[sacw] SACW #1 (2 Dec. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #1
2 December 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. Women, Rights and Afghanistan: Dr. Sima Simar Tours Canada
#2. Radical Salafism (Bernard Haykel)
#3. Pakistan: Xenophobic collective state of mind (Manzur Ejaz)
#4. India: History a la Joshi (Kuldip Nayar)
#5. India: The Problems of Plenty (Joanna Slater)
#6. New York Times disinformation on India (Mike Marqusee)
#7. India: Press Note - Public Hearing by the Dam oustees
________________________

#1.

Women, Rights and Afghanistan:
Dr. Sima Simar Tours Canada
When: 1-Dec-01 to 15-Dec-01

Dr. Sima Samar has been selected as this year's John Humphrey Freedom=20
Award recipient for her courageous efforts towards strengthening the=20
human rights of women and girls in Afghanistan and in refugee camps=20
in Pakistan.

As part of a cross-Canada tour, Dr. Samar will be visiting nine=20
cities: Vancouver, Victoria, Edmonton, Calgary, Montreal,=20
Fredericton, Ottawa, Toronto and Guelph.

For further details, see these Websites:
Rights & Democracy
http://www.ichrdd.ca
and
Women for Women Afghanistan
http://www.w4wafghan.ca/

_____

#2.

The Hindu Saturday, Dec 01, 2001
Opinion

Radical Salafism
By Bernard Haykel

Military victory in Afghanistan will not end the problem of radical=20
Salafism... moderate Muslims are the only forces that can ultimately=20
defeat the extremists.

RADICAL SALAFISM is the ideology of Osama bin Laden's Al-Qaeda=20
organisation. Its particular world view can be understood by looking=20
at the roots of this ideology in Islamic intellectual history and by=20
realising that its teachings have been marginal to and opposed by=20
mainstream Islamic thought. Muslims in the modern period are either=20
Sunnis (90 per cent) or Shias (10 per cent). The distinction pertains=20
to a dispute over the spiritual and political leadership of the=20
Muslim community after the death of Prophet Muhammad. In matters of=20
politics, two principles are strongly identified with the Sunnis: 1)=20
they are loath to declare fellow Muslims infidels, a practice called=20
takfir; 2) they prohibit war against Muslim rulers, however=20
tyrannical these may be, so long as Islam remains the religion of=20
state and Islamic law is enforced. Sunnis argue that adherence to=20
these two principles is crucial to maintaining social order and to=20
avoid warfare amongst Muslims which might lead to the demise of Islam=20
itself.

Osama and his followers are Sunnis of the Salafi branch. Salafism is=20
a minoritarian tendency within Islam that dates back to the 9th=20
century - under the name of Ahl al-Hadith - and whose central=20
features were crystallised in the teachings of a 14th century=20
scholar, Taqi al-Din Ahmad Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328). Ibn Taymiyya's=20
importance lies in that he was willing to hereticise fellow Muslims=20
who did not share his views and, more importantly, he declared a=20
permissible war against Muslim rulers who did not apply the Shari'a=20
(he advocated war against the Mongols who had declared themselves=20
Muslims but did not apply Islamic law).

Salafism's hallmark is a call to modern Muslims to revert back to the=20
pure Islam of Prophet Muhammad's generation and the two generations=20
that followed his. Muslims of this early period are referred to as=20
al-salaf al-salih (the pious forefathers) whence the name Salafi.=20
Salafism's message is utopian, its adherents seeking to transform=20
completely the Muslim community and to ensure that Islam, as a system=20
of belief and governance, eventually dominates the globe (Osama bin=20
Laden quote?). Salafis are not against technological progress nor its=20
fruits; they do, however, abhor all innovations in belief and=20
practice that are not anchored in their conception of the pristine=20
Islamic age. They refer to such reprehensible innovations as bida, a=20
term of deligitimation in Islamic law or the Shari'a.

Another salient feature of Salafism is an obsession with God's=20
oneness while condemning all forms of polytheism (shirk) and unbelief=20
(kufr). Certain Sufi practices (Sufis are mystics of Islam), such as=20
visiting the graves of great Sufi masters, are condemned by the=20
Salafis as diminishing true belief in Allah. The world according to=20
the Salafis is unequivocally divided between the domains of belief=20
(iman) and unbelief, and it is incumbent on Muslims to be certain=20
they remain in the domain of belief. This they can do only if they=20
are Salafis. In its radical form Salafism leads to the practice of=20
takfir. This is exactly what Osama did in his November 4 statement:=20
Muslims who are not with him are, by definition, infidels.

The mantle of Ibn Taymiyya's teachings was most famously taken up by=20
a movement in central Arabia in the 18th century. Known to its=20
enemies as the Wahhabi movement, its adherents called themselves the=20
Muwahhidun (believers in the oneness of God). The Wahhabis had a=20
powerful reformist message and were able to galvanise the tribes of=20
central Arabia into a powerful military force that allowed them to=20
conquer much of the territory of present-day Saudi Arabia for a short=20
period. So great was their zeal to focus all the beliefs and=20
religious practices of fellow Muslims on God alone, that the Wahhabis=20
destroyed in 1805 tombs in Medina. Such excesses, including the=20
declaring of fellow Muslims as infidels whose blood could be shed,=20
horrified the wider Muslim world leading the Ottoman Sultan to send=20
an Egyptian military force and destroy the fledgling Wahhabi state in=20
1818. The example the Wahhabis set, however, left an indelible mark=20
on Islamic world and like-minded Muslims would look to their=20
experience as a model to be emulated.
King Abd al-Aziz ibn Sa'ud, commonly known as Ibn Sa'ud, founder of=20
the present Saudi kingdom, based his rule and conquests on Salafi=20
doctrine, and this remains the ideology of Saudi Arabia today.=20
However, it is important to know two features that distinguish the=20
official Salafism of the Saudi kingdom from the teachings of these=20
radical Salafis. The Saudis believe that: 1) war against an Islamic=20
ruler is not permitted, and 2) declaring fellow Muslims to be=20
infidels is also not permitted. For this reason, the Saudi Minister=20
of Islamic Affairs stated on October 19, in the aftermath of the WTC=20
attacks, that ``obedience to Islamic rulers is obligatory for=20
Muslims''.

A principal reason radical Salafis like Osama advocate violence=20
against the Saudi state is in relation to the presence of U.S. troops=20
on Saudi soil. By permitting this, says Osama, the Saudis are no=20
longer adhering to Islamic law and consequently war against them is=20
permissible.

Such differences in abstruse legal opinions, however, do not explain=20
Osama's massive appeal among Muslims. It is his genius at=20
manipulating images and symbols, as well as his ability to tap into a=20
wellspring of legitimate Muslim and Arab resentment at U.S. foreign=20
policies, that explains his success. Muslims live under the yoke of=20
authoritarian regimes. Regimes that have succeeded in destroying the=20
fabric of traditional Muslim education and networks of knowledge and=20
socialisation.

What Muslims react to enthusiastically is Osama's role as a leader=20
and symbol of Muslim resistance to domestic and Western oppression.=20
This reaction is fuelled by a century of arguments promoted by the=20
Arab regimes that all the problems of the Arab and Muslim worlds are=20
due to foreign intrigue, and are not due to any policies taken by the=20
Arab and Muslim leaders themselves. This reasoning explains, for=20
example, the eagerness with which so many Arabs and Muslims have=20
accepted the theories that the September 11 attacks were the work of=20
Jews and Zionists.

So far, moderate Sunni Muslims have been reluctant to condemn Osama=20
in the light of the September 11 events. This is a consequence of the=20
quiescent political culture Sunnis subscribe to: pointing fingers at=20
fellow believers might lead to the state of chaotic disorder they=20
fear most. Moreover, the present conflict involves unbelievers=20
(Christians and Jews) and Muslims prefer not to air their differences=20
in public.
Another reason for this conspicuous silence is that moderates feel=20
the evidence incriminating Osama in the attacks has not been provided=20
by the U.S. Finally, fear of violent retaliation by the radical=20
Salafis has kept many silent. Moderate Muslims, many of whom have=20
been and continue to be oppressed by Arab and Muslim Governments, do=20
exist and must be encouraged to take centre stage.

In short, the battle being waged today is at heart an internal=20
Islamic one and may take a very long time to end. It is part of a=20
larger battle about the very nature of Islamic society and politics,=20
and one in which there are many sides (moderate Muslims,=20
state-sponsored Muslims, radical and moderate Salafis, secular=20
nationalists, and Shias). The U.S. is not, and cannot be, the primary=20
actor in this ongoing drama.
Military victory in Afghanistan will not end the problem of radical=20
Salafism and more Osamas are available to continue the misguided=20
struggle begun by him. The U.S., however, can participate as a=20
catalyst for those moderate Muslims who are the only forces that can=20
ultimately defeat the radical Salafis and promote a version of Islam=20
that is neither extremist nor intrinsically antagonistic to the West.

(The writer is Assistant Professor of Islamic Law, New York University.)

______

#3.

The News International 25 November 2001

Washington Diary
Xenophobic collective state of mind

Dr Manzur Ejaz

We, the Pakistanis, living home or abroad, have become=20
master-monologues, despising or ignoring the value of a dialogue=20
among ourselves and with others. We have convinced ourselves of prime=20
target of persecution and discrimination by others without any=20
realization of our infinite propensity to do the same in our own=20
society and to others. In the course of time, instead of recognizing=20
the historical and socio-political realities we have started living=20
by cliches. Such a xenophobic collective state of mind is,=20
inadvertently, serving the interests of our misplaced state and the=20
ruling elite that have consistently undermined the rights of common=20
citizens for personal gains.

These days, the prized cliche is the American abandonment of Pakistan=20
after the Soviet forced withdrawal from Afghanistan. Pakistani=20
expatriates, interacting with the US politicians never miss a chance=20
to remind them of their infidelity. Most of the time such questions=20
are raised to prove patriotism among their selected peer groups.=20
There is nothing wrong in bringing up this subject because the=20
Americans did leave the region without fulfilling their=20
responsibility. However, American infidelity has become a cliche that=20
is excessively used to cloak many debacles of our own making.

Most Pakistanis believe that Pakistan has always stood by the US in=20
difficult times. A common perception is that despite joining US lead=20
SEATO and CENTO agreements Pakistan was not helped when it needed it=20
the most in its war against India. Fact of the matter is that the US=20
gave Pakistan arms, worth billions of dollars, to fight Communism.=20
Wisely, Pakistan did not actively participate in any anti-Communist=20
war other than jailing a few of its own left leaning activist=20
intellectuals and retired military officials.

The SEATO and CENTO agreements were specifically designed to fight=20
Communism and did not call for members' intervention if they are=20
engaged in wars against non-Communist countries. Therefore, from the=20
American angle, Pakistan misused its resources to fight India.=20
Furthermore, if these were unfair agreements, Pakistani negotiators=20
should have reviewed them closely before signing them. And, after it=20
had been shown that the US is an unreliable ally, Pakistan should=20
have terminated its close links with Americans and devised an=20
alternative foreign policy. But, our governing elite, having vested=20
interests in the US and its auxiliary international institutions,=20
carried on their servile attitude with the richest superpower.

Overwhelming majority of Pakistanis also believe that their country=20
fought a proxy war against the Soviet Union for the US. It is an=20
interesting episode. If one argues that the Soviet Union was defeated=20
in Afghanistan with mammoth infusion of American (and Saudis)=20
resources only, Zia-lovers start fuming. Quoting unpublished=20
suspicious classified intelligence reports, they fervently assert=20
that Zia had started anti-Soviet crusade much before the Americans=20
showed any interest in Afghanistan. If this is true then the US=20
helped Pakistan in its war against the Soviets and not the other way=20
around. Nonetheless, it is amazing that the same Zia-lovers are=20
usually in the forefront of accusing the US betraying Pakistan.

Many enlightened Pakistanis were warning the Zia government of the=20
pitfalls in its religious crusade in Afghanistan. Many scholars had=20
predicted that Pakistan's indulgence in the Afghan war would result=20
in social anarchy, religious bigotry, and prevalence of drug and=20
Kalashanikov culture. Pakistan's ruling junta was not willing to=20
listen to any dissenting voice. Ziaul Haq and his Islamic=20
comrades-in-arm were determined to drive the pagans out of=20
Afghanistan and cleanse the Pakistani society of 'impure' Muslims. A=20
record number of enlightened Pakistani activists were forced out of=20
the country during this period. Ziaul Haq and his cronies had a free=20
hand to use Pakistan for their immature ideas.

Much before the US abandoned Pakistan after the Soviet withdrew from=20
Afghanistan, Ziaul Haq had successfully subverted Pakistani society.=20
As a result of Zia's Islamization, religious fundamentalists had=20
usurped the entire social space for themselves. Ethnic divisions had=20
hardened because of warlike conditions in Karachi and Sindh.=20
Corruption was rampant and state institutions had become empty=20
shells. Nonetheless, many army men and inventive business people had=20
become millionaires and billionaires during this period.

Inflow of huge foreign funds in the name of the Afghan war and=20
billions of dollars transmitted by overseas Pakistanis created an=20
economic boom in Pakistan. Means of their wealth notwithstanding,=20
several hundred Pakistanis
were added to the list of notorious thirty richest families. The=20
situation was further exacerbated when the hungry politicians=20
accelerated the process of loot and plunder. The banks were emptied=20
and state-run institutions were robbed mercilessly. The irony is that=20
the rich continued getting richer while the US had allegedly betrayed=20
and abandoned Pakistan. However, common Pakistani citizens got the=20
short shrift in the entire process that benefited the selected ones=20
in the last two decades. One can, and may be should, blame the US for=20
abetting the ruling elite that ruined Pakistani society.

Of course the US abandoned Pakistan and Afghanistan like it left its=20
other poor allies after the Cold War ended. Of all, Afghanistan has a=20
very genuine grudge against the US for abandoning it after the=20
devastation of a prolonged war: The US was a party in the war and had=20
a responsibility to rebuild it. Pakistan's economy also suffered=20
because of lamentable penalties imposed by the US. However, most of=20
Pakistan's problems were of its own making and had started much=20
before the US changed its colours. But our evergreen ruling elite has=20
cleverly shifted the entire responsibility to the US betrayal.

The elite of many poor countries uses such mischievous techniques to=20
cover its tracks. The colonialists were blamed for every societal ill=20
for a few decades after independence. Now, the US is blamed if=20
anything that goes wrong. Even the road accidents and electricity=20
breakdowns are considered to be the misdeeds of Uncle Sam.=20
Anti-Americanism has become opium of the masses, often used to delude=20
the people for covering sins of the ruling elite. This is=20
duplicitous: As if this so-called indigenous elite would create a=20
heaven for the common citizens had the US remained engaged. What did=20
they do for their people when the US was throwing money at them? And,=20
did the ruling elite stop looting national wealth while the US choose=20
to remain disengaged? No one, having direct or indirect access to=20
state power, stopped allotting residential and agricultural lands to=20
themselves or looting the nations and its people. Of course the US is=20
the big boy in the block who uses unfair and highhanded tactics to=20
get its way. But, the main responsibility lies with the ones who are=20
at the helm of the society.

_____

#4.
The Daily Star (Bangladesh) 1 December 2001
Between the lineS
History a la Joshi

Kuldip Nayar, writes from New Delhi
Proposals are afoot to abolish history books and replace them with a=20
treatise on culture. One can imagine the hacking job Joshi will do.=20
He is too biased and too fundamentalist to take any objective stand.=20
He does not even understand what our composite culture means, let=20
alone appreciate it... Joshi's exercise reminds me of the mess that=20
Pakistan has made of history. It has started history with the arrival=20
of Muslims in the subcontinent, nearly 1400 years ago. The=20
Mohanjedaro and the Taxila relics in Pakistan testify to the culture=20
of thousands of years back. But their mention has been deleted=20
because that was the Hindu period...

IT all began with a question on the 'Policy for Writing Text-books'=20
in the Rajya Sabha. Human Resource Development Minister Murli Manohar=20
Joshi was not even present in the House to give reply. He had left it=20
to his minister of state. Leader of the House Foreign Minister=20
Jaswant Singh was equally indifferent. He did not even come to the=20
House during the uproar which lasted for more than an hour after a=20
senior MP characterised the policy as the Talibanisation of education.

Talibanisation may be a strong word to use for the deletion of=20
certain portions from school history text-books. But what the=20
National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) and the=20
Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) have jointly done to=20
mutilate history is in no way less than what the Taliban have done to=20
disfigure human heritage. Since the ruling National Democratic=20
Alliance and the opposition are so apart and politically so tense,=20
particularly due to the coming UP election, that a sharp expression=20
by either side throws parliament out of gear. It is not what is said=20
is unbearable; it is the attitude which has become overbearing. The=20
Taliban have come a cropper because of their fundamentalist outlook.=20
It is only a matter of time when Joshi, under whose orders history=20
has been communalised, will become a relic of the past and relegated=20
to a footnote in history books. A person who refuses to accept=20
anything which conflicts with the interpretation of his beliefs is=20
too rigid to fit into the modern society. The tragedy is that the=20
harm Joshi is doing to the country's ethos of pluralism may be=20
difficult to erase.
Joshi initiated the debate that some 'distortions' had crept into=20
history books because the communist-minded teachers had authored=20
them. But he never spelled out the distortions. Without any debate on=20
what he found objectionable, he ordered the deletions.

Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee has said that they are willing to=20
have a debate on what he has described as 'one-sided history'. But=20
should there have been deletions before the debate? It is of little=20
consequence now when Joshi has presented the country with a fait=20
accompli. His fiat goes to the extent of saying that no class can=20
even discuss the portions his ministry has found to be twisted.

The deletions suggest that Joshi is annoyed mainly over the=20
references to the killing of cows and the eating of beef. For=20
example, one expunged portion is that cattle wealth was decimated=20
because cows and bullocks were killed in numerous Vedic sacrifices.=20
Another is that "beef was served as a mark of honour to special=20
guests in the Vedic times" and that "in later centuries the Brahmins=20
were forbidden to eat beef". Yet another is about the feeling of=20
'antipathy' among the Brahmins towards Asoka and Buddhism because of=20
'their anti-sacrifice attitude'.
Such deletions smack of religious bias, not of concern over the=20
accuracy of history. That Hindus do not eat beef (even the Kashmiri=20
Muslims do not) is a well-known fact. There have been demonstrations=20
by the sadhus in the past to demand a ban on cow-slaughter. They were=20
once able to surround the Parliament House. Some of those who are=20
presently at the helm of affairs were behind the agitation at that=20
time. Still Mrs Indira Gandhi's government was able to resist the=20
pressure and endorse the views of the Nehru-appointed committee that=20
a total ban on slaughter of all cattle would not be in the best=20
interest of the country as it was merely a negative approach.

Joshi has also expunged one reference to the caste system as if the=20
deletion will absolve Hinduism for the man-made differences. Why=20
should he fight shy of students knowing that the caste is the worst=20
kind of slavery that the upper castes have been sustaining for=20
centuries? The portion deleted states a fact which cannot be wiped=20
out even if its reference is dropped from history books.

The expunged text is: The rigid bind of the caste system which=20
started out as division of labour but was then 'made hereditary by=20
law and religion'. The lower castes worked and toiled in the belief=20
that they 'would deserve a better life in the next world or=20
birth...What was done by slaves and other producing sections in=20
Greece and Rome under the threat of whip was done by vaishyas and=20
shudras out of conviction formed through Brahminical indoctrination=20
and the varna system."

Whom are we trying to fool when we shut our eyes to the reality? The=20
caste into which one is born is the result of one's past life, Hindus=20
believe. One will be reborn in a future life in accordance with one's=20
behaviour in this life. This record of behaviour through former lives=20
is a man's karma. A man rises in caste through life after lifeor=20
through incarnation after incarnationas his karma shows a record of=20
increasing virtue.
True, the constitution of India today outlaws 'untouchability', and=20
makes it a criminal offence to discriminate against anyone because of=20
his caste, colour or creed. But the caste system is still very strong=20
because of its basis in religion. Joshi or his party the BJP does not=20
want to effect reforms in Hinduism and prefers to stay content with=20
the rewriting of history.

In fact, this is befooling oneself. Proposals are afoot to abolish=20
history books and replace them with a treatise on culture. One can=20
imagine the hacking job Joshi will do. He is too biased and too=20
fundamentalist to take any objective stand. He does not even=20
understand what our composite culture means, let alone appreciate it.
I do not agree with those who attribute more importance to=20
archaeological evidence than to traditions and writings connected=20
with the Ramayana, the Mahabharata and saints like Guru Teg Bahadur.=20
Whether they are myths, mere mythology or something else, they are=20
part and parcel of Hinduism. They cannot be rejectedhistorian Vincent=20
Smith tried to do thatjust because there is no monument to support=20
their veracity. If Joshi had allowed a discussion on that, students=20
would have themselves rejected the thesis. Hinduism is more a way of=20
life than the rituals which are increasingly entangling it. Openness=20
is its strength, not weakness. Let it stay that way. The government's=20
attitude to parochialise history is, however, only one example. For=20
the first time in the last 40 years, when the International Trade=20
Fair at Delhi became an annual factor, handicrafts by Muslims and=20
Sikhs have been displayed separately at a section called, 'Minority=20
Handicrafts'. Handicrafts are either good or bad, they are not tagged=20
as minority or majority. During the British rule, earthen pitchers=20
were categorised as Hindu water and Muslim water. Joshi's exercise=20
reminds me of the mess that Pakistan has made of history. It has=20
started history with the arrival of Muslims in the subcontinent,=20
nearly 1400 years ago. The Mohanjedaro and the Taxila relics in=20
Pakistan testify to the culture of thousands of years back. But their=20
mention has been deleted because that was the Hindu period and the=20
days of togetherness. What a way to close eyes to facts! History is=20
history, you cannot choose certain events and reject the rest. Akbar=20
tried to fight against orthodoxy. Pakistan Studies, a compulsory text=20
book for the intermediate class in Pakistan, says: "As a result of=20
Akbar's liberal policies the very existence of true Islam in South=20
Asia was threatened. Those who opposed these policies were either=20
martyred or exiled. All of this contributed immensely to the=20
resolution of the Hindu nationalists. Imagine their pleasure at the=20
Muslim adoption of Hindu dress and customs." Did Joshi take his cue=20
from here?

Kuldip Nayar is an eminent Indian columnist.

____

#5.

Far Eastern Economic Review (Hong Kong)
6 December 2001
AGRICULTURE

The Problems Of Plenty
A combination of bumper harvests and high support prices has landed=20
the Food Corp. of India with a growing mountain of grain. It is also=20
forcing the government to review its policy on agricultural subsidies

By Joanna Slater/MUMBAI

ABOUT AN HOUR outside Mumbai, there is a sleepy government warehouse=20
that, depending on your perspective, represents either one of India's=20
finest achievements or one of its greatest embarrassments. In room=20
after room, coarse sacks filled with grain rise toward the ceiling,=20
piled on top of each other in bulky towers. The air is thick with=20
dust motes and the smell of wheat.

At hundreds of state-run depots across the country, it's the same=20
scene. India's public stock of food grains is at an all-time high,=20
and next spring, it will grow still further to a whopping 80 million=20
tonnes, or four times the amount necessary in case of a national=20
emergency. Yet while that wheat and rice sits idle--in some cases for=20
years, to the point of rotting--millions of Indians don't have enough=20
to eat.

At the centre of the conundrum is the Food Corp. of India, whose aim=20
is to give support to farmers and stock nourishment for the needy.=20
Instead, it acts as a vast holding system for mountains of grain=20
bought at fixed prices. Storage costs alone, according to officials,=20
touch $2 billion a year.

Until recently, the government showed little inclination to check the=20
waste. Last month, however, it began floating a proposal that would=20
vastly reduce its role in the food-grain business by handing over=20
much of its existing operation to the private sector. "At the present=20
stage of its development, the country can ill afford the continuation=20
of such a situation," says Shanta Kumar, the minister for consumer=20
affairs and public distribution.
While the reform suggested by the government is a start, much more=20
will be required to fix a food system that is badly broken. Like many=20
other older state-run institutions, the FCI is a legacy of a very=20
different India. Created during a time when the country's greatest=20
worry was famine, the FCI now presides over the opposite dilemma:=20
plenty amid deprivation. The shift has been equally dramatic for=20
Indian farmers themselves, who must now adjust to a situation of=20
increasing global competition under the World Trade Organization (see=20
story on page 64).

In fact, the two phenomena are related. Because the FCI buys grain=20
from farmers at such attractive prices, it doesn't "allow agriculture=20
to adjust rationally," says Subir Gokarn, chief economist at the=20
National Centre for Applied Economic Research in New Delhi. Too many=20
acres are devoted to wheat and rice, says Gokarn, at the expense of=20
other crops that might develop into profitable export niches.

Though observers disagree on how to revamp the government's purchase=20
and distribution of grain, no one disputes the need for change. The=20
problem begins at the busy agricultural markets in the country's=20
breadbasket states of Punjab and Haryana. As a sop to farmers there,=20
the government every year sets a minimum price at which it acquires=20
wheat and rice, with no cap on the quantity of grain to be purchased.=20
Over the last few years, the amount procured has risen steadily--30=20
million tonnes in 1999, 35 million tonnes in 2000--thanks partly to=20
generous prices offered by the government.

During the same period, the amount of grain actually released into a=20
national network of subsidized-food shops known as the=20
public-distribution system has decreased. Of that, up to 30% may be=20
diverted back into the open market, according to one study, thanks to=20
rampant corruption. India thus finds itself in "a piquant situation,"=20
said the country's comptroller and auditor-general in a hard-hitting=20
speech earlier this year. "While more attention is being given and=20
more money is being spent, the outcome is the opposite of what we=20
expected."

In September, the Supreme Court agreed, demanding an explanation from=20
the central government and certain states as to why the=20
public-distribution system had ceased to function properly. Colin=20
Gonsalves, one of the lawyers who argued the petition, says that=20
globalization is partly to blame for a situation where public stocks=20
of grain sit unused. According to the logic of free markets, "to give=20
away a sackful of grain to a poor person is bad economics," he says.=20
"But what can be more important than feeding people who are starving?"
The change proposed by the government sidesteps that question. It=20
would maintain the policy of setting a minimum price for wheat and=20
rice, but abandon the practice of buying and storing unlimited=20
amounts of grain. Farmers would therefore sell their harvest on the=20
open market; if the market price were less than the minimum support=20
price, the government would reimburse the difference. Such an=20
alternative "will reduce the stocks and the associated financial=20
burden, but it will do little to alleviate hunger," asserts Jean=20
Dreze, a professor at the Delhi School of Economics who helped draft=20
the Supreme Court petition.
Experts like Dreze say the root of the trouble is the fixed price=20
itself. Initially, the policy aimed to protect farmers from the=20
vagaries of the market and ensure the country would become=20
self-sufficient in food grains. It succeeded all too well. In recent=20
years, the fixed prices have increased faster than inflation.=20
Supposedly based on the cost of production, the prices tend to be=20
determined by "a vocal lobby with a marketable surplus," says V.S.=20
Vyas, chairman of the Jaipur-based Institute for Rural Development.

SCRAP FIXED PRICES
Not surprisingly, that economic burden doesn't translate into great=20
news for poor consumers, who only access the grain after an expensive=20
stint in FCI godowns. Families living below the poverty line can then=20
buy it at half the total price the government paid to procure and=20
store it--a price that, depending on the region, isn't that much less=20
than market rates. As a result, Vyas favours scrapping the=20
fixed-price system altogether: The government should buy only the=20
necessary grain from the open market, he says, and neither the prices=20
nor the quantities should be announced in advance.

However, behind all the talk of reform looms an unanswered question:=20
what to do with the current stocks? Even if the government were to=20
buy no more grain at all from farmers, it would still take eight=20
years to clear the warehouses at current distribution rates. Various=20
attempts to use the stocks in food-for-work and other welfare=20
programmes have met with limited success. "All useless," snorts one=20
senior government official.
Exports are an option, but remain small and hobbled by inadequate=20
infrastructure. Giving away the grain as aid to needy countries is=20
another possible outlet.

When pressed, however, officials admit they don't know exactly what=20
will be done with the burgeoning stocks. "That is the million-dollar=20
question," says S.N. Sharma, an executive director of the FCI.

The dilemma highlights the uneasy coexistence between government=20
interventions and the free market. Doing the most obvious thing from=20
a humanitarian point of view--distributing the grain free or at=20
cut-rate prices--will disrupt the grain market, except where it's=20
done on the margin and only to help the poorest of poor.
Meanwhile, as politicians and experts debate the way forward, the=20
bags of wheat and rice continue to sit piled in government=20
warehouses, a silent testament to a policy gone wrong.

____

#6.

New York Times disinformation on India

LETTER TO GUARDIAN FOR PUBLICATION
23 November

Thomas Friedman's New York Times article (Guardian 23 November) on=20
Muslims in India exemplifies the kind of disinformation that has kept=20
people in the US in the dark about global realities.

Among the recent events that Friedman omits to report are: the=20
desecration of the Taj Mahal by activists of the ruling Bharatiya=20
Janata Party, the shooting dead by police of ten Muslim demonstrators=20
in Malegaon in Maharashtra, the banning of radical Islamic groups,=20
government attempts to impose 'Vedic mathematics' and other methods=20
of 'Hinduising' Indian soiciety, and the severe restrictions on civil=20
liberties (particularly threateing to Muslims and other minorities)=20
currently being rushed through in the guise of 'anti-terrorism'=20
legislation.
Friedman quotes actress Shabana Azmi's welcome critique of the=20
reactionary Imam of the Jama Masjid in Delhi but omits any reference=20
to her equally forceful criticisms of the attacks on Muslims by the=20
Indian government and media. He also omits any reference to the=20
persecution of Christians mounted in recent years by forces=20
associated with the ruling party.

Friedman's report is one of many efforts to conceal from the US=20
public the fact that among the most strident supporters of the US's=20
'war against terrorism' are the Hindu fundamentalists who now control=20
the central government in India. Sitting on the Indian cabinet are=20
individuals, including Home Minister Advani, who are directly=20
complicit in the destruction of the Babri mosque in Ayodhya 1992 - an=20
act of vandalism and intolerance as unacceptabe as the Taliban's=20
blowing up of the Bamiyan Buddhas.

With reports like Friedman's, it's no wonder so many people in the US=20
find it difficult to grasp the destructive hypocrisy of their=20
government's policies around the world.

Mike Marqusee
London N16 [UK]

_____

#7.
B-13, Shivam Flats, Ellora Park, Baroda-390007 [India]
Phone:0265 282232, Email: baroda@n...

Press Note: 1.12.2001

Public Hearing at Kevadia colony by the SSP oustees and the=20
distortion by Media and Government of Gujarat

The flawed and distorted report on the Public Hearing in Kevadia=20
Colony held on 23.11.2001 are not shocking but rather revealing. The=20
criticism leveled against NBA by media and ruling party shows the=20
well known callousness and lack of sincerity in the oustees issue=20
while claiming ideal rehabilitation. While Ex-justice of Gujarat High=20
Court, Ex-Chief Justice of Rajasthan alongwith Haroobhai Mehta, one=20
of the senior advocate, Kiritbhai Bhatt, senior journalist cum=20
editor, and Sohan Singh of PUCL where the judges who thought it their=20
duty to hear the oustees of Sardar Sarovar reservoir, Colony, Canal,=20
they were unjustifiably attacked and defamed by media and a handful=20
of politicians, who are indeed working against the interest of the=20
affected people and the project itself.

The oustees of six villages and others under Narmada Bachao Andolan=20
decided to hold a Public Hearing only since their genuine grievances=20
are not being addressed over years and decades. What was organised in=20
Kevadia colony on 23rd November, was a simple Public Hearing. What we=20
saw was a totally distorted and biased media reports through pro-dam=20
reporters. Eventhough hundreds of oustees were arrested and prevented=20
by police from attending and expressing their grievances in the=20
public hearing, many hundreds succeeded in attending the hearing.=20
Colony affected ousted in 1961, Canal affected ousted since 1979,=20
rockfill-dyke affected ousted in 1985, and reservoir affected ousted=20
since 1980s deprived of their life supporting systems who are=20
relocated and not resettled. The first 3 groups left out of the scope=20
of R&R policy, the reservoir affected entitled for land for land,=20
community resettlement, etc. alongwith other amenities but large=20
number of them already evicted are yet to get their due entitlements.=20
Public hearing became necessary, as the Grievance Redressal Authority=20
(Gujarat) have not shown the capacity to solve the main problems of=20
land. GRA even refused to give an appointment to the organised=20
oustees.

The arrest of adivasis at 3 am on the previous night, later arrest of=20
Medha Patkar inspite of release within 10 minutes due to the presence=20
ad intervention of sensible senior police officer and not taking any=20
action against the handful of politicians who tried to sabotage the=20
public hearing clearly shows the callousness of the state government=20
towards the oustees and state's desperation to scuttle the people's=20
voice and its incapacity to deal with non-violent people's movement.

In fact, even the Supreme Court has said in its order that complete=20
resettlement and rehabilitation is a must and non-fulfillment will=20
lead to stop the dam construction inspite of approval of authorities=20
and governments.

The Public Hearing was successful inspite of all the efforts to=20
sabotage it and the years old grievances of adivasis were heard by=20
all the judges with sensitivity and understanding.

The state, various political parties and media need to understand=20
that with no possibility of greening Kutch and Saurashtra and extreme=20
inadequacies as well as non-implementation in the case of=20
resettlement policies, the monstrous Sardar Sarovar Project can not=20
be pushed ahead. The political expediency will only boomerang as it=20
has been the case. The adivasis and others of Gujarat, already=20
affected and to be affected in the Sanctuary in Dadiapada, in Narmada=20
district, canal, colony, reservoir are determined to raise their=20
voice against injustice.

M.K.Sukumar=20
Geetanjali

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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