[sacw] SACW #1 (1Dec. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #1
1 December 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. Critical times for Bangladesh and South Asia (Kamal Hossain)
#2. CPJ Letter to Prime Minister of Nepal
#3. Nepal: This time it is nothing less than the future of our=20
freedoms that is at stake (CK Lal)
#4. ALERT...ALERT...ALERT George Fernandes' Dangerous Plan!!!! (CWGM)
#5. The case of a poor Asian Bangladeshi Muslim (Afsan Chowdhury)
#6. On becoming a South Asian-American: A personal history (Mahnaz Fancy)
#7. India: Secular activists to meet in Mumbai on Dec 6
#8. India Pakistan Arms Race & Militarisation Watch (IPARMW) # 54

________________________

#1.

The Daily Star (Bangladesh) 30 November 2001
OpinioN
Critical times for Bangladesh and South Asia

Dr Kamal Hossain
It is almost fifty days since the newly elected government took=20
office. Some may say it is too early to assess the performance of the=20
new government: that it is too early to expect results. On the other=20
hand, it is important for people to express their serious concerns=20
when their basic expectations for improvement in key areas such as=20
law and order, effective action against mastans, moving towards a=20
terror free environment in educational institutions, reducing=20
political tensions and promoting an atmosphere conducive to the=20
working of parliamentary democracy are not addressed. Surely these=20
expectations were not unreasonable. Yet we cannot but express our=20
deep worries at the prevailing situation.

While some of the godfathers are no longer on the scene, new=20
godfathers seem to be emerging. Patterns of terrorization and=20
extortion, from which people expected to be relieved, have not=20
changed. The only difference is that old areas of extortion such as=20
bus terminals have now been captured by new godfathers and their=20
musclemen, while tenders floated by different ministries are being=20
grabbed by different party cadres. In some cases musclemen who=20
operated under the umbrella of the previous regime have switched=20
allegiance.

Terrorism and black money have posed the major threat to citizens'=20
security and participation. The impunity of armed cadres has=20
encouraged violent attacks on political opponents and vulnerable=20
communities. Their violent assaults are reported daily despite the=20
proclaimed programmes for recovery of arms. These trends are a threat=20
to stability and democracy.

If the government is serious about its claim to address the issue of=20
terrorism and violence, it must be seen to act against armed cadres,=20
whose photographs are appearing daily in the newspapers. Public=20
confidence can be built only by effective law enforcement, promoting=20
an environment of political tolerance, and avoiding partisan=20
decisions. The tendency to reduce the administration and law=20
enforcing agencies into party instruments must be resisted. The state=20
machinery and the law enforcing agencies must act in the national=20
interest in accordance with the law and the constitution and not be=20
used to serve the interests of any party.

These are critical times for Bangladesh, as for other countries in=20
South Asia. We have all been seriously affected by global economic=20
developments as well as developments in the region. It is all the=20
more reason to move away from the path of political confrontation,=20
and use of repressive laws.

It is high time we learnt lessons from our past experience.=20
Confrontational politics, violent assaults on political opponents,=20
absence of respect and tolerance for dissent have undermined=20
democracy and development in Bangladesh for decades. They have also=20
contributed to misgovernance. We need to move away from this past and=20
work towards an environment for democratic participation.

The government has a prime responsibility to protect its citizens and=20
this responsibility cannot be waived away by dismissing reports of=20
post election violence as sensational, irresponsible or exaggerated.=20
It is the constitutional responsibility of the government to ensure=20
equal protection of the law to all citizens, regardless of their=20
religious affiliation. The cases reported in the press and which have=20
been confirmed by on site fact finding leave no doubt that there have=20
been criminal assaults in different parts of the country on members=20
of the minority community, including the women. These reports call=20
for immediate investigation and exemplary action against those=20
responsible. It is only such action that would establish the=20
credibility of the government's pledge to create a terror free=20
society. Proper independent investigation only could provide a sense=20
of security to those who have been victims of violence and at the=20
same time expose any inaccuracies in reports.

A government elected by the people must have confidence in the=20
citizens, and this can be done by sharing information and inviting=20
public discussion and debate on major policy issues. Its proposals=20
for gas export or other major policy directives must be disclosed in=20
detail to the people, so as to promote a healthy debate on this vital=20
subject both inside and outside Parliament.

The right to freedom of information is the basis for citizens'=20
participation. This is an essential ingredient if we are to take bold=20
initiatives in addressing critical areas such as education and=20
energy, health and environment, political and communal harmony. Even=20
a party enjoying a large majority needs all the more to build=20
consensus on key national issues, by securing the support of all=20
sections of the people.

As citizens we must once again emphasise that respect for the core=20
values and ground rules of democracy tolerance and mutual respect for=20
each other's rights is imperative. We need to call upon all=20
democratic forces unitedly to nurture the values of democracy,=20
pluralism and human rights.

People have expressed a clear national consensus on the urgent need=20
to neutralize armed cadres and to end their reign of terror.=20
Deterrent law enforcement measures must be seen to be implemented,=20
against all those responsible for criminal assaults on the people, in=20
particular on vulnerable members of the minority communities.=20
Citizens attach the highest priority to the rule of law, in which law=20
enforcement is impartial and effective. No criminal, regardless of=20
party affiliation, can be seen to enjoy impunity and remain above the=20
law. Citizens must continue unitedly to press the government to take=20
action against them. We must engage actively in cleaning our=20
educational institutions of terrorism, of attacking corruption, of=20
bringing about economic and administrative reforms and setting=20
priorities for education and health which are in the interests of the=20
people and not of narrow privileged groups. We must act together now=20
to prevent bad practices and misgovernance. We must act to empower=20
people so that we can realize our aspirations for a society in which=20
people can live in peace and enjoy security of life and be protected=20
by the rule of law.

Dr Kamal Hossain is the President of Gonoforum.

_____

#2.

Committee to Protect Journalists
330 Seventh Avenue, 12th floor
New York, NY 10001

November 29, 2001

Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba
Prime Minister's Office
Singh Durbar
Kathmandu

Via facsimile: +997 1 227286

Your Excellency:

The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) is extremely concerned about
press freedom violations in Nepal during the recently declared State of
Emergency.

On November 26, King Gyanendra declared a State of Emergency throughout the
country in response to an upsurge of violence between Maoist rebels and
government security forces that killed at least 100 people over the weekend=
.

Articles of the Constitution that have been suspended include those
guaranteeing freedom of expression and opinion (Article 12.2a), press and
publication rights (Article 13), and the right to information (Article 16).
Under Nepalese law, a State of Emergency can last for up to six months.

Already, since the imposition of emergency regulations, the government has
arrested 10 media workers associated with leftist publications, prevented
distribution of one day's edition of the mainstream Kathmandu Post, and
issued guidelines warning the media to avoid any coverage that could "harm
national dignity."

On November 26, police raided the offices of three publications closely
associated with the Maoist movement: the weekly Janadesh, the daily
Janadisha, and the monthly Dishabodh. The police arrested nine staff member=
s
and also confiscated equipment and written materials. Local sources reporte=
d
that the detainees could be charged with terrorism, which carries a life
prison sentence in Nepal.

The November 26 detainees included:

* Govinda Acharya, editor, Janadesh
* Khil Bahadur Bhandary, executive editor, Janadesh
* Deepak Sapkota, correspondent, Janadesh
* Ram Bhakta Shrestha, computer operator, Janadesh
* Om Sharma, editor, Janadisha
* Deepak Mainali, computer operator, Janadisha=20
* Dipendra Rokaya, Janadisha
* Ishwarchandra Gyawali, executive editor, Dishabodh

An unidentified Dishabodh employee was also arrested that day, local source=
s
said. Dishabodh computer operator Nim Bahadur Budhathoki was arrested the
day before.

Also on November 26, the palace announced that the government could detain
suspected terrorists for up to six months without trial. That same day, the
Interior Ministry publicly declared the Maoist Communist Party of Nepal
(CPN) to be a terrorist organization. The ministry added that any
organizations or individuals supporting the CPN and its activities would
also be considered terrorists, according to local news reports.

On November 27, the Nepalese army issued a notice to media outlets asking
them to seek permission from the army's Information Department before
publishing any news about military affairs.

On November 28, the government seized all copies of the Kathmandu Post afte=
r
the newspaper ran a photo of several Maoist militants, according to sources
in Nepal. Government officials then warned the paper's editors not to
publish articles or photos that "glorify" the Maoist movement. The Post is
Nepal's largest English-language daily.

In a statement issued that same day, the Ministry of Information and
Communication listed several proscribed topics, including reports that
"create hatred and disrespect against His Majesty the King and the Royal
Family," or "harm national dignity, create social disintegration and
instigate terror." The statement also encouraged the media to publish
official news and reports "regarding bravery and achievements of [the] Roya=
l
Nepal Army, police and civil servants."

CPJ protests your government's suspension of constitutional guarantees for
press freedom and other civil liberties under the recently declared State o=
f
Emergency. As a nonpartisan organization of journalists dedicated to the
defense of our colleagues around the world, CPJ urges Nepalese authorities
to refrain from using emergency regulations to silence journalists and medi=
a
outlets that voice controversial views.

In times of national crisis it is especially important that journalists are
free to report without fear of arrest or harassment. The nonviolent
expression of political views should never be considered a crime. If, as it
appears, the ten employees of Janadesh, Janadisha, and Dishabodh have been
arrested on the basis of their affiliations with these publications, we
demand their immediate and unconditional release.

Thank you for your attention to this important matter. We await your
response.

Sincerely,

Ann K. Cooper
Executive Director

[...] .

_____

#3.

Nepali Times 30- Nov.- 6 Dec. 2001

A state in dire straits
This time it is nothing less than the future of our freedoms that is at sta=
ke.

After a four month lull, the country has once again been sucked into=20
the vortex of violence. The Maoists' withdrawal from negotiations=20
was so sudden, and resumption of attacks on clearly identified=20
targets so swift, that it is now clear they were just buying time.

They used the truce for open extortion, clandestine recruitment and=20
training of fresh recruits. The government, meanwhile, carried on=20
with no fall back options. It slumbered through Dasain and Tihar=20
while the Maoists were busy filling up their pressure cookers. In=20
retrospect, it appears that the government, civil society and, yes,=20
the media, were all taken for a ride by these cunning strategists.

However, the government's complacency may not be as disastrous as it=20
looks during this week of gloom and doom. By their stubbornness and=20
by retreating from talks without explanation, the Maoists have shown=20
that they are not dependable players in national politics.

That's for the long term. But in the short term, the dramatic=20
escalation of violence couldn't have occurred at a more inopportune=20
moment. In addition to social unrest, the country is in the grips of=20
an economic crisis. Revenue collection is at an all time low, the=20
fate of the automatic renewal of the trade treaty with India hangs=20
in balance, tourism is in shambles, and all other industries are=20
apprehensive about what is going to happen next. The only saving=20
grace appears to be agriculture, where, ironically, we have another=20
year of bumper rice harvests. This is sure to create problems of=20
plenty, with rice prices dipping for the third year in a row. But=20
that's another story.

Sure, Maoists staged a tactical coup of sorts by hitting the=20
government when it hurt the society most. The country could have done=20
without a messy war at this point. It is clear the Maoists don't care=20
much about what happens to the economy, so focussed are they on the=20
revolutionary goal. Even then, it's baffling why the Maoists have=20
chosen this particular moment to take on the Royal Nepal Army=20
head-on. Not expecting a frontal attack, soldiers in Gorahi barracks=20
were taken unaware. In Salleri, they were better prepared and=20
inflicted heavy losses on the guerrillas. But it is extremely=20
unlikely that the insurgents can prevail over the security forces in=20
the conflict that has ensued.

Despite all its shortcomings, our democracy hasn't lost its=20
legitimacy. Everyone may not respect the government, but very few=20
aside from the Maoist cadre, question its authority. The interests=20
of a very large number of people-including almost all of the=20
middle-class-are tied with the present system. When push comes to=20
shove, they will defend it. Now that the interest of the army and the=20
political class has come to coalesce, the Maoists may find that they=20
shall have to deal with more than they had bargained for.

On the face of it, Maoists' misadventures look nothing less than=20
suicidal. The question that remains then: why did they decide to take=20
this risk? Answer: they had no choice. Hardline Maoist rank-and-file=20
have begun to feel threatened by the politicians among their ranks.=20
So they killed two birds with one stone-challenged the government,=20
and showed that their figure-head leaders do not call all the shots.

Bigoted they may be, but it's unlikely that the Maoist leadership=20
harbours any illusions about defeating the security forces of the=20
government in the present geo-political situation. No insurgency ever=20
succeeds without the intervention of outside forces, and recent=20
events in Afghanistan will deter even the most determined=20
sympathisers of Maoists from openly supporting them. The Maoist cause=20
does not have a significant support base either inside the country or=20
outside it. Or, is there more to the insurgency in Nepal than we=20
know about?

Bewildered by the enormity of the crisis and immobilised by the=20
complexity of its causes, it's tempting to grab a theory of=20
conspiracy and blame others for all our problems. A conspiracy=20
theory may be a sign of intellectual laziness-it requires neither=20
explanatory paragraphs nor footnotes, and there is no need to=20
enunciate nuances-but it offers solace in the face of challenges too=20
complex to comprehend. The problem with any conspiracy theory is=20
that it's too deterministic-even if you "know" about a "foreign hand"=20
you can do little.

On the other hand, rational analysis of socio-political events often=20
fail to offer full explanation of the causes, but what it does is=20
give us the options to deal with the effects that occur. While it=20
would have been useful to know the reasons that made Maoists back out=20
of the negotiation process, it's more important now to effectively=20
deal with the crisis and free the country from a prolonged period of=20
debilitating instability.

Declaring a state of emergency to deal with the problem of armed=20
rebellion is seldom a matter of choice for any democratic=20
government-it's a compulsion created by circumstances that seems to=20
go out of control and threaten the very integrity of the country.=20
The choice then is not whether to be in a state of emergency or not.=20
The challenge lies in keeping the response to violent rebellion=20
carefully calibrated, and avoid "collateral damage" that inevitably=20
result in any counter-insurgency operation.

State of emergency is an extreme step, and the only thing that=20
justifies it is the result that it is supposed to deliver. In=20
military jargon, it's called SHARP (Search operations to identify=20
rebel hideouts, Hot pursuit to nab terrorists, Annihilation of terror=20
network, Rehabilitation of victims of insurgency, and Propaganda to=20
isolate insurgents). The quicker an emergency runs its course and=20
achieves its objectives, sooner the normalcy returns.

The press, the political parties, and the army of urban=20
intelligentsia besieged by the political correctness of opposing=20
every move of government as a matter of faith will do well to=20
remember that this time it's nothing less than the very future of the=20
freedom they cherish so much that is at stake. It's important that=20
the fashionable 'left' and closet 'right'-more often than not, they=20
are one and the same-hold their fire for the moment. To paraphrase=20
Marx, if bourgeois democracy can hold its internal contradiction,=20
nothing else can ever defeat it.

_____

#4.

Communalism Watch and Governance Monitor
November 30, 2001
http://www.saccer.org

ALERT...ALERT...ALERT

George Fernandes' Dangerous Plan!!!!

The discredited defense minister of India, George Fernandes, has just
announced that the central government is contemplating a move to make
everyone up to the age of 16 undergo a compulsory military training
program. This is to motivate Indians youngsters to work for the
country's better future, he says.

He has addressed a seminar on "role of NCC in mobilization of youth":
"Though no headway has been made in this regard in the past, we
propose to do it now...not for mobilisation but for motivation among
the youth of the country so that we have a better future."

One such previous attempt Fernandes refers to is described below.=20
Also please note how India's future is being linked to its military
prowess and mobilization. Already several nuke scientists are running
around the country envisiong a "developed India" meaning militarily
advanced India with nuclear weapons, enhanced killing capabilities and
so forth.

The nonviolence heritage of the country is carefully and cunningly
replaced by militaristic and bellicose reading of our history and
heritage. Now the Sangh parivar is pushing the 'Christian'
hand-maiden to advance their violent and militaristic plan.

Won't India's future be great when the country's young minds are
poisoned with communal venom, history books are adulterated by
saffronization, and all the youth are trained militarily?

God Bless India!

THE NATIONAL RECONSTRUCTION FORCE

S. P. Udayakumar
October 26, 1998

The Human Resources Development Minister, Murli Manohar Joshi, has
announced another notorious plan of his: the formation of a "National
Reconstruction Force." According to the Minister, students passing
out of Class 12 will join this "Force" and work for 12 months in
several areas including creating literacy awareness among senior
citizens, development of barren land for agriculture, soil
conservation and water management, development of sports and culture,
health and family welfare schemes, population control education,
checking drug abuse, AIDS awareness, and women's uplift etc. The
government plans to give the participants an honorarium of Rs 1,000
per month.

The Minister reassured that the proposed "Force" is meant only for
harnessing the "yuvashakti" for "national reconstruction" and it will
not have anything to do with the RSS. The NRF will be an open
organization and state governments will be looking after the
recruitment and most other aspects of the scheme. Joshi said: "We are
of the view that all the educated youth of the country should realise
their social responsibility, that they come forward and join the
endeavour of national reconstruction so that a new awareness is
created towards the problems being faced by the country."

The "Force" is expected to be launched in January 1999 but the state
governments are not yet consulted for political approval. The
seemingly constructive program that appears to have been designed
along the lines of the "Janmabhoomi" program of the Andhra Pradesh
government has a few shortcomings:

[1] It is indeed a matter of great concern that the program is being
planned and implemented by a man whose track record is rather
disturbing. The recent education fiasco that sought to "Indianise,
nationalise and spiritualise" all levels of education in India is just
one example.

[2] Furthermore, the program is going to be carried out under the
supervision of the minister of state for culture and BJP youth wing
leader Uma Bharati. One has to consider the background of this lady
too. When the so-called karsevaks had pulled down the outer wall of
the Babri Masjid around 1:30 p.m. on December 6, 1992, people could
hear the frenzied slogans of Uma Bharati: "Aur ek dhakka do. Babri
Masjid thod do. Aur jor. Aur jor!" (One more hard push. Break the
Babri Masjid. Harder. Harder! See The Week, December 20, 1992. P.
42). It is important to note that V. D. Savarkar, who inaugurated the
Hindu Mahasabha's 1949 Calcutta session just after his acquittal from
Mahatma Gandhi assassination case, pointed out that their motto should
be: "Ek Dhakka aur do, Pakistan thod do" ("Give one more push and tear
off Pakistan!" See Indra Prakash, Hindu Mahasabha: Its Contribution to
India's Politics. New Delhi: Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha, 1966, p.
96). As the Babri Masjid was being demolished, Uma Bharati was crying
out: "It is the most blissful day of my entire life, I keep pinching
myself to see if I am awake" (See India Today, December 31, 1992, p.
28). It is rather dangerous to have such a fascist personality lead a
"national reconstruction" program.

[3] The word "Force" in the name of the program is not a mere
coincidence but seems to be a well thought-out phrase. The 'Hindu'
orthodoxy has always been preoccupied with somaticity and its lack of
'strength.' There have been quite a few initiatives to rectify this
weakness. For instance, the Hindu Mahasabha called for the
organization of Hindu self-defence squads in August 1923 in its
Benaras session which did not bring about the desired result. In 1925
the RSS started organizing, promoting, and demonstrating the 'Hindu
strength.' "With the basic Hindu weakness continuing to plague us
even after Independence," Hedgewar knew that "an overall Hindu morale
alone could prove an effective antidote to all such anti-national
challenges," and sought "to strengthen the same" (See H. V. Seshadri,
RSS: A Vision in Action. Bangalore: Jagarana Prakashana, 1988. pp.
4-6). The Mahasabha took pride in the facts that they had "championed
the necessity of militarisation" from the very beginning and that its
president B. S. Moonje established the Bhonsle Military School at
Nasik with the aim of "militarising the youth of the country."=20
Pleading for increase in the defense budget, and defense preparations
"on gigantic scales," the Mahasabha believed in manufacturing nuclear
weapons (See Election Manifesto of Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha, 1966,
pp. 5, 9). The Jana Sangh manifesto also called for several such
measures including a vast army with increased strength, producing
nuclear weapons and missiles, introducing intensive military training
in all colleges for two years and so forth (See Bharatiya Jana Sangh,
Election Manifesto 1967, pp. 3-4). This track record makes one wonder
if the latest effort is a carefully concealed attempt to militarize
young people and divide the society for deleterious saffron politics.

[4] With Joshi and Bharati in command, the speculation that this
voluntary network could become another arm for propagating the Sangh
Parivar's hidden agenda sounds very credible. In fact, the RSS leader
Golwalkar had called out once: "Let those ancient embers of devotion
lying dormant in every Hindu heart be fanned and joined in a sacred
conflagration which shall consume all the past aggressions on our
motherland and bring to life the dream of Bharat Mata reinstated in
her pristine undivided form" (See Golwalkar, Bunch of Thoughts.
Bangalore: Vikrama Prakashan, 1966, p. 96). After all, the
swayamsevaks have come to stand "for the all-round progress of
Bharatavarsha by strengthening the holy Hindu Dharma, Hindu Sanskriti
and Hindu Samaj" as the after-independence RSS pledge asserts (See K.
R. Malkani, The RSS Story. New Delhi: Inpex India, 1980. p. 200).

Such a task, quite conspicuously, requires day-to-day inculcation of
all those qualities of head and heart which go to foster strength and
competence in the individual to march on the path of lifelong
dedication (Golwalkar, 1966, p. 61). This 'lifelong dedication'
includes continual physical preparation, military discipline,
ideological indoctrination, and religious fervor. It often leads
young people on the path of racial supremacist feelings, communalism,
hatred, violence, and destruction. The RSS is already joined in this
'cultural revival' by militant groups such as Shiv Sena, VHP, Bajrang
Dal and so forth. The "National Reconstruction Force" could be easily
commandeered and the young Indian minds irrevocably poisoned.

_____

#5.

The case of a poor Asian Bangladeshi Muslim *

Afsan Chowdhury

Dhaka
No one wants to tolerate the thought that he is a Bangla speaking=20
Bangladeshi who practices his own variety of Islam in this part of=20
south Asia of which both India and Pakistan is a part, has the same=20
linguistic cultural types people in West Bengal and most of his=20
people are poor who are breeding their own culture of poverty.

I ask myself constantly who I am? A Muslim? A Bengali? A South Asian?=20
A third world citizen? A citizen of the globalized world? Every=20
question is loaded with far reaching implications. I am told I must=20
be one or the other. The words of President Bush, either you are with=20
us or with the terrorists has defined contemporary politics far more=20
definitively than perhaps the attack of September 11.

There is only "either or" in this war. History and identity has been=20
simplified to fit into the imagination of political convenience. In=20
the black and white world of globalized politics, the colour gray has=20
been declared a casualty and the rainbow has been banned.

I get a mail from a friend in London and she writes that the young=20
generation likes to identify themselves by religion more than=20
anything else does. Palestine has become a religious fight. Muslims=20
support the cause because Islam is oppressed by a Jewish conspiracy.=20
Our letters column is filled with rage against actions taken against=20
Islam. "I am a Muslim. Islam is in danger.
The entire Islamic world is a brotherhood. "Are we part of Arab or=20
Middle-East history then? Will we get a chance to be part of South=20
Asian history?

* * * * * * * * * * *
A Bangladeshi on his way to Kurdistan has to make a stopover in Iraq.=20
He has to find himself a hotel in the middle of the night. He finds=20
one but they refuse to believe he has a real passport. It says he is=20
a Muslim but they demand he speak Arabic to prove it. They all laugh=20
derisively when he can't. How can you be Muslim and not know Arabic?=20
He fails to convince them.

To them and to almost all Arabs, Islam is an Arab legacy. In fact,=20
the language, the culture and the jurisprudence, the three pillars of=20
Islam religion are Arab in source. The Arab-Israeli conflict is=20
ancient and is between the children of Abraham --in fact pre-Islamic.=20
It's older than the Israeli lobby in the US. It's not just a cold war=20
leftover, a result of Western creation to atone for its anti-Semitic=20
pogroms in Europe. It's also a present day display of very ancient=20
hatreds rooted in the Middle East history.

A Jew in Israel, a Muslim in Arab countries and a Hindu in India have=20
no conflict between their religion and their culture. The land and=20
the faith are one. With a Bengali Muslim, this is different.

It never ever strikes the mind of an Arab that the two could be=20
different. That in the beginning, the Palestinian question was a=20
national question and not a religious one. That radical Palestinian=20
George Habbash of PFLP is a Christian, that Prof. Edward Said is a=20
Christian. That many great Palestinians are Christians and it was=20
once moreMarxist than Islamic. The radical Islamist group Hamas an=20
Israel supported creation to dilute Marxist influence has stolen=20
nationalism from the movement and replaced it with Islamic colours.=20
Now the chant of Islam is stronger than the cry for the land.

* * * * * * * * * * *
WE pass through Sharjah on way to Moscow from Dhaka.You pass through=20
Dubai on way from Dhaka to London. You fly Qatar air to go to London=20
from Kathmandu. The ancient gateways still function as the same for=20
Asia.

At one such airport, they are passing passengers away. Nobody is=20
frisked before looking at a passport. Once they see the green=20
Bangladeshi travel document, a man softly whispers to himself,=20
"Miskin". (Then he looks at me and smiles when he realizes I might=20
understand the word). Outside the airport in the prepaid hotel taxi,=20
the driver is a Bangladeshi. This is rare, most Bangladeshis do=20
menial jobs. He calmly speaks about how he is treated in Arab land.

" Only Pakistanis and Indians are treated better."
"Hindu or Muslim Indians?
"Most Indians. They are good at their job. Pakistanis and Indians=20
have been part of the
Middle East for long."
Later at the airport, another man hassles me. He goes through my=20
luggage and then leaves the bag open as I check in. He zips the bag=20
of a European. I am the lesser man.
At the Heathrow airport, they refuse to accept that I am on a BBC=20
assignment despite the papers. Finally they are convinced when I=20
explain that I haven't reached London to do a job but edit my work in=20
the Bush house studio. In London, I can't be a miskin. In the Arab=20
word I can't but be a miskin. I have been identified.

* * * * * * * * * * *

WE read in the paper that Osama bin Laden is guarded by Bangladeshis.=20
Many people express pride. Osama's vision is not something I share.=20
Osama and Islam have become one to many Muslims. By shifting=20
residence and lining up with a bunch of mardrassah students my=20
identity is incorporated into an alien another.

Osama fought in Afghanistan with US money. At that time, the US=20
wasn't a Satan to him but once US bases went up in Saudi Arabia, he=20
went wild with rage. The internal fight of the Arab world has been=20
forced to become my fight. I have been told I am a Muslim therefore=20
an Arab and therefore a part of Middle East politics and therefore a=20
militant dangerous terrorist and therefore I am happy because I am a=20
Muslim. I can't buy this.
The Pakistani newspaper that quoted this report said that Bangladesh=20
separated from Islamic Pakistan in 1971. I wonder how Pakistanis=20
would relate the butchery of 1971 with Islamic Pakistan. After all,=20
Pakistan did it in the name of saving Islam. The Middle East was=20
resoundingly silent as people were killed and women and children=20
exterminated in 1971.
Was it because the brotherhood demanded that we be excommunicated? Is=20
that why Saudi Arabia didn't recognize us till 1975? And if we are=20
Muslims and the acts were to save Islam and the entire Arab world and=20
almost the entire Islamic world stood by and watched, we as Muslims=20
must also share that silence at our carnage. So we as Muslims=20
killedourselves? As Huntington would say, a civil war within the same=20
civilization. He also says that Israel is part of the Western=20
civilization. If nothing it's convenient for geo-politics.

* * * * * * * * * * *

One understands why the non-residents Bangladeshis are so keen about=20
Islam. They have no identity in the West and it must be a bit of a=20
shock to realize that residence in the USA doesn't make one an=20
American. So best to be a Muslim.

After all, who wants to belong to miskinland?. The US recognizes the=20
power of oil and the flying bomb so it is worth belonging to. It=20
suits both parties. Only power matters in identity. Just as the=20
Indians and Pakistanis only recognize each other in South Asia. They=20
have fought wars with each other. Only conflicts define people.

But what nobody wants to be is poor. Bangladesh is a miskinland but=20
within B'desh there are many varieties of poor. I once did a survey=20
of poor people's sense of nationhood and found that they had little=20
sense of any nationhood-religious or political except that of=20
poverty. "I am poor, therefore I am." The Hindus and Muslims were=20
united in a common identity without even knowing. They were first=20
poor, then everything else.
The Jews of Europe fought being pegged as only Jews but in the end=20
lost the battle. The Nazis only saw them as Jews and rest is history.=20
The European Jew had an identity imposed on him. The then politics=20
was not convenient for multiple identities. I am not suggesting that=20
the same force is at work but politics seem to reject this=20
multiplicity of identities. The jingoism of identification lies on=20
both sides, those defined and those who define. Everything has to be=20
reduced to easily understood stereotypes. The fact that there is no=20
notion of Asian Islam, no notion of Persian Islam Asian Islam says=20
much aboutus. There is no notion of the diversity of identity in the=20
West either.

The merger of Islamic and Arab identity is a political need and the=20
Muslims--the articulate middle class Muslims --cheer that too. It=20
doesn't matter that a Bangladeshi will always be a Bangladeshi and=20
never a full Muslim in the Arab world, however loudly he may beat his=20
Islamic drums. The Arab doesn't want to part of an identity, which is=20
so poor, so full of heathens.
No one wants to tolerate the thought that he is a Bangla speaking=20
Bangladeshi who practices his own variety of Islam in this part of=20
south Asia of which both India and Pakistan is a part, has the same=20
linguistic cultural types people in West Bengal and most of his=20
people are poor who are breeding their own culture of poverty.
Rather than be himself, he would rather be full of only a part. Is=20
that what everyone else wants?

Afsan Chowdhury is a Senior Assistant Editor of The Daily Star.

[ * This article was posted in the Mukto Mona , 28th Nov 2001]

_____

#6.
Masala.com 27 Feb. 2001

On becoming a South Asian-American: A personal history
by Mahnaz Fancy

Though you may not know it from scanning the news, a small step has=20
been made towards reconciling India and Pakistan. Or, maybe, I should=20
say, between Indian-American and Pakistani-Americans. I am speaking=20
of this new, unwieldy and generalizing demographic category that has=20
become the preferred term for referring to all Americans originating=20
from the entire Sub-Continent - "South Asian-American."
I don't know exactly when it was accepted into the discourse of=20
American identity because it didn't have much currency while I was in=20
college in the late 80s and then, a few years later, it was=20
everywhere as I started graduate school in the mid-90s. Anyone who=20
has gone through the American college application process will=20
understand why these two moments serve as markers of my ethnic=20
self-awareness - because I was faced with those dreadful=20
race/ethnicity questions on the personal information section.
While still in high school, I had grown accustomed to being relegated=20
to nether-regions of "Other"-ness, refusing to fill in the proffered=20
blank line with any specificities. Even at that relatively=20
politically-na=EFve age, I was aware of the indignity of not being=20
recognized by my country of residence, which, at that time, also=20
insisted on categorizing me as a "Resident Alien." There was a=20
certain sense of satisfaction in placing that initial check within=20
that clearly defined box.
But now that I had officially claimed the identity, I had to learn to=20
live as a "South Asian-American" rather than the more fragmented=20
identity I had practiced to this point. For most of my childhood, my=20
ethnic or cultural identification was a sort of game where I could=20
choose to present myself to my audience based on a whim. Depending on=20
such variables as where I was geographically, whom I was addressing,=20
or, simply, the mood I was in, I would introduce myself as a New=20
Yorker, an American or a Pakistani. Sometimes when the latter=20
elicited a blank look, I would throw a little historical hint by=20
mentioning the older label of my people, "Indian," and watch the=20
apologetic relief in my geographically-ignorant interlocutor's face.=20
At times, I even sidestepped the whole situation or, rather, invoked=20
more mystery by mumbling something vague about an early childhood in=20
Paris.
The inscrutable identity that I enjoyed as a Pakistani-born American=20
growing up in Manhattan in the early 80s was a product of the world=20
that my family inhabited. This was that na=EFve age prior to the=20
ascendance of the ubiquitous South Asian taxi driver, the migration=20
of the bhangra club mix trend, or the appearance of the character Apu=20
on The Simpsons - a time when the American national consciousness had=20
very little sense of what to make of us. My siblings and I were, for=20
the most part, the only brown kids in the small and sheltered upper=20
middle-class enclave of the Upper East Side. And, having lived in=20
several different countries without the sometimes-stifling comfort of=20
a community of similarly-complexioned people, we had become masters=20
of assimilation by a young age, wielding an arsenal of appropriate=20
tools: facility with multiple languages, cultures and accents.
But now, I was presented with the unique opportunity to redefine=20
myself in my mid-twenties. This newly-coined category of the "South=20
Asian-American" offered a blank slate upon which I could participate=20
in the work of defining myself as a part of a large and diverse=20
community made up of people who shared neither language or religion=20
but were joined in forming a collective hybrid culture as American.
The privilege in actually being able to create a new identity for=20
oneself is that it is an intellectual and political project that=20
still leaves room for making personal choices based on the emotional=20
significance of certain elements. After having existed within the=20
particularities of my family's cultural identity, as the child of a=20
Gujarati-speaking Ismaili father whose family lived in East Africa=20
for several generations and a Punjabi mother whose family of Sunni=20
Pirs hailed from Kashmir; brought up in a home where we spoke a=20
language that borrowed simultaneously from Urdu, English and French;=20
and impelled forward by a decision my father made to become an=20
American rather than return to a country whose megalomaniac leader=20
had robbed his family of their pride some thirty years ago, I had a=20
significant responsibility in my hands.
My identity is now a narrative I write and live in my everyday life=20
and a dialogue with those who share membership in this category. My=20
concerns as a South Asian-American are not limited by the specific=20
cultural identity I was born into. The divisive racist and=20
class-conscious historical barriers erected between Indian and=20
Pakistani, or Hindu and Muslim, Sunni and Shi'ia, Punjabi and=20
Bengali, etc. no longer have the same significance for me and have to=20
somehow be shed. Through this act, one's perspective must shift away=20
from nostalgia for some sentimentally idealized past and towards a=20
future that is only just beginning to reveal itself.
I no longer have to struggle with baffling comments like "Remember=20
who you are and where you come from" which only served to remind me=20
that I could remember very little of my life in Pakistan between=20
birth and the age of three. Now, rather, the question is what kind of=20
cultural heritage do I want for my future children, who will most=20
probably be checking off the South Asian-American box on their=20
college applications as well.

Mahnaz Fancy is a freelance writer.
(2001-02-27 00:00:00)

____

#7.

Secular activists to meet in Mumbai on Dec 6
On December 6, nine years after the Babri Masjid at Ayodhya was demolished
in 1992, a number of secular groups will come together in Mumbai to demand,
among other things, action against communal elements, including those guilt=
y
of the demolition.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow.asp?art_id=3D191197404

____

#8.

India Pakistan Arms Race & Militarisation Watch (IPARMW) # 54
14 -30 November 2001
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/IPARMW/message/65

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit citizens wire service run by
South Asia Citizens Web (http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996. To=20
subscribe send a blank
message to: <act-subscribe@yahoogroups.com> / To unsubscribe send a blank
message to: <act-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com>
________________________________________
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.

--=20