[sacw] SACW #1 (03 January. 02)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire - Dispatch #1 | 3 January 2002
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

#1. Now Is the Time for India and Pakistan to Strike a Bargain (Nayan Chand=
a)
#2. Manufacturing Peace (Nirmalangshu Mukherji)
#3. Amid war rhetoric, a carnival of peace (Ehtashamuddin Khan)
#4. India, Pakistan urged to hold talks
#5. With Wrath and Wire, India Builds a Great Wall (Somini Sengupta)
#6. India: Fundamentalist Hindu Sena opens fire on revellers (Lucknow)
#7. Pakistan: Fundamentalist Muslim groups abhor New Year celebrations
#8. Book Review: Memory, Identity, Power: Politics in the Jungle=20
Mahals 1890-1950 by Ranabir Samaddar
#9. Dilliwale Kaun? Baharwale Kaun?
A photographic exhibition on a digital platform by Syeda Farhana
________________________

#1.

The International Herald Tribune
Wednesday, January 2, 2002=20
OP-ED
http://www.iht.com/articles/43437.html

Now Is the Time for India and Pakistan to Strike a Bargain=20

By Nayan Chanda
The writer is director of publications at the Yale Center for the Study of
Globalization and co-editor, with Strobe Talbott, of "The Age of Terror:
America and the World After September 11." He contributed this to the
International Herald Tribune.

NEW DELHI--In India there are signs that cooler official heads are
prevailing. The door to negotiation with Pakistan is being opened. In
Islamabad, the government of General Pervez Musharraf is acknowledging the
new realities of the post-Sept. 11 world by starting to crack down on the
two groups that India blames for recent terrorist attacks.

It is time to push for a real peace in the subcontinent, not just another
truce. The crisis since the Dec. 13 terrorist attack on the Indian
Parliament offers an unprecedented opening for the United States to
exercise leadership and turn danger into an opportunity for a far-reaching
settlement between India and Pakistan.

India has a government led by a popular Hindu nationalist party. Pakistan
has a pragmatic military leader. The international community is eager to
end the scourge of terrorism. These developments provide an opportune
conjunction that should not be missed.

To carry America's anti-terrorism struggle to its logical conclusion, the
Bush administration must deal with the intractable conflict in Kashmir,
which has already caused two wars and is now the cause of serious tension
that brings India and Pakistan dangerously close to a nuclear
confrontation.

The Sept. 11 terrorist attacks prompted the United States to force
Pakistan to make a 180-degree turn on its support for the Taliban.
America's newfound ally India now wants the attack on its Parliament to
generate similar pressure on Pakistan to stop fomenting low-intensity
conflict in Kashmir.

India's much publicized military buildup was clearly meant to pressure
Washington to take its grievance seriously and force Pakistan to rein in
the militant groups thought to be responsible for the attack.

But that is only the thin end of the wedge. Once Pakistan admits the
responsibility of the groups, India will surely press for an end to
Pakistan government support for armed struggle in Kashmir.

That is something no Pakistani ruler can risk without a demonstrable quid
pro quo from India and other benefits. Here is where the United States,
Pakistan's old ally and India's new strategic partner, is in a uniquely
strong position to act. With the U.S. decision to go after Qaida and the
Taliban regime in Afghanistan, Pakistan was left no choice but to stop
coddling the Taliban and their foreign guests. The audacious attack by
Pakistan-based militants on India's Parliament - aimed at killing or
taking hostage India's political leadership - has brought into focus the
contradictions of Pakistani policy: On the western border Pakistan has
joined U.S. forces in mopping up terrorists, but its old policy continues
on the eastern front, where it backs terrorists in Kashmir as freedom
fighters.

The Musharraf government is unlikely to have been behind such a risky
operation as the attack on the Parliament, but India has tried to maximize
its advantage by showing the world Pakistan's double-faced policy on
fighting terrorism.

General Musharraf's pledge to unshackle Pakistan from its past of
"militancy, extremism and intolerance" offers an unprecedented opportunity
that India should accept and America should strongly back. Instead of
scoring points against Pakistan, India should push for a grand bargain.

It is evident that the fate of Kashmir cannot be determined by military
means. The latest confrontation only underlines the gravity of the risk in
such a test of wills by the nuclear-armed neighbors.

After 50 years in which Pakistani military and political groups have made
recovery of Kashmir their raison d'=EAtre, it is inconceivable that a
Pakistan government would wash its hands of Kashmir, as it did of the
Taliban. Neither can a secular India let religion alone determine the
political status of the territory it controls. But India, too, must make
concessions. It has to give up its claim to all of Kashmir, acknowledge
its repressive rule and drop its opposition to international involvement.

When violence in Kashmir has stopped and the line of control is accepted
as an international border, a democratic India should allow a free and
fair election to be held in Kashmir on both sides of the border, as
Pakistan has long demanded.

The acceptance of an internationally supervised election will give face to
Pakistan and allow Kashmiris to start rebuilding their lives in peace.

The writer is director of publications at the Yale Center for the Study of
Globalization and co-editor, with Strobe Talbott, of "The Age of Terror:
America and the World After September 11." He contributed this to the
International Herald Tribune.

_____

#2.

Date: Wed, 2 Jan 2002 20:34:53 +0530

Manufacturing Peace

Some voluntary organizations, including civil rights groups,=20
organized a peace rally in Delhi on 25 December. Some of them brought=20
some people from the slums, there were some children, and the usual=20
peace activists of Delhi. In all, about a hundred people gathered=20
near the India Gate to form a human chain. A resolution was duly read=20
and approved.

Since 9/11, there have been a number of peace rallies in the city.=20
Even the most impressive of them, including the one in the Delhi=20
University campus attended by Prof. Chomsky, failed to assemble more=20
than a few hundred. The reasons for these small numbers can be=20
debated (see 'Ways of Nation-making', SACW). The present point is=20
that the rally of 25 December was small even when compared to the=20
other rallies of a similar nature in the recent past. For one, this=20
one had a poor representation from the academic community. For=20
another, front organizations of the official left were conspicuously=20
absent. Perhaps even the authorities knew about it in advance, since=20
the occasion was also marked by a poor representation from the police.

Yet, this rally was extensively covered in prime time news by Star=20
TV, the channel that the intelligentsia and the upper classes watch.=20
The item opened with something like 'a large number of people, from=20
slum-dwellers to intellectuals, gathered at Delhi's India Gate to=20
protest against the increasing tension between India and Pakistan'.=20
Several participants were interviewed; the rally was shown from=20
different angles. Next morning, the Times of India covered the story=20
prominently with a coloured photograph taken from an angle that gave=20
the impression of a large gathering. More recently, the=20
India-Pakistan Forum in Calcutta organized an even smaller rally. The=20
Times of India covered the event with a coloured photograph on the=20
front page.

Such coverage contrasts sharply with the coverage, or rather lack of=20
them, of the earlier rallies. Most, including the massive rally in=20
Calcutta in which also the Forum took part, did not even get a=20
mention, not to speak of coloured photographs and prominent=20
interviews. In fact, the human chain organized at the same venue in=20
Delhi soon after 9/11 was a fairly impressive event. The=20
demonstrations on 30 October and on 5 November (with Prof. Chomsky)=20
were intense and effective by current standards. Even the annual 6=20
December rally to protest against communal violence turned largely=20
into an anti-war rally this year. None, repeat none, received any=20
coverage at all. I am not even considering the complete absence of=20
reports on massive anti-war demonstrations (sometimes running into=20
hundreds of thousands, as in Rome) throughout the world after 9/11.=20
What happened this time? Did the wave of pacifism finally reach the=20
conscience of the mainstream media? It will be nice if that happened.=20
Facts suggest another story.

Within hours of 9/11, the US administration announced its plan of war=20
on other nations: 'there will be no distinction between terrorists=20
and the countries that harbor them', Bush said. Within days, an=20
unprecedented international alliance - cutting across ideological=20
barriers, geo-political boundaries, forms of governance, and yes=20
religious affiliations - was formed to attack Afghanistan (see=20
'Constructing the future of Afghanistan', SACW). It was America's=20
war, backed up by the rest of the world, against which no opinion was=20
to stand in the way. The US media picked up the line, and blocked off=20
all anti-war opinion. The India media followed closely in step,=20
turning when the master turned. Why?

Among other aspects of the unipolar world-order, we may summarize the=20
reactions of the stock exchanges to get a glimpse of how the world=20
currently works. First, the Stock Exchanges in US took the=20
unprecedented step of closing down for the rest of the week following=20
Black Tuesday. When they opened next week, stocks nose-dived to=20
40-year lows. Billions were lost, the entire airlines industry was=20
about to close down, hundreds of thousands lost their jobs. As Dow=20
and NASDAQ sank, so did the exchanges all over Europe, Far East, and=20
India.

ALL the exchanges began picking up as war-plans were concretized. In=20
fact, by and large, the Dow and NASDAQ almost danced to the tune of=20
the progress of war. For example, they showed sharp increases on each=20
occasion of mobilization of troops and machinery in South Asia,=20
announcement of attack, the destruction of Taliban air force, fall of=20
Mazhar-e-Shariff, fall of Kabul, capture of Kandahar, and so forth.=20
Needless to say, Indian exchanges followed suit. Not surprisingly,=20
profits began to flatten out, and in fact started to go negative, as=20
the war reached an uncertain stage with Omar and Bin Laden=20
disappearing. It tells us what the world-economy is like, and what it=20
is for. The war won't be over until it is fully won; until, that is,=20
the rulers are satisfied that profits are 'stable'. Some fringe=20
elements have called this system a 'military-industrial complex'

In sharp contrast, the Indian Stock exchanges not only fell after 13=20
December; they kept falling AS WAR CRIES mounted. Again, the=20
exchanges reacted sharply to preparations war, but this time out of=20
step with troop movements, mounting border-clashes and so on. The=20
stocks revived and began to show sharp increases AS THE TENSION=20
SUBSIDED, and the chance of war fell to less than 5%, according to=20
none other than general Musharaff. Why did the tension subside? The=20
general answer is that the Indian State does not represent a=20
military-industrial complex. In fact, no other state does, except=20
one. And that complex does not want India and Pakistan to go to war.

The original ruling was delivered soon after 9/11. When Bush was=20
asked if the attack on Afghanistan could lead to escalation of=20
hostilities between India and Pakistan, Bush said that it shouldn't.=20
In fact, he added, 'here is an opportunity for them to resolve their=20
problems peacefully'. The basic idea was barely concealed: America's=20
destruction of Afghanistan was intended to be a catalyst for Indo-Pak=20
friendship such that America's war continues unhindered.

As noted, that war isn't over yet. Prof. Stephen Cohen, often viewed=20
as a liberal and a friend of India, made it clear: India and Pakistan=20
can not be allowed to engage in hostilities since US troops are now=20
inside Pakistan to hunt their prey. A Pentagon official added that if=20
there's a war, Pakistan would redeploy troops from the Afghan border,=20
leaving an already porous border wide open for Al-Qaida and Taliban=20
hard-liners to slip through. With these and other considerations in=20
mind, Colin Powell advised total restraint within hours of the=20
gruesome events of 13 December, WHILE THE CARPET-BOMBING OF TORA BORA=20
WAS STILL CONTINUING, and the massacre of Palestinians was in=20
progress.

Beyond the short-term interests of capturing Bin Laden etc.,=20
long-term interests easily come to mind. Suppose there is a=20
full-scale war between India and Pakistan (See Praful Bidwai's=20
careful enumeration of possible scenarios, SACW; the exercise is=20
wholly academic in my view). In a conventional war, Pakistan will=20
certainly lose, and a defeated Pakistan at this stage can only pass=20
on to the jehadis and their supporting generals. In a nuclear=20
exchange, the results are somewhat less certain. In either case, the=20
US and its allies will be forced to withdraw from the scene, since,=20
as Cohen immediately saw, US and British troops, including (by now) a=20
very large number of spies and 'advisors', will be in great danger.=20
If the military and the intelligence of the West withdraw, the=20
carefully constructed interim administration in Afghanistan won't=20
last a week. The gas will turn into smoke. This is exactly why the=20
Indian Parliament was attacked on 13 December. Neither the=20
sovereignty nor the lives of Indians MPs were the principal targets.

There is no reason to believe, therefore, that the=20
military-industrial complex, or its attendant machinery such as the=20
media, are interested in genuine peace in the subcontinent or=20
elsewhere. Past records, going back to several centuries by now, show=20
exactly the opposite. In fact, the presence of the complex is the=20
greatest single danger to the human race. Nevertheless, when it suits=20
its larger interests of war against humanity, it might, on occasion,=20
demand local peace. As we saw, it gets what it wants.

This is not to suggest at all that peace movements, even in the=20
context of the festering conflict between India and Pakistan, have no=20
meaning. Clearly, any strife between the two nations hinders the=20
global objectives of a peace movement as the two peoples find it=20
difficult to join in a common cause. No agenda for peace can be=20
pursued when people are dying or fleeing from their habitat. So, all=20
aggression must stop, including the ongoing skirmishes at the border.=20
Here the work of a significant number of organizations devoted to the=20
improvement of relations between these nations deserves the greatest=20
admiration. This work has progressed independently of American=20
interests over several decades. If the media, on occasion, wishes to=20
join in and promote this work, fine.

The only problem is that when global power attempts to manufacture=20
peace in one region, it is often a pretext for manufacturing war=20
elsewhere. If a peace movement fails to be sensitive to these=20
machinations, the movement may itself cause division of people,=20
albeit unwittingly. One way to stay out of these games is to identify=20
and concentrate on the real war. In this subcontinent, the war=20
against the people of Afghanistan continues to be a real one. In many=20
ways, this war has already spilled into Pakistan. Another real war is=20
in progress in Palestine. A peace movement will begin to get=20
distracted from its global objectives if it forgets other peoples and=20
is concerned only with its own.

Nirmalangshu Mukherji
Department of Philosophy
Delhi University

_____

#3.

Amid war rhetoric, a carnival of peace

By Ehtashamuddin Khan, Indo-Asian News Service

New Delhi, Jan 2 (IANS) Kabir Malhotra, an eight-year-old boy, scribbled
furiously on a poster wall before stepping back and looking at his work in
satisfaction.

"Say no to war, terrorism and Bush," read the short message from little
Kabir, who joined hundreds here at a peace rally coinciding with the death
anniversary of activist and trade union leader Safdar Hashmi, who was kille=
d
13 years ago.

Kabir hailed his friends Ayan and Mrinal from across the marquee at the
venue to show them his work. They approved, adding a succinct "Only peace
and happiness."

Coming at a time when India and Pakistan have deployed troops along their
border, the annual commemoration event had peace as its theme. Both
countries have adopted belligerent postures following the terror attacks on
the Indian Parliament here and New Delhi's accusations against Islamabad.

Kabir's message also echoed the perception in some quarters of U.S.
President George W. Bush as a promoter of war.

Bush had sworn revenge on Osama bin Laden, the prime accused in the terror
attacks in New York and Washington, and his harbourers, Afghanistan's
erstwhile rulers the Taliban. Ironically, Bush asked India to exercise
restraint instead after it decided to sanction Pakistan for its alleged
support to terrorists.

The Hashmi commemoration, organised by the Safdar Hashmi Memorial Trust,
better known by its acronym Sahmat, included street plays, paintings, dance=
s
and speeches focusing on peace.

But Sahmat's message seemed lost on one elderly visitor, who snapped after
looking at the posters: "Why don't you tell these jehadis about peace?"

He was referring to terrorist groups targeting India that claim to be wagin=
g
an Islamic holy war to free Kashmir.

The hundreds of artists, intellectuals and students who attended the Hashmi
commemoration peered at a photo collage depicting the horrors of violence i=
n
Afghanistan, Palestine and Kashmir.

Said Shubendu Ghosh, a cultural activist and professor at Delhi University
who sang at the event: "India and Pakistan are not even willing to talk. We
want to show the world that a large section is opposed to this deadlock.

"The event provided me an opportunity to express myself in the language of
an artist. I am glad to see that there are so many people who share my
opinion and want peace. Let this view be shared with the masses."

Said activist Praful Bidwai: "There is a fearsome military build-up on the
borders. There are reports of nuclear missiles being deployed on both sides=
.
This bears no logical relationship to the stated objective of countering
terrorism.

"The political leadership of the two countries cannot take one billion
people in the subcontinent hostage. This madness should stop."

A woman tourist from Britain who was in the audience said: "Terrorism is a
problem, but the two countries should negotiate and discuss the issue.

"We should establish peace schools because people don't understand the
politics behind war. India and Pakistan have so much of poverty and hunger.
This should be the focus," she said, requesting anonymity.

"Why kill people to show that killing people is wrong?" said one among
scores of posters denouncing war and urging a peaceful resolution to
conflicts. The posters lined a street named after Hashmi, who was killed
while performing a street play in solidarity with industrial workers on
Delhi's outskirts. The street was the venue of the anniversary
commemoration.

Ram Rahman, who designed one of the posters with "peace" written in 10
languages over a statue of the Buddha, said: "We believe all conflicts can
be solved through negotiations. India has a history of peace as political
philosophy. I want to tell people not to fall into the trap of violence and
divisive forces."

--Indo-Asian News Service
_____

#4.

DAWN
2 January 2002

India, Pakistan urged to hold talks
By Our Staff Reporter

KARACHI, Jan 1: A large number of people staged a demonstration at=20
Karachi Press Club on Tuesday to press the governments of India and=20
Pakistan to defuse tension at the borders and called on both the=20
countries to resolve their disputes through negotiations.
The demonstration was organized by the Action Committee for Civic=20
Problems. The speakers said history has proved that no dispute had=20
ever been settled by waging a war. The demonstrators urged both the=20
governments to control extremist and fanatical elements in their=20
countries.
Both Pakistan and India, they said, have been spending huge amounts=20
on defence and called on both the countries to cut down their defence=20
expenses and enhance spending on provision of basic facilities=20
including health, education, sanitation and employment.
After terrorist attack on parliament in New Delhi, the Indian rulers=20
have created an environment of war and sense of uncertainty in the=20
region resulting in the crashing of stock markets in both the=20
countries, they said.
"The process of dialogue between the two countries should be=20
initiated and the rulers rather than making fiery speeches should try=20
to meet and start negotiations," the speakers said, adding that=20
people-to-people contact between both the countries be initiated.
They demanded the restoration of bus and train services between the=20
two countries and called for lifting of ban on the telecast of=20
satellite channels, through cable operators, in both the countries.
They condemned the baton charge on the participants of a peace rally=20
in Lahore on Monday in which many peace activists were injured.
Representatives of various NGOs and political parties, including=20
Pakistan Muslim League, People's Party, Jamiat Ulema-i- Pakistan,=20
National People's Party, Awami Tehrik, Sindh National Front, National=20
Workers' Party, Qaumi Jamhoory Party, Tehrik-i- Insaf, PILER etc.=20
participated in the demonstration.
Volunteers offered: Two organizations have announced to recruit=20
volunteers who would serve with the administration and the armed=20
forces in different parts of the country, including the borders. This=20
was announced at a solidarity rally organized jointly by the Awami=20
Ittehad Tehreek and Gen Pervaiz Musharraf Himayat Tehrik at the Mazar=20
at the Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah on Tuesday.
The speakers on the occasion criticised the Indian government for=20
extending threats to Pakistan. They urged the international community=20
to take notice of the Indian propaganda against Pakistan which was=20
resulting in tension on the borders.
They advised the Indian leadership to initiate dialogue to resolve=20
all the issues between the two countries.
Later the participants took out a procession and marched through=20
various streets and reached Saddar later on.

_____

#5.

New York Times
January 2, 2002
BORDER POST JOURNAL

With Wrath and Wire, India Builds a Great Wall

By SOMINI SENGUPTA
The Associated Press
Indian Army trucks carrying mules and ammunition made their way on=20
Tuesday to the line of control that divides Indian and Pakistani=20
Kashmir. Tensions between the two countries remain high.

NURSERY BORDER SECURITY FORCE POST, Jammu and Kashmir, Jan. 1 - The=20
partition of the subcontinent into India and Pakistan, an enduring=20
symbol of longing and loss, is being enshrined here in concertina=20
wire.

On the India-Pakistan border, along a strip of land pocked with=20
elephant grass, the Indian Border Security Force is erecting a barbed=20
wire fence, laced with concertina wire. Overlooking the border, like=20
giraffes with bright eyes, stand 25-foot-tall floodlights. All night=20
long they wash the thatched-hut villages nearby with their hot white=20
glow.

The point of this ambitious and wildly expensive project is not to=20
keep out illegal immigrants, or even to stanch the illegal traffic of=20
gold, liquor and dried fruits across the border that had been, until=20
recently, a source of bounty for villagers on both sides.

This fence is India's effort to keep out what it says are terrorists=20
trained and backed by Pakistan to wrest control of Kashmir, the=20
valley just to the north that has been the subject of two of the=20
three wars between India and Pakistan. (India says that the gunmen=20
who stormed the Indian Parliament on Dec. 13 were from groups=20
involved in the guerrilla effort in Kashmir, backed by Pakistan, a=20
charge Pakistan vehemently denies.)

When completed - Border Security officials say it could be as early=20
as the end of 2003 - the fence will stretch across much of the Indian=20
side of the roughly 1,800-mile border with Pakistan, except the=20
mountains and marshes where it is impossible to erect one.

Those spotted trying to cross from Pakistan to India are shot and=20
killed. Last year, 87 people suffered such a fate and several guns=20
were seized, border officials said.

One mile of fence costs 3.2 million Indian rupees, or $68,000, a lot=20
for a country where many villagers live on a dollar a day. Laborers=20
from villages near and far - pumped up by motivational speeches about=20
one's duties for Mother India - do the construction work. They carry=20
out their job on this perilous chunk of border interrupted by spurts=20
of gunfire between Indian and Pakistani forces.

"No matter the cost, it's for our national interest," said Vijay=20
Raman, the chief of the border force in the southern part of this=20
state. "This is a physical barrier to check infiltration."

But nature sometimes rebels against Mr. Raman's designs. In=20
Rajasthan, the sprawling Indian desert state that shares the largest=20
stretch of border with Pakistan, shifting sand dunes obscure the=20
fence from time to time, or a fierce sandstorm smothers entire=20
sections of barbed wire. (Border guards there supplement the fence=20
with patrols on camelback.)

In Gujarat, the border is so marshy that the Border Security Force=20
has not yet figured out how to erect a proper fence. In Punjab, weeds=20
sprout every day beneath the fence; border guards have to crawl=20
through the wire and pluck out the underbrush. Given the lessons from=20
Punjab, a concrete bed has been built under the barbed wire fence in=20
Jammu.

Of course, before the violent division of the subcontinent in 1947,=20
such a fence was unthinkable. There was no this side and that side.=20
The people who lived in this area were kinfolk and friends. They=20
spoke the same tongue. They ate the same chapatis.

They still speak the same tongue and break the same bread, though=20
they are now citizens of enemy nations on the precipice of war - and=20
if they happen to live on the border, they bear the brunt of gunfire=20
across dividing lines.

The border fence, along with the land mines that have been planted=20
during the last two weeks, have swallowed up acres of fertile=20
farmland here in Jammu. Many villagers said they had not seen a penny=20
for their land. Mr. Raman said they would ultimately be compensated.

There is arguably no more powerful a symbol of souring relations=20
between the two nations than the border fence, and never more so than=20
today when travel links have been frozen and diplomats have been=20
called back. The last direct flights between Pakistan and India left=20
today, and trains and buses had already stopped running between them.

Border officials here say it was different only a few years ago. They=20
would hunt in each other's territory. They would conduct joint border=20
patrols to inspect the condition of the pickets that mark the border.=20
During Eid and Diwali, the biggest holidays of the year for Muslims=20
and Hindus in these parts, they would exchange sweets and greetings.=20
The holidays passed this year in November and December without such=20
pleasantries.

Before the fence was built, animals that strayed across the border=20
became subjects of border diplomacy. If a Pakistani farmer's cow=20
crossed into Indian territory, say, a flag would be raised by the=20
Border Security Force, a meeting between two sides convened and the=20
offending bovine returned to its owner, recalled Sukhjinder Singh=20
Sandhu, the commander of the Border Security Force's 39th Battalion,=20
which controls this part of the Jammu stretch.

If a wild boar migrated from India into Pakistan, instructions would=20
be dispatched to come get the unmentionable animal. (Pakistani=20
Muslims will not touch a pig, or even speak its name, so border=20
guards there would invite border guards here to come recover the=20
"hunt.")

The animals are no longer able to stray hither and thither, thanks to=20
the fence. Today, only birds, like the black partridge native to this=20
land, can fly freely over the border.

_____

#6.

Hindu Sena opens fire on revellers (Lucknow)
Two new year-eve revellers were injured when Hindu Sena activists opened
fire with country-made revolvers to disrupt the DJ Nite at a fun club on
Faizabad road late last night, police sources said here today.
http://www.hinduonnet.com/stories/2002010201381100.htm

_____

#7.
January 1 3:48 AM ET

Bomb Explodes in Karachi

By AFZAL NADEEM, Associated Press Writer

KARACHI, Pakistan (AP) - Despite tight New Year's Eve security, at=20
least nine people were wounded on Tuesday when a bomb that police=20
suspect was planted by Islamic militants exploded outside a popular=20
club.

At least 15 other people sustained bullet wounds as New Year's=20
revelers fired into the air with automatic weapons in several other=20
neighborhoods, police said.

The time bomb, hidden inside a car, exploded in the parking area of=20
the beachside Mariana Club, located in one the most affluent=20
neighborhoods of the port city of Karachi, Pakistan's largest. Three=20
cars were also destroyed.

No group claimed responsibility, but police said they suspect Islamic=20
militants.

Fundamentalist Muslim groups abhor New Year celebrations and consider=20
them contrary to the teachings of Islam. Shabab-e-Milli, the youth=20
wing of the orthodox Jamaat-e-Islami, or Islamic Party, had warned=20
people against celebrating the New Year.

Hundreds of ravelers fired shots in the air in various Karachi=20
neighborhoods to celebrate the New Year despite heavy police presence=20
and tight security.

At least 15 people were taken to hospitals with bullet wounds. One=20
was reported in critical condition Tuesday morning.

In other major cities, including the capital Islamabad and eastern=20
city of Lahore, heavy police presence was seen all night.

The government has been trying to tighten its grip on extremist=20
Islamic groups that oppose the more liberal lifestyles of many=20
Pakistanis and the pragmatic politics of President Gen. Pervez=20
Musharraf.

_____

#8.

EPW December 22, 2001
Book Review

History and Memory

Memory, Identity, Power: Politics in the Jungle Mahals 1890-1950 by=20
Ranabir Samaddar; Orient Longman, 1998; pp viii+295, Rs 250.

Nandini Sundar

Meanwhile, dusk had fallen. The inevitable power cut, the breeze=20
through the sal trees around the thana, the lantern, the tea served=20
to me by the sepoys in earthen cups, the casual exchange of words=20
with them to break the fatigue and monotony of reading and then the=20
occasional flashes of lightning announcing the impending storm - all=20
these were enough to carry the reader to a world of the past.

In recent years, there has been a growing corpus of work addressed to=20
the intersections between history and memory, between official=20
accounts and popular tales, and to the location of the 'past' in the=20
politics of the present (e g, Amin, Dube, Mayaram, Singer, Skaria and=20
Sundar). To this one must add Ranabir Samaddar's marvellously=20
evocative, if a trifle self-conscious, book.

Samaddar's account begins with four men sitting on a verandah=20
discussing the performing arts in Jambani pargana of the Jungle=20
Mahals (now part of Jhargram subdivision of Midnapur district), when=20
they decide to explore the history of the region. Yet, as Samaddar=20
soon discovers, the 'past' is an elusive object, encountered=20
simultaneously as "a cultural chronicle, a history or a political=20
story" (p 5). While drawing on the material that historians usually=20
rely on and more - colonial settlement reports, gazetteers, court=20
proceedings, village crime notebooks, nationalist accounts, private=20
papers of the zamindari, fictional genealogies and oral accounts -=20
Samaddar treats them not merely as 'sources', but as 'narratives',=20
encoding a particular form of power and resistance.

Samaddar starts with two fictional genealogies of the Jambani=20
Zamindari family, both written in the declining days of the=20
zamindari. One is written by a kshatriya from a branch of the=20
zamindari family and the other is written by a brahmin priest. While=20
both legitimise the zamindari, they also contain a degree of=20
self-assertion that counters zamindari domination - by emphasising=20
the author's closeness to the family, or by emphasising the degree to=20
which the kshatriya zamindars were dependent on the brahmins for=20
civilising and sanskritising their rule. In subsequent chapters we=20
learn that the relationship between the brahmins and the zamindari=20
family were not always cordial, that brahmin-dominated Dubra village=20
served as a counter to the seat of the Jambani zamindari at=20
Chilkigarh, that the brahmins set up their own temple at Dubra and=20
that the brahmins sided with the Mahatos and other peasants against=20
the zamindari in the agrarian unrests of the late 19th and early 20th=20
century. While the memories - oral and recorded - of court officials=20
and retainers presented the zamindari in paternalist, communitarian=20
terms, popular memories present a different face of the regime, one=20
that highlights its oppressions.

Chapter 3 looks at the process by which this forested 'frontier'=20
region, or what Sivaramakrishnan refers to in his book on forests and=20
the state in the same region as a "zone of anomaly", was settled and=20
subdued. The peasants protested at increased rent exactions, the=20
destruction of the headman or mandal system as headmen became rent=20
purveyors, and the appropriation of land as they fell behind with=20
rents. Restrictions on access to forests and the imposition of forest=20
dues played a major role in peasant unhappiness. Samaddar relies on=20
depositions in court cases on the forest question and survey reports=20
which mention conflicts and tensions over village boundaries and over=20
the definition and scope of particular rights (e g, the 'jot=20
mandali'right) - to examine the way in which the social order was=20
being transformed, and a particular peasant identity was being=20
created. In the absence of written records, popular memory also=20
serves as evidence for 'customary rights' and is often flexible,=20
depending on the interest to be served in the present.

To this popular memory, Samaddar then opposes 'administrative memory'=20
in the form of Village Crime Notebooks, recorded by successive=20
Darogas, charged by the colonial administration with both recording=20
local conditions and reordering those conditions. The Darogas'=20
discourse produces categories like 'habitual thieves' and 'suspicious=20
characters' to characterise entire communities like the Lodhas or=20
Kherias, or 'loyal subjects', 'reliable men' and 'police helpers' to=20
characterise others like the Satpatis. As Meena Radhakrishna shows in=20
her work on the criminal tribes, these categories often then go=20
beyond the realm of administrative memory to become part of popular=20
prejudice, and eventually even enter the self-perception of the=20
castigated communities. Moving beyond the Daroga as author, Samaddar=20
turns his attention to the letters of the zamindari and his=20
officials, which he classifies by receiver's address, frequency, etc.=20
The zamindar's letters, addressed to both colonial officials and=20
subordinates, are read as evidence for the tenuous nature of the=20
regime, poised between local Jambani society and the British raj.

The last chapter on festivals and rites is at once the most=20
fascinating and the most disjointed. Samaddar compares the Cho=20
performance of Chilkigarh to the more sanskritised performances of=20
Seraikela or Purulia, locates it in the structures of feudal=20
patronage, the displacement of indigenous mother goddesses, and the=20
displacement of women from public arenas among communities like the=20
Mahatos and Bhumijs as the process of sanskritisation increased.=20
Although Samaddar claims that his history illustrates the manner in=20
which a particular Jharkhandi identity came to be articulated -=20
through struggles over forest and land, and through the use of local=20
cultural forms for political protest - this larger connection is=20
relatively undeveloped. He assumes too much on the part of the=20
reader, for instance, when he writes, 'People with a knowledge of the=20
political movements in this region must know how a distinct=20
Jharkhandi identity and culture has been built around the popular=20
rites and festivities such as jhumur, tusu and bhadu" (p 239). Most=20
of his readers, unfortunately, will have little such knowledge, and=20
Samaddar provides no further help.

Rich and provocative even if often exasperating, this book is an=20
excellent example of the dividends that local histories can yield.=20
One hopes it will inspire both scholars and amateurs to undertake=20
similar journeys in their own region.

_____

#9.
Sarai: The New Media Initiative
Centre for the Study of Developing Societies
29 Rajpur Road, Delhi - 110054 [India]

January 2nd - 4th 2002

Dilliwale Kaun? Baharwale Kaun?
A photographic exhibition on a digital platform by Syeda Farhana=20

Dilliwale Kaun? Baharwale Kaun? is an exhibition of Syeda Farhana's=20
photographic & textual narratives on the theme of "The Outsider".=20
Focussing on Bangladeshi migrants, the exhibition is a product of her=20
part - residency at the Interface Zone at Sarai. This residency is a
collaboration between Sarai and the Khoj International Artists=20
Residency Programme.

Syeda Farhana is a photographer based in Dhaka, Bangladesh. She will=20
be present through the exhibition at the Interface Zone.

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