provision for Protection of Tenants from=20
Eviction from Premises in Disturbed Areas Act, was brought in 1991.=20
But that, too, did not help. By the mid-nineties, the ghettoisation=20
of Ahmedabad was complete.

Life for the minorities is clearly defined. They live in certain=20
parts, shop in certain areas. For their children, admissions are=20
defined by their religion.

Gazalla has it tough. She is a Muslim married to a Christian, another=20
community now under fire. She lived in a Hindu-dominated locality=20
till fear and sleepless nights forced them to look for another place.=20
This time it was Christianity which came in the way. The agent told=20
her the landlord did not entertain Isais (Christians), unless they=20
behaved like Hindus. Her husband, Akhil works for an NGO. He is tired=20
of the threatening calls he gets asking him where he sources money=20
for his organisation. Gazalla's nephew was refused admission in=20
school. The peon curtly told her that they were wasting their time=20
and money. They were Muslims, weren't they?
Welcome to Gujarat. Five years back.

The writing is on the wall, in the poshest localities or the tiniest=20
village in remote corners of the state. Pehle kisai, phir isai,=20
graffiti on walls telling the world that the first target is Muslims,=20
and then Christians. Or saffron boards, the signature of the Vishwa=20
Hindu Parishad - which enjoys the largest following in Gujarat -=20
proudly welcoming you to Hindurashtra.

The communities are polarised, with a common meeting ground virtually=20
non-existent. Festivals like Muharram, Id, Christmas and Ramnavmi=20
marked not so much by religious fervour as by the colour khakhi.=20
Increased police bandobast, as a tense public awaits for the=20
almost-natural outcome of a festival, violence and riots.

A few years back, the joy of midnight mass was dimmed. Communal=20
harmony demanded that midnight be preponed by an hour, the magic hour=20
struck at eleven as the police did not give permission to hold=20
midnight mass in the interest of communal harmony. Cricket matches=20
are another bone of contention. An India Pakistan match is a=20
potential time bomb. The walled city roots for Pakistan, while the=20
rest cheers India. Even before politics forced India Pakistan cricket=20
matches to history, such an encounter was not considered safe in=20
Gujarat.

Things have changed, post Godhra. For the worse. For one, the wall=20
has cracked. Riots, as I remember in the previous years, were=20
generally confined to the walled city. In the ghettos of Kalupur,=20
Dariapur, Johapura. This time, the rioters were better prepared. As I=20
walked on Ahmedabad's Ashram road, the city's main commercial street,=20
the symbols of hate and shame stared at me. Burnt to the ground,=20
these belong to Muslims who had dared to open shop in the Hindu part=20
of town.

I remember a shop run by a Muslim that I visited frequently. We never=20
liked him much. He was rude, and he cheated. But when I saw his shop,=20
which he had painstakingly built on the posh C G Raod, burnt to the=20
ground, I cried. I had not hated him that much. I was accompanied by=20
two of my Muslim friends. They were dressed in Burqas. Stupid of=20
them, to wear their religion on their back. We were ghearoed by a=20
crowd, spewing their hate. How dare the Muslims roam so freely? Have=20
they not learnt their lesson? I was terrified, and I fought back. I=20
prayed. And my God listened. Was he Muslim, or Hindu, I wonder. My=20
parents told me I was foolish. Did I not know better to roam with=20
them in these troubled times.

I wore a bindi to the relief camp I visited. An old, withered Muslim=20
man stared at it and then launched into an attack. He shook me by the=20
collar. He wanted to kill me, he said. But he did not have the=20
strength. His anger soon gave way to tears. I had killed his family.=20
His son, and bahu, and their three children. They were burnt, reduced=20
to ashes. By Hindus. I did not have the heart to berate him. His=20
tears merged with mine.

I have lived in Gujarat for 20 years. I have watched the state=20
polarise into a Hindu and a Muslim state, edged on by the government.=20
It is now a wounded state, the wounds still festering...the divide is=20
complete.
--=20
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