[sacw] SACW #2 (21 Dec. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #2. | 21 December 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

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#1. On the brink in South Asia (Praful Bidwai )
#2. Pakistan/India:The subcontinent's way of doing business (Ayaz Amir)
#3. Pakistan/India: Bring out the evidence (Kuldip Nayar)
#4. India: Concerned Citizen's Inquiry Report on Malegaon Riots
#5. India: Bawander? Rape of Sensibilities (Bina Sarkar - Elias)
#6. India: Hindutva : Of Coffins and Coffers (I.K.Shukla)
________________________

#1.

Special to Inter Press Service [21 December 2001]

ON THE BRINK IN SOUTH ASIA
By Praful Bidwai in New Delhi

Exactly one week after the terrorist attack on India's Parliament=20
House, which killed 13 people, India and Pakistan are at each other's=20
throats, threatening "retaliation" and counter-retaliation. Only a=20
combination of domestic and international pressure for sobriety and=20
restraint could bring them back from the brink.

This combination is yet to mature and the danger of an outbreak of=20
war looms large in what has been described as "the most dangerous=20
place in the world"-without exaggeration.

There has been significant movement of troops, tanks and heavy=20
artillery in the last few days along the border in Punjab and "Line=20
of Control" in Kashmir. Although Pakistan denies this, the Indian=20
army chief confirms it. He says his troops' repositioning was in=20
response to Pakistan army's "sizable build-up", adding "we are doing=20
what we have to do."

Several villages have been evacuated in the Indian part of Kashmir in=20
what has been seen as preparation for retaliatory Indian strikes.

Firing across the LoC has already resulted in the reported killing of=20
35 Pakistani soldiers and destruction of 25 border posts, according=20
to India's 25 Infantry Division.

Driving the developing eye-to-eye confrontation is the Indian=20
government's claim that five Pakistani nationals belonging to groups=20
supported by and based in that country conducted the December 13=20
terrorist attack.

Prime Minister Vajpayee yesterday joined hawks in the Hindu=20
right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party, led by Home Minister L.K. Advani,=20
in holding Islamabad responsible for a conspiracy to "wipe out=20
India's entire political leadership".

Vajpayee, who adjourned Parliament prematurely to underline the=20
present "critical" situation, described the terrorist strike as an=20
attack on the "very existence and honour of the nation", and declared=20
"all [retaliatory] options are open". He chided the US, without=20
naming it, by saying those who were counselling restraint on India=20
should be talking to Pakistan.

This could be interpreted as New Delhi's way of asking the US to put=20
even greater pressure on Islamabad to act against the two=20
Pakistan-based terrorist groups it has specifically blamed,=20
Lakshkar-e-Toiba (LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM)-or face the risk of=20
an armed conflict in South Asia. (The US says "it is important for=20
Pakistan to curb the extremists". It expects "=8Aboth India and=20
Pakistan =8A [together] to fight the terrorists=8A"

While the second expectation is wholly unrealistic, the first=20
statement offers hope that Washington would ask Pakistan to take=20
specific steps against the two groups, such as arrest their leaders,=20
or seize their arms and bank accounts.

LeT is already on a US terrorist watch list (though it has not been=20
blacklisted). JeM was set up last year by one of the main leaders of=20
a militant group which had been banned in 1995 by the US following=20
its killing of American civilian hostages. It too could qualify for=20
blacklisting.

Having raised the pitch of its response to the December 13 attack to=20
a high level, the Indian government has to secure some tangible=20
results in the form "anti-terrorist" action from Pakistan. Or else,=20
it must itself be seen to be "acting"-diplomatically, even militarily.

>From Pakistan's point of view, too, it cannot be seen to be "giving=20
in" to Indian "bullying". General Pervez Musharraf would loathe to=20
describe as "terrorists" those who his government insists are=20
"freedom-fighters". Islamabad has over 12 years fished in the=20
troubled waters of Kashmir, by funding, arming and training groups=20
which make few distinctions between military and civilian targets and=20
kill indiscriminately.

Already, Musharraf is under heavy domestic flak for having lost the=20
"strategic depth" provided by Afghanistan, by joining the US-led=20
"anti-terrorist" alliance. He cannot afford to be seen as further=20
"caving in"-least of all to India.

In India, at stake is not just national "honour", but hardcore=20
electoral politics. Vajpayee's BJP, which leads a fractious, rickety=20
26-party coalition in New Delhi, will contest legislative elections=20
in Uttar Pradesh and Punjab before the spring. Uttar Pradesh,=20
currently ruled by another BJP-led coalition, is a key state-India's=20
most populous-where the BJP faces a rout, according to all opinion=20
polls.

Many BJP leaders admit that the party's defeat in Uttar Pradesh could=20
lead to an unravelling of the national coalition. A "tough" macho=20
stand against Pakistan and "terrorism" gives the desperate BJP some=20
electoral hope.

That's one reason why the Vajpayee government has rushed to name=20
militant groups and their accomplices-without having gathered=20
adequate, direct, clinching evidence, as distinct from circumstantial=20
evidence. The two principal groups they accuse, LeT and JeM, are=20
organisationally and ideologically distinct and mutual competitive.

LeT is affiliated to the Al-Qaeda network. JeM is not. They have no=20
history of joint operations anywhere.

Thus, the Indian government won't find it easy, without further=20
investigation, to present the convincing evidence that the US demands=20
(on December 19).

This, leading to US pressure in favour of restraint, could=20
potentially inhibit an Indian military strike on Pakistani territory.=20
Mercifully, there could be other restraining factors too.

Domestically, there is widespread anger at the Parliament House=20
attack, but many Opposition leaders have warned against military=20
measures before exhausting political-diplomatic options.

India's armed forces are also reported to have cautioned against=20
attacking terrorist training camps based in Pakistan-controlled=20
Kashmir. They believe most of these are "no more than drill squares=20
and firing ranges." Strikes against them will have little impact.=20
Also, many camps are located deep inside Pakistani territory.

Attacking them risks a military conflict that could last for=20
weeks-with a frightful potential for escalation to the nuclear level.=20
Any conventional India-Pakistan conflict carries such potential. The=20
two exchanged 13 nuclear threats during their Kargil war in mid-1999.=20
Missile flight-time between their cities is just three to eight=20
minutes.

A nuclear conflict between India and Pakistan will have devastating=20
consequences for all of South Asia, indeed the world. A scientific=20
projection suggests that even a first-generation nuclear bomb dropped=20
over a city like Mumbai or Karachi could produce 800,000 to 2 million=20
early deaths, besides a radioactive cloud that will spread over the=20
whole region.

India and Pakistan are estimated to have between 70 and 150 nuclear=20
bombs. A nuclear conflict between them would destroy the=20
moral-political firebreak that has globally existed against the use=20
of nuclear weapons since Hiroshima and Nagasaki shocked the world in=20
1945.

This is itself a powerful reason why the international community must=20
intervene to defuse the present crisis. The "international community"=20
cannot be a euphemism for the United States which has played a=20
skewed, partisan and often ham-handed role in India, Pakistan and=20
Afghanistan. The US is not fully trusted as a neutral, honest, broker=20
by the public.

For international intervention to be effective, it must come from the=20
UN Security Council, as well as emergency missions from all major=20
global powers and South Asian states. No less important would be the=20
role of the Non-Aligned Movement.

A happy combination of international and domestic restraining factors=20
or forces could yet prevent a South Asian catastrophe. But these will=20
not rise spontaneously. They have to be created, nurtured and=20
developed. Can the world meet that challenge? -end----

_____

#2.

DAWN
21 December 2001
http://www.dawn.com/weekly/ayaz/ayaz.htm
The subcontinent's way of doing business
By Ayaz Amir

THE threats held out to Pakistan in the Indian Lok Sabha by Mr L. K.=20
Advani, India's paramount hawk, are strictly in line with a tradition=20
of sabre-rattling which has dogged the footsteps of both India and=20
Pakistan these last fifty years.
Whatever the occasion, bellicosity and belligerence come more readily=20
to us than any show of restraint or reason. This baleful legacy=20
awaits a touch of grace or statesmanship before it will be banished.
No doubt the terrorist attack on the Indian parliament has been=20
dangerous business, fraught with mischief. We have to thank=20
subcontinental inefficiency - a tradition as rooted as sabre-rattling=20
- that the terrorists involved botched their operation. What if they=20
had entered the parliament building and held any number of MPs or=20
even ministers hostage? That would have brought us dangerously close=20
to war.
India has squarely blamed Jaish and Lashkar-i-Taiba and, by=20
extension, Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence. Unless all the=20
facts are in, and India is not being particularly helpful in allaying=20
Pakistan's concerns in this regard, judgment on this score must be=20
suspended. But one thing is for sure. Pakistan's intelligence outfits=20
would have to be insane to be involved in any plot as irrational as=20
this. It is not in Pakistan's interest to be accused of 'terrorism'=20
or to do anything that compromises the on-going struggle in Kashmir.=20
Why should Pakistan be involved? What does it gain by it?
Which is not to say Indian outrage is not understandable. Those of us=20
in Pakistan who suggest that India itself could be behind this act in=20
order to malign Pakistan are being unfair. It is a bit like saying=20
that the Israeli secret service, Mossad, was behind the September 11=20
attacks on the US. There is nothing more absurd than conspiracy=20
theories stretched beyond the limits of credulity. But this is the=20
spirit of India-Pakistan relations: tending to believe the worst of=20
each other.
The war of words we at have at present - with Mr Advani holding out=20
the threat of hot pursuit across the Line of Control and President=20
Musharraf saying that any Indian aggression will be met with force -=20
is troubling and dangerous but unlikely to escalate into anything=20
hotter because the last thing both countries want is another war. It=20
is also noticeable that while Mr Vajpayee has said that India was=20
keeping all options open, all in all he has taken a mellower line=20
than his home minister (Advani).There is also the American reaction=20
to consider. With other eggs to fry in its 'war on terrorism', the US=20
is urging restraint on both sides. So it is a fair bet that while the=20
histrionics will go on for some time, we are not looking at the=20
opening stages of a fourth Indo-Pakistan war.
India will milk the Lok Sabha attack for all it is worth in a bid to=20
convince the US that it should pressure Pakistan to put a stop to the=20
'jihadi' activities of Jaish and Lashkar-i-Taiba. Like other=20
governments in such situations, the BJP's saffron leadership will=20
also not be averse to drawing domestic mileage from showing a tough=20
face to Pakistan. Jingoism plays well in all elections and with the=20
UP elections in India coming up, the BJP has everything to gain by=20
looking tough. All the same, it would be facile on Pakistan's part to=20
reduce the Indian reaction to the Lok Sabha attack purely to=20
electoral considerations. There is more at stake in the Indo-Pakistan=20
equation than merely the number of seats the BJP is set to win or=20
lose in the Lucknow assembly.
For India the US war on Afghanistan has been a deeply frustrating=20
experience. It had hoped that with the US turning its guns on the=20
Taliban, Pakistan as their chief foreign backer would be boxed into a=20
corner. Even before the US asked India for anything, India had made=20
every offer of assistance. Sadly for India, geography stood in its=20
way because as a launching pad for a war on Afghanistan, India's=20
usefulness was not half that of Pakistan's. The US did not spurn=20
India's frantic offers of help. It just ignored them and took=20
Pakistan on board. Indian protestations about Pakistan's involvement=20
in 'terrorism' in occupied Kashmir fell on deaf ears in Washington.=20
As India seethed with fury, Pakistan, far from being bracketed with=20
the Taliban, became the linchpin of the strike on Afghanistan.
Now out of the blue comes the terrorist attack on the Lok Sabha.=20
India would have to be more saint-like in its behaviour than states=20
usually are not to exploit the situation to its advantage. It is=20
perfectly understandable, therefore, if Pakistan once again finds=20
itself in the Indian firing line. But perhaps it is important to=20
understand that more than any attempt to intimidate Pakistan, India=20
is playing to the international gallery in order to put indirect=20
pressure on Pakistan. For what India wants above all is the death of=20
militancy in occupied Kashmir. Anything to achieve that end,=20
including the threat of war.
But not war itself. For all the talk from New Delhi of crossing the=20
Line of Control, embarking on such a course is easier said than done.=20
Pakistan is no pushover and entering Azad Kashmir by no stretch of=20
the imagination is the same as Israel's incursions into Palestinian=20
territory. In fact, it is hard to imagine anything more foolish or=20
risky at the moment than an Indian military adventure against=20
Pakistan. India is not strong enough, nor Pakistan weak enough, for=20
such a venture to succeed. Moreover, American attention is absorbed=20
elsewhere. The last thing the US wants is a subcontinental=20
distraction.
So what is India up to? The continuation of politics by other means:=20
the threat of war and the liberal use of propaganda, all aimed at=20
isolating militancy in Kashmir, tarring it with the brush of=20
terrorism and making it untenable for Pakistan to render any=20
worthwhile assistance to the Kashmiri struggle for self-assertion.
>From India's point of view these are worthy aims. But from the=20
standpoint of the subcontinent's future they merely hark back to the=20
politics of the last fifty years. The question is not what India or=20
Pakistan can gain in the short-term but what they can do to turn=20
their backs on the past and chart a long-term relationship that saves=20
them from the expense of useless militarization.
Not for any abstract reason, or anything grounded in idealism, is=20
this important but because, deny as much as the hawks on both sides=20
may, history and geography condemn the destinies of both countries to=20
be intertwined. This is no aspersion on India's size or economic=20
clout, just an admission of reality. It is no more possible for=20
Pakistan to think that it can look westward and close its eyes to=20
India's existence than for India to presume that bigness and economic=20
success place it beyond the necessity of coming to a rational=20
understanding with Pakistan.
The logic of force has not worked in Kashmir. If it has been=20
impossible for Pakistan to decide the issue by a clash of arms, it=20
has been no more possible for India to crush the post-1989 resistance=20
by a recourse to repression. The resulting stand-off has embittered=20
the Kashmiri people, for whose presumed sake both countries have=20
deployed their armies in Kashmir, and kept both countries locked in a=20
futile conflict.
Point-scoring and sabre-rattling are games both countries can play.=20
There is nothing new in this since this is what they have been doing=20
since 1947. Anyone except unreconstructed hawks would think it was=20
time to move on.
But two truths have to be accepted before any forward movement is=20
possible: (1) that Kashmir, without any ifs and buts, is a problem=20
awaiting a final solution; and (2) that while a miracle would be=20
welcome, there is no immediate solution to this problem. Once=20
understanding is achieved on these two points, the problem of=20
militancy can be addressed.
If Pakistan at this stage expects anything more than an acceptable=20
form of words regarding Kashmir, it will be guilty of a lack of=20
realism. If India thinks it can attain the end of militancy without=20
even making a verbal concession, it too will be living in a paradise=20
of its own.
To unbiased observers this would look like a sensible trade-off.=20
After all, the major concession would be coming from Pakistan and=20
only a semantic one from India. But India's problem is different. It=20
cannot abide any sort of concession, no matter how inconsequential,=20
to Pakistan. For the thing it detests above all is to be hyphenated=20
with Pakistan - as in "India-Pakistan relations" - and to be seen on=20
a par, even if for a fleeting moment, with Pakistan. This is a=20
psychological barrier which India alone can cross.

_____

#3.

Indian Express December 17, 2001
http://www.indian-express.com/columnists/kuld/20011217.html

Bring out the evidence
by Kuldip Nayar
Horror over the terrorist attack on Parliament is understandable. The=20
demand for action is also understandable. What is not understandable=20
is the angry response to the argument for restraint. Evidently, the=20
nation's patience has been exhausted by a terrorism that has gone on=20
for over two decades, particularly in Kashmir.

One way to deal with the scourge is the Israeli way, which the Indian=20
government has condemned. The other is to adopt the American way. The=20
US sought the cooperation of all countries before it struck. The=20
first way, Tel Aviv's response, was unilateral. The second has been=20
collective, involving the UN, though belatedly.

New Delhi and Islamabad should also be worried that the US looks like=20
staying in the region. It may have a base in Afghanistan and=20
'protect' oil and gas in the country

New Delhi should opt for the second mode. It must seek the backing of=20
the international community. That means 'credible evidence', which=20
India should share with as many powers as possible. The world knows=20
about the age-old enmity between India and Pakistan. It may take New=20
Delhi's demarche to Islamabad asking it to crack down on the=20
Lashkar-e-Toiba, in the same vein. The crucial part is evidence.=20
Leave the TV outburst by Major General Rashid Qureshi, press=20
secretary of the Pakistani president. The response by foreign office=20
spokesperson Aziz Ahmed is that Pakistan is willing to examine any=20
evidence provided by India on the involvement of the Lashkar-e-Toiba.=20
Islamabad may fudge the issue and deny it had anything to do with the=20
Lashkar. It may even denounce it, particularly when the US has listed=20
it among the banned outfits. But in the recent issue of the Friday=20
Times, a popular weekly from Lahore, the Lashkar's connection with=20
the ISI and official patronage to the outfit have been well=20
documented. The weekly has also disclosed the Lashkar's close=20
connection with Islamic fundamentalist organisations in Pakistan.

It is time Home minister L.K. Advani released the much-awaited White=20
Paper on the ISI. In fact, whatever evidence New Delhi has on=20
terrorist activity should be made public. Let the world know how=20
India has been suffering at the hands of terrorists, trained, armed=20
and sheltered by Pakistan. The carnage on September 11 and=20
hostilities in Afghanistan have shocked the international community.=20
It will take India's woes in the proper perspective, especially when=20
it has not done so earlier.

It has been proved beyond doubt that the ISI trained, armed and=20
guided the Taliban and that Pakistani troops and officers fought=20
along with them till the last minute. When Pakistan found it had no=20
option except to avow support to the US, General Pervez Musharraf=20
took a U-turn. All that Islamabad had built collapsed like a house of=20
cards. Musharraf justified the new policy ''in the best national=20
interest which was motivated by the concerns of security.'' He may=20
have sounded opportunistic but he managed to stay in the good books=20
of Washington.

We have yet not reconciled to our own position - of not being asked,=20
having offered all our support within one hour of the attacks in New=20
York and Washington. How could the US woo Pakistan, whose complicity=20
with the Taliban was beyond doubt? We went on telling the world that=20
a dictatorship was being preferred to a democratic state. Probably it=20
was not that black or white. Probably America had no choice. Perhaps=20
it chose Pakistan because it has a long border with Afghanistan.

The point for us to feel elated about is that Afghanistan, a breeding=20
ground for terrorists, is no more a launching pad for militancy.=20
Terrorism will no longer be exported to Kashmir from there. There was=20
a time when Musharraf was thick with the terrorists. He was unsure of=20
his ground even when he took action against them initially. In Sind,=20
he arrested some but released them quickly. He was probably testing=20
the waters. Subsequently, he joined issue with them. He has detained=20
many and faced the worst type of demonstrations in support of the=20
Taliban and Osama bin Laden. Musharraf has also dismissed the ISI=20
chief, transferred two top army commanders and demoted some=20
middle-rank officers baptised during the the Zia-ul Haq regime. The=20
military - one-third of it bigoted - may well have been cleaned up.

This mopping up must have emboldened Musharraf. He has enunciated=20
harsh measures to discipline thousands of madrassas which have been=20
training nearly five lakh students in fundamentalism every year for=20
the last two decades. The madrassas will need to register, submit=20
their accounts for audit and modernise their curriculum. This is=20
something we dare not do against the madrassa-like institutions in=20
India. The military set-up is best equipped for such tasks. For the=20
first time in many years, the Pakistani intelligentsia is happy. The=20
wave of Talibanisation, which was taking over the society, is=20
receding. Some leading journalists and academics who were in Delhi=20
last month were amazed to find India indifferent and uninformed. Any=20
step against fundamentalists in Pakistan strengthens our secular=20
society.

Musharraf's Achilles heel is that he lacks electoral backing. The=20
test will come next year when Pakistan has to return to democracy=20
under the orders of the Supreme Court. Pakistan may not turn into a=20
democratic polity. The army has too much at stake in the policy=20
Pakistan pursues. The army in a third world country seldom returns to=20
the barracks having once tasted power. It is worse in Pakistan=20
because authoritarianism is woven deep into the warp and woof of a=20
society organised on the basis of Bonapartism and feudalism.

The extent to which Pakistan becomes a modern liberal state will be=20
significant for us. It is unfortunate it still believes that the=20
terrorists it sends across the border are jehadis. This has only=20
communalised the society. The supply of arms, training or money in=20
the name of religion is equally divisive.

The important issue that Pakistan must face is that things can go out=20
of hand if it connives with the activities of terrorists who are=20
working against India. Those who attacked the Parliament House may be=20
loose cannons. But there will be many more like them. Pakistan has to=20
find a way out to deal with them in its own territory. What New Delhi=20
and Islamabad should also be worrying about is that the US looks like=20
staying in the region. It may have a base in Afghanistan and also=20
'protect' oil and gas in the country. The US would like to 'overlook'=20
China, Russia, India and Pakistan. It would also like to 'influence'=20
events in the region. This is the greatest danger to both India and=20
Pakistan. They must jointly act to keep the US from the region, even=20
if they do not see eye to eye on many points.

_____

#4.
Date: Thu, 20 Dec 2001 15:24:19 +0530 (IST)
Friends
Recently EKTA (Committee for Commual Amity) and Nirbhaya Bano Andolan
sponsored a team to investigate the Malegaon riots. The Summary and
conclusions of the report are attached. Full report (Electronic version)
can be requested from the undersigned.
Ram Puniyani
EKTA(Committee for Communal Amity)

ooo

CONCERNED CITIZEN'S INQUIRY REPORT INTO MALEGAON RIOTS

The Malegaon riots, which shook Maharashtra, were the first major riots to
have taken place in India after the terrorist attack on World Trade Centre
on September 11. Apart from the large number of deaths, 13, these riots
had some other peculiarities: they occurred in a Muslim majority town and
rapidly spread to a large number of surrounding villages, a phenomenon
seen for the first time on such a large scale in Maharashtra. In the light
of these specificities, we decided to investigate these events in detail.

The Team
1. Shama Dalwai, Professor of Economics, Mithibhai College
2. Jyoti Punwani, Freelance journalist
3. Irfan Engineer, Advocate
4. Sandhya Mhatre, Researcher
5. Shakeel Ahmed, Social Activist
6. Sameena Dalwai, Advocate

Summary and Conclusions:
The immediate provocation for the Malegaon riots was the scuffle between
the police and the Muslims over the innocuous distribution of the swadeshi
leaflet. If the police had placed more faith and confidence in Muslims and
not doubted what was just a normal activity, i.e. distribution of leaflets
outside a mosque after Friday namaz, no riot would have ensued then. As
Imtiaz Ahmad points out, "Such violence is usually sparked off by fairly
superficial and trivial causes though underlying them are deeper
considerations of political representation, control of and access to
resources and power etc. These trivial causes come to occupy a symbolic
significance for the group and conflicts arise from any interference with
the group's autonomy, security and identity.''

Before the riots, tension was being built up to consolidate the two
communities behind political parties in the light of the forthcoming
Municipal elections. The communal politicians (BJP-Shiv Sena) have been
trying to organise Hindus, as can be seen in the spate of communal
incidents in Maharashtra, some in villages near Malegaon, mostly targeting
Muslims. Witness the campaign amongst Hindus by the Shiv Sena-Jaanta Raja
using the Karanj Gavan incident of sexually motivated assault on a girl
child on August 18 and giving a communal colour to the incident in the
villages around Malegaon.

The activities of the Tublic Jamaat had also created resentment among
Hindus in many villages, specially where the outcome of the activities had
been an assertion by the Muslims of their separate cultural identity,
their renovation of old and construction of new mosques, and their
withdrawal from the village tradition of celebrating festivals jointly.

In Malegaon itself, Nihal Ahmad's attempt to win back his base has been
evident at least from March this year. Nihal Ahmed also visited Karanj
Gavan and blew up the incident of attack on its mosque by holding a public
meeting in Malegaon. His orchestrated campaign to whip up Muslim
sentiments over various issues culminated in the anti-US morcha in which
pro-Osama posters were carried by some youth.
The State Goverment and the police proved ineffective in preventing and
controlling the riot. During the riots, the anti-minority attitude of the
police resulted in more loss of life to Muslims. In the very first firing
incident, a bullet hit Bilkis Banu, who was drying clothes in the first
floor balcony of her house. Considering the location of the balcony and
the spot where the firing took place, one can conclude that the bullet
which hit her was not a stray bullet. The police used excessive force and
fired haphazardly on the retreating mob.

The apathy of police towards the Muslims was also evident from the fact
that police totally ignored the injured and left them on the roads to die.
The bias of police is also evident from the fact that they did not fire on
mobs vandalising Muslim properties.
The role of the police officer who gave the shooting orders at Mira Datar
Nagar must be investigated as the firing there was totally uncalled for.

The Shiv Sena used rumours about rape of Hindu women to build up
insecurity and hatred among Hindus all over Maharashtra, whereas the only
case of rape, which we could personally verify, was that of a Muslim
woman. Police made no attempt to counter these rumours. No steps were
taken to book those communal leaders who spread rumours knowing them to be
false.

The outcome of the riot has been alienation of Hindus, and to an extent,
of the Muslims from the Congress. Growing support to the Hindutva ideology
was also evident leading to political and social polarisation of the
communities. Nihal Ahmed on one hand and Shiv Sena-Janata Raja on the
other hand stand to benefit from such a polarisation. As it always does,
the Sena used its mouthpiece Saamna to spread its version of the riots.

Ignoring the communal build up over a period of time, the State woke up
only when the tension proved to be threat to law and order problem.
However, in the rural areas, even the meagre law and order machinery is
absent. Those who strive to whip up communal sentiments in rural areas
will always have a free hand. The only way out is mutual understanding and
co-operation between members of both the communities, which is a
long-term, ongoing process which can only be undertaken by committed
activists.
______

#5.

Indian Express: Month-end Musings. By Bina Sarkar Ellias, Editor,
Gallerie. November 2001

Bawander? Rape of Sensibilities

"It was a great cinematic story which was screaming to be told?a
strong-willed protagonist, and lots of drama in picturesque Rajasthan.
And I dared to tell it," so said Jagmohan Mundra, director of 'Bawandar'
(Sand Storm), released this weekend in Mumbai. He seemed a happy man.
The telling of the story complete, he needs now to merely tie up
nitty-gritties with the protagonist?Bhanwari Devi. Buy her the promised
land and ensure she does not get tangled in the web of NGO's who are
"pressurising" her to have the film banned.

Bhanwari Devi is said to have protested "only following pressure" from
women's groups. The director is said to have assuaged her and offered
compensation. And the women's groups are in a quandary. Bhanwari needs
the gift that will improve her life substantially (which they cannot
offer). How can they dissuade her from accepting this small fortune?

The question is of ethics and reality. The pressure on a poor woman who
must choose between economic security and moral indignation, is
colossal. Her acceptance will not sully her morals but reiterate the
irony of such situations. Once more, it will prove that a tragedy can
be encashed?bought, sold and felicitated as cinematic excellence. A
filmmaker will be feted for his 'daring' and the essence of the matter
lost in misplaced hype.

Jagmohan Mundra is a filmmaker whose trajectory of soft-porn films do
not exactly position him on a politically-correct platform for
championing women's causes. Mundra however, confounds you with the
earnest claim: "My aim was essentially to capture the spirit and courage
of a village woman who transforms herself with great dignity from a rape
victim to a rape activist."

Accepting that, we question then, the 'honest' appraisal of a real-life
tragedy: Bhanwari Devi was gang-raped and relentlessly terrorised by her
rapists. She sought justice which was denied. Instead, she was
humiliated and debased by the police, the judiciary and a brutal feudal
system?that allows her tormentors to roam free. A spirited woman, she is
today?with spousal support, and empowerment from a women's group?what
the director describes, a "rape activist." Not a bandit or a terrorist
but a rape activist.

Indeed, "A cinematic story, screaming to be told=85 in picturesque
Rajasthan," Bawander is reduced to just this misplaced raison-d'etre by
Jagmohan Mundra. What makes it ineffectual and even worse?dangerous, is
in the telling of the story. Powerful material that needs sensitive and
intelligent handling can be misused, misinterpreted or massacred. Here,
it does all of these.

The director wants to present the truth. But the truth is that the
director misuses his privilege as decision-maker?of how the truth is
presented. An earlier preview of the film, included an unnecessary and
offensive scene of the victim soon after rape. The skirt of the woman
was drawn up to expose her thighs in a crude manner. Mundra could not
resist slipping back into his soft-porn mode. Why? To titillate the male
gaze? Mundra used a double for the scene despite actress Nandita Das=92
disapproval, and questioning the need for the explicit frames. In an
over-ruling, the scene remained for "technical" reasons. It was only
after several months of debate and persistence from the actress, the
scenes were reluctantly edited from the film, just in time for the
premiere.

So fine is the line between truth and an 'honest' presentation of it,
that an assault can creep up on you insidiously, seemingly innocuous. To
appeal to the lowest common denominator, Mundra lingers long in the
second half of the film, on the court scene where a 'voyeuristic' rape
is conducted in graphic detail, over and over again. Your throat runs
dry with the crassness of the handling as you hear titters among
sections of the male audience. Each time the advocate humiliates Sawnri
(Bhanvari Devi), riddles her with sordid queries, there is laughter. If
these scenes were meant to evoke laughter, if they were meant to stir
libidinal fantasies, then Mundra has made a successful film. A fine
parallel to 'Bandit Queen'.

Jean-Luc Godard's, sardonic, "All you need to make a movie is a girl and
a gun," couldn't be more true with the froth of filmmakers today. Which
is fine if that is your intent. It is when directors take on the mantle
of dealing with serious issues and mishandle them that defeats the very
purpose. An honourable director is responsible for every truth
presented?how sensitively that truth is handled, and the delicate
process of making the final impact?can be lost in the tide of
sensationalism. Few directors have this sensibility. It is definitely
not manifested in the films of Shekhar Kapoor and Jagmohan Mundra.

The assault of the film, electronic and print media is so overwhelming
that questioning random transgressions becomes a full-time occupation
for the outraged. Especially in sexual transgression. In context to
Bandit Queen and Bawander, it is the women who are outraged, sometimes
the odd empathetic man. When questioning Nandita Das and Deepti Naval,
both of whom played their roles with sincerity and conviction, their
reaction was of unease. The awkwardness of being in a film they have no
control of; being friends with a director who had promises to keep, but
lost his way.

And yet, women are their own enemies too. In question is the back cover
of this Sunday's tabloid. A popular brand of coffee is plastered on the
skimpy bikini barely covering the model's breasts. She holds open the
inside lapel of her jacket which has the brand plastered there as well,
in invitation, simulating the dirty-picture vendor of street corners.
The copy reads, "Zabardast Offer! Buy One, Get One Free. Satisfaction of
Coffee in an Instant!" The message could not be more clear. The
complicity in accepting a crude ad such as this is horrific to say the
least. Even more disturbing is the fact that the editor of the paper is
a woman. The circle of reason becomes complete.
____

#6.

[ 20Dec.2001]

HINDUTVA : OF COFFINS AND COFFERS
I.K.Shukla

In a Hindi novel, Mukhra Kya Dekhe ( by Dr. Abdul Bismillah,=20
Rajkamal, New Delhi, 1996) there are two characters shown piquantly,=20
though pertinently, belonging to a new caste, christened as Neta.=20
This caste, which burgeoned in "free" India, acquired clout, vogue,=20
and respectability by sheer roguery. In tandem with the hoary babudom=20
of India, which itself is an unconscionably and inordinately=20
privileged caste, Sharfuddin Neta and Kamta Neta do quite well for=20
themselves in the locale of the novel, Allahabad district, set as a=20
micro mirror of rural India. The novelist deserves our gratitude for=20
having so aptly designated this new caste (Neta/leader) and made us=20
privy to its operations, of course fictionally, in his vibrant novel,=20
so redolent of reality that the reader feels these guys are well-=20
known figures whom he has seen and heard quite often, sometimes with=20
awe, and many a time with terror .

The Neta systematically, and Babu systemically, have defrauded and=20
despoiled India, and insisted on being rewarded for this "service" by=20
a "grateful" nation. Once in a blue moon when a scam or a sleaze=20
involving these muckamucks bursts forth a little too noisomely, the=20
collaborative media springs to their defense in deflecting the=20
popular wrath to something banal, but smartly morphed into=20
sensational. In journalistic lingo it is called being "responsible",=20
not complicit in a crime. All this while, ironically, the media pats=20
itself on the back that it didn't succumb to yellow journalism and=20
its lure.

So, if Kargil, the grave of our 500 men in uniform, proved a goldmine=20
for the Babus (bureaucrats) and Netas (professional politicos), it=20
may have been sordid but it was certainly nothing singular. If=20
coffins imported from abroad were stunningly overpriced, and if they=20
were unusable, that also is nothing unprecedented. It is standard=20
procedure in respect of our purchases. That they be prohibitively=20
overpriced , and essentially unusable - these stipulations make the=20
imports eminently attractive, and infinitely lucrative. Domestically=20
acquired coffins couldn't yield so much in cuts and commissions as=20
the imported variety. As to the indigenous cabal of entrepreneurs=20
minting pots of money out of Kargil, and Kargils to be, that is all=20
in a day's game, a "patriotic" routine. Patriotism of a sort has=20
always been a profitable business.

The more the coffins, the better for the coffers of the Neta and the=20
Babu. And, the business of coffins has proved quite lucky for the=20
saffron Taliban. Literally, killings have been made from dead=20
bodies, be they of minorities, soldiers, tribals, Dalits, trade union=20
leaders, human rights activists, or advocates. In fact the culture=20
of coffins is a uniquely saffronite enterprise, and it didn't begin=20
yesterday. Assassination of Gandhi, demolition of Babri and recently=20
another mosque in Goa, besides quite a few others, torching of=20
Staines and his sons, razing of scores of churches, are just only a=20
few dramatic and dastardly distinctions of this culture of coffins.=20
Innumerable murders of innocents, rapes of minority-community women,=20
wanton loots, hordes of communal crimes, financial corruptions,=20
countless scams and scandals, constitute the flesh and blood of this=20
ideology of death and destruction, degeneracy and darkness. It has=20
had a signal success in that in a very short time it destroyed both=20
the constitutional democracy of the Indian state, and also desecrated=20
and debased the age-old native ethos of anciently cherished diversity.

Votes are worth their value in gold. So a few thousands were=20
purposely killed in our Adolf's Toyota Trail of Blood and Tears that=20
set the nation aflame for months on end. Thus was another victory won=20
via vile votes. Vandalism against dissenters and violence against=20
minorities, in an ongoing war of low intensity calibrated towards=20
polarizing the society and paralyzing the polity, is geared to the=20
same clamorous need for votes. In the saffro-Nazi computing, power by=20
hook and more by crook is more sacred a value than a few thousand=20
deaths. If the non-Hindus can thus be rid of, the Hindu Rashtra "of=20
our dreams" will be closer to realization. Goodbye, secularism;=20
farewell, democracy. Beating the war drums now seeks cynically to=20
exploit the time-tested formula of winning one more electoral ride=20
to power (U.P.). If the "victory" vista is paved with a few thousand=20
corpses it would redound to the greater glory of Akhand Bharat=20
Vajpayee.

It is no arcane mystery why Hindu Taliban are so committed to LPG -=20
liberalization, privatization, globalization. There is lots of money,=20
as bribes and commissions, that they garner, and quite safely, from=20
such deals. Western businesses spend at least $80 billion a year on=20
bribes. (Exporting Corruption: Privatisation, Multinationals and=20
Bribery, June 2000, The Cornerhouse, UK). George Soros said in=20
Financial Times, 8 Dec.1998, "...international business is generally=20
the main source of corruption." And who pays and who benefits is=20
evident from the statement of Hugh Bayley, MP, in the House of=20
Commons, Feb.1998: "Bribery is a direct transfer of money from the=20
poor to the rich." Thus is the status quo of iniquity and oppression=20
maintained, thus is "stability", so dear to the tyrants, theocratic=20
and otherwise, sustained.

Making a nation into a coffin pays. Hindutva learnt it long ago from=20
Hitler and Mussolini, and in our times, from the likes of=20
Philippines' Marcos ($2 billion, Westinghouse alone paid him $80=20
million in kickbacks towards a nuclear plant), Zaire's Mobutu=20
(pocketed 30 to 50 per cent of all "aid" from abroad), Indonesia's=20
Suharto, Nigeria's Abacha ($1.5 billion) and Gabon's Bongo ($100=20
million), to name just a few of the darlings of the West. The moneys=20
they stole and the nations they ravaged are now laid in the=20
universal coffins of dead memory. That IMF, World Bank, western=20
banks, offshore banks are all involved in this massive defrauding of=20
nations is all on record. Till and tyranny cohabit well and flourish=20
together. It is only the nations, the people (rabble, according to=20
the West), that go under. Manila "is still paying $170,000 a day in=20
interest on loans taken out to finance the nuclear plant and will=20
continue to do so up to the year 2018." Admission by the Saudi=20
ambassador in USA: "...corrupt Saudis may have siphoned off as much=20
as $50 billion of the $400 billion spent on development" - Business=20
Week, Oct. 29, 2001.

So the coffin craft is on. Whether it be the Non-Aligned Movement and=20
Bandung spirit, or Sahrawi freedom struggle against Morocco, or=20
standing against a racist- settler-colonial state like Israel and=20
decrying its crimes in the stolen Palestine and Lebanon - all are now=20
aborted and securely laid to rest in the coffins of reversal and=20
regress by the Hindu Taliban. The way we choose friends or mentors=20
determines our mores. Domestically too, the Saffronazi juggernaut of=20
crime and corruption relentlessly thunders on crushing whatever of=20
value and valence India had acquired or achieved in its long holistic=20
history and hoary heritage. Terror as state stratagem to repress=20
dissent and demolish difference, to gag justice and blacklist reason,=20
is the distinctive faux Hindutva contribution to India's botched=20
polity. Fascism was voted into power by "democracy".

Otherwise the outlaws would not have been our lawmakers. Whether it=20
be the Parliament or state assemblies it is the criminals who abound=20
as legislators. Those who should be slammed into jail are lecturing=20
on "value", and "cleansing" history, turning India into a cave of=20
idiots, fanatics, and reprobates. India is doomed to become as=20
flimsy an entity as a dream, as horrific a reality as an eternal=20
nightmare.=20=20=20=20=20=20=20

______

#6.

Date: Fri, 21 Dec 2001

AN OPEN LETTER TO THE LEFT-DEMCORATIC POLITICAL PARTIES

(Issued at the INSAF Consultation on "Peoples=92 Agenda for=20
Intervention in the forthcoming State Assembly Elections in Uttar=20
Pradesh")

We the delegates representing some 80 social action groups, social=20
movements, trade unions, people's organisations and academic=20
institutions, etc. met on 15th & 16th December, 2001 at Lucknow (UP)=20
in a Consultation "to formulate strategies and agenda for=20
constructive intervention in the forthcoming State Assembly Elections=20
in Uttar Pradesh". In turn, we have renewed our commitment to work=20
towards building a secular-democratic-socialist nation state.

With a resolve to strengthen the secular-democratic polity in the=20
country, we realise that the forthcoming State Assembly Elections in=20
Uttar Pradesh are crucial for determining the future political course=20
of the country. There is need for all secular and democratic=20
political parties to bridge their parochial political considerations,=20
and join forces to build up a broad alliance to defeat the communal=20
forces.

The Sangh Parivar's attempts at redefining "nationalism" in the=20
context of Hindu Rashtra, and its agenda of imposing "cultural=20
nationalism" cut at the very root of the guiding principles of the=20
Indian Constitution. The Hindutva Agenda is, thus, to be countered by=20
the secular and democratic political parties through a=20
Secular-Democratic-Socialist Agenda to strengthen the nation state,=20
rather than limiting it to the "safety and security" of or working=20
for "peace and harmony" among religious minorities.

Meeting in the shadow of a systematic build-up for the continuation=20
of a war-like situation in the world led by the USA, we are concerned=20
that the NDA government led by BJP is cashing in on war fervour. The=20
recent terrorist attack on Parliament is also being used to mobilise=20
public opinion in favour of passing draconian black laws like=20
Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance (POTO). The secular and democratic=20
political parties must disassociate themselves from the above two=20
anti-national and anti-democratic acts. They must also convince the=20
public about their commitment towards building up peace and defeating=20
dictatorial designs of the NDA government, and take concrete steps in=20
this direction through political processes.

All secular and democratic parties should clarify their stand on=20
"Globalisation", that has pushed further the vast majority of our=20
population into poverty, hunger, illness and illiteracy,=20
unemployment, not to speak of the threats it has posed to the=20
sovereignty and survival of the nation and peoples. The way BJP and=20
its partners in power have gone far ahead in implementation of the=20
globalization agenda in India, it has confirmed our conviction that=20
globalization and communalism are complementary to each other. Thus,=20
there is no other option before the secular-democratic parties but to=20
resist globalization, and reassure the public that they would reverse=20
the process of liberalization, and aim at withdrawing India from the=20
World Trade Organization (WTO).

We also express concern at the growing "criminalisation of politics,=20
and politicisation of crime" in Uttar Pradesh. Not only did it=20
receive a new lease of life under the BJP-rule, the state has utterly=20
failed in providing security to the people. It is, thus, obligatory=20
on the secular-democratic political parties to demonstrate their=20
resolve by not fielding candidates with criminal records in the=20
forthcoming elections. They should also ensure that 33 percent of=20
seats are reserved for women candidates.

We would also like to draw the attention of all such political=20
parties that are committed to building the=20
secular-democratic-socialist state in Uttar Pradesh, to clearly state=20
their position on some of the people's crucial issues as mentioned=20
below, and incorpore these in the Election Manifesto:

1. Directive Principles should be made enforceable under the Constitut=
ion
2. The following to be made Fundamental Rights :
a) The Right to Food
b) The Right to Water
c) The Right to Work
d) The Right to Shelter
e) The Right to Basic Education
f) The Right to Primary Health Care
3. Formation of the State Human Rights Commission;
4. Formation of the State Women's Commission;
5. Ensure thirty-three per cent reservation for women in all=20
legislative bodies in the State;
6. Demonstrate their commitment to fight the criminalisation of=20
politics by refusing to field candidates with criminal records;
7. REPEAL and/or Reject Prevention Of Terrorism Ordinance (=20
POTO) in its entirety without any compromise by bringing amendment=20
into it ;
8. WITHDRAW FROM World Trade Organisation ( WTO );
9. Implement Panchayati Raj ( 73rd Amendment);
10. Land Distribution to the landless and actual cultivators; and=20
restore people=92s collective control and common usage over water,=20
land, and forest ( Jal, Jangal aur Zameen);
11. Legislate and implement Labour Laws for unorganised workers;
12. Implement the Unemployment Guarantee Scheme, especially in the=20
rural areas by providing work for a minimum of 150 days in a year and=20
/or provide unemployment allowance;
13. Ensure Farmer's Rights to natural resources, cultivation, food=20
security, and equality in procuring fair and reasonable prices for=20
the farm products;
14. Ensure Adivasi population its identity, dignity and self-hood by=20
implementing Self-rule under Vth Schedule;
15. Reinforcing Reservation Policy by implementing the Mandal=20
Commission Report;
16. Development Policy must clearly state that it would not displace=20
people from their habitat and livelihood. It shall review all=20
existing developmental projects.
Lastly, we would like to reassure all the secular and democratic=20
political parties that commit themselves to the above political=20
issues and considerations, that we would unitedly work in defeating=20
the fascist forces in Uttar Pradesh during the forthcoming state=20
assembly elections.

Dated : 16th December, 2001 LUCKNOW UP

On behalf of the participants, issued by:
Wilfred D'Costa (Secretary, INSAF) insaf@v...

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