[sacw] SACW #2 (14 Nov. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #2.
14 November 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. UN role for democratic Afghan govt urged
#2. Women demand role in post-Taliban set-up
#3. Fall of Kabul
#4. Kabul Falls What Next? (Farooq Tariq)
#5. Civilians at Risk in Afghanistan - News Release by the Amnesty=20
International
#6. Anand Patwardhan's latest documentary, Jang aur Aman (War and Peace)
#7. The Indian Muslim and the loyalty test - Did I pass or fail?=20
(Mushirul Hasan)
#8. Support for Unilever Workers in India Exposed to Mercury!
#9. India: Secular Backlash Hint In JNU Poll Result

________________________

#1.

>Dawn, Nov.4, 2001
>UN role for democratic Afghan govt urged
>
>By Our Staff Reporter
>
>
>Asma Jehangir, Luisa Morgantini (member of European Parliament), Sahar
>Saba from RAWA and some members of Italian parliament in the press
>conference. RAWA photo
>
>ISLAMABAD, Nov 3: Women activists from Human Rights Commission of Pakistan
>(HRCP), European Union and Revolutionary Afghan Women Association (Rawa)
>on Saturday demanded that the United Nations should play its pivotal role
>in the formation of post-Taliban government in Afghanistan through electio=
ns.
>
>Speaking at a news conference here, HRCP national council member Asma
>Jehangir, European Parliament member Luisa Morgantini and Sahar Saba of
>Rawa called for the elimination of all fundamentalist groups without any
>exception or conditions, paving the way for free elections.
>
>"We have gathered women activists to show to freedom-loving people,
>especially women of Afghanistan, that we are with them in these difficult
>conditions, and to declare our deep solidarity with them against
>fundamentalism and for freedom, development and democracy," they said.
>The efforts for peace in Afghanistan should be based on the values of
>democracy, women's rights and free elections, they said.
>
>They also wanted the Afghan women, especially those who struggled against
>fundamentalism, to be present at the negotiation table.
>
>Ms Sahar said the Taliban government should not be replaced with warlords
>or the Northern Alliance as, she said they also criminal records.
>
>She denounced the Taliban and the Northern Alliance and said her
>organization was against fundamentalism.
>
>Ms Jehangir was of the view that the women of Afghanistan had been kept
>away from the mainstream for too long due to which they had suffered a lot
>and the time had come for them to be included in the peace process.
>
>They said that the death of thousands of innocent people due to the event
>of Sept 11 in New York should not be answered with the killing of innocent
>and defenceless people of Afghanistan. There were many other ways to fight
>terrorism, they said.
>
>Almost a month had passed since the US attacks begun and no major damage
>to Taliban or Al Qaeda could be seen, despite claims by the United States
>they said. Instead, the number of civilian casualties was increasing day
>by day, they deplored.
>
>The people of Afghanistan, they said, wholeheartedly wanted the return of
>peace and freedom in their country. Therefore, it is necessary to put an
>end to all forms of fundamentalism both from the Taliban and the Northern
>Alliance.
>
>They said they wanted peace for a nation which had faced brutalities and
>torture for more than two decades and experienced atrocities and savagery
>of different brands of fundamentalism. They said they wanted Afghan nation
>to decide its own future.
>
>They said they wanted peace and stability for the more than four million
>Afghan refugees in Pakistan and Iran, who were experiencing the most
>inhuman conditions in the refugee camps. Due to the recent crisis, their
>number was increasing making their unbearable condition even worse.
>
>They said that the catastrophe of Afghan refugees was the largest one to
>which the world community should pay attention seriously, but this
>catastrophe would not end unless there was peace and stability in the
country.
>
>They expressed the belief that the elimination of fundamentalist terrorism
>would not be possible without amendment in the policies of West towards
>the Middle East. "We want peace and justice all over the world, and do not
>believe that war is a solution; war brings war, for this reason we ask for
>immediate stop to bombing," they implored.
>
>From:
><http://www.dawn.com/2001/11/04/top17.htm>http://www.dawn.com/2001/11/04/t=
o
p17.htm

______

#2.

The News International
Wednesday, November 14, 2001=20=20

Women demand role in post-Taliban set-up

Afghan women who were among the chief victims of the Taliban's=20
five-year hardline rule are shouting to be heard as plans unfold for=20
a new regime in Kabul.

Forced behind the veil, sequestered in their homes and banned from=20
the classroom and the workplace because of the Taliban's radical=20
interpretation of Islamic law, Afghan women activists complain they=20
are once again being cast aside by the debate on their country's=20
future.

"Of course we're angry," said Khorshid Noori, head of a coalition of=20
relief agencies called the Afghan Women's Network, based in the=20
northwestern Pakistan city of Peshawar.

"Anyone would feel angry if they were forgotten, especially as we=20
have fought side by side with our brothers and endured the suffering=20
throughout so many years," Noori said.

Decades of conflict have exacted an horrific death toll on=20
Afghanistan's male population and, according to some estimates, women=20
now make up 65 percent of the country's inhabitants.

An Afghan Women Peace Summit is due to be held in Brussels in=20
December, when delegates will draw up a list of potential leaders and=20
decide whether to take part in moves to bring back exiled king=20
Mohammed Zahir Shah at the head of a provisional administration.

"The players in Afghanistan, including the US and United Nations, all=20
talk about women's rights but when it comes to action, there is=20
nothing," said Zieba Shorish, a Washington-based Afghan exile and=20
veteran women's rights activist.

Shorish is the director of the Women's Alliance for Peace and Human=20
Rights in Afghanistan, which is helping to organize the summit in=20
Belgium.

"We don't want rhetoric. We want reconstruction, education and=20
inclusion in every aspect of life," she said.

So far, proposals for a post-Taliban administration have focused on=20
the creation of a multi-ethnic, broad-based and representative=20
government.

But until last week, when New York Democrat Louise Slaughter and=20
Florida Republican Ileana Ros-Lehtinen submitted a resolution to the=20
US Congress urging women to be included "as leaders" of any new=20
government, there had been no mention of female representation in the=20
future set-up.

The last time women had any significant say over Afghan affairs was=20
when they sat on a 1963 constitutional drafting committee established=20
under Zahir Shah.

The 1964 constitution guaranteed equality for men and women under the=20
law, but more than two decades of conflict have rendered the document=20
meaningless.

Years of oppression have left Afghan women among the most downtrodden=20
in the world. Their literacy rate is just 5.6 percent, while tens of=20
thousands die in childbirth every year.

Zahir Shah's aides say they plan to include both genders in a=20
proposed "loya jirga", or 120-seat council of elders, which will=20
choose Afghanistan's post-Taliban government.

"We welcome women to join the loya jirga but we're still in the=20
process of deciding how the jirga will be established," said Sayed=20
Salman Gailani, a royalist and Afghan political activist here.

The Gailani family organized a peace and unity conference here three=20
weeks ago. Some 1,200 men representing Afghanistan's diverse ethnic,=20
religious and political factions were invited, but not a single woman.

Organizers cited security risks for excluding women, but rights=20
activists here said that was an old excuse.

"There were no security risks. The police were present to protect=20
everyone and we were left out for the same reason we always are --=20
because they don't think our opinion matters and we should not=20
concern ourselves with politics," said a woman leader in Peshawar,=20
declining to be named.

There is a degree of internal disagreement within Afghan women's=20
groups over their country's future.

The radical Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan,=20
for example, refuses to entertain the inclusion of even moderate=20
Taliban in talks on a new broad-based government.

The Afghanistan Women Council (AWC) insists that all groups and=20
factions should be included.

One of the frontrunners for an invitation from Zahir Shah to join the=20
loya jirga council is AWC director Fatana Gailani, although she said=20
the ex-king's representatives have not approached her yet.

"Let the men get along first, then we will get involved. Until our=20
country has been rescued, the women's issue is a non-issue," Gailani=20
said.

______

#3.

The News International
14 November 2001
Editorial

Fall of Kabul

It is an act of fate that President Pervez Musharraf has to be aboard=20
an aircraft in international air space when monumental events rock=20
his country. As expected the Northern Alliance forces just paid no=20
heed to the statements in New York by US President George W Bush and=20
Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf. They were not supposed to. When=20
Taliban decided to abandon the Afghan capital, a vacuum could not=20
exist. Events overtook both President Musharraf and President Bush=20
and the world community, represented by the Six-plus-Two Committee,=20
were left dragging their feet, as always happens with lazy diplomats=20
in such fast changing situations. Kabul now has a new administration.=20
Where does these dramatic, lightening and, for Pakistan,=20
catastrophic, developments leave Islamabad and President Musharraf?

What is absolutely obvious is that the United States no longer needs=20
Pakistan for conducting its war against terrorism inside Afghanistan.=20
So this huge lever of being the base camp that Islamabad had is gone.=20
The US forces can now use any of the captured cities, including=20
Kabul, to launch their strikes against Taliban and to dig out Osama=20
bin Laden. Unfortunately for Pakistan the time to test the US=20
promises of a "long haul" friendship has come even before we could=20
start receiving some of the goodies. Whether President Bush and the=20
Washington establishmentnow stand by their promises of not abandoning=20
us yet again will determine how the domestic situation develops=20
inside Pakistan.

It is also evident that President Musharraf has been put in a very=20
precarious position with the fall of Kabul into Northern Alliance=20
hands. The Taliban, some of their supporters and sympathisers say,=20
have withdrawn under a tactical strategy. That may or may not be true=20
but now they are on the run and the US bombing campaign can now shift=20
to their hideouts in and around Kandahar. There is every likelihood=20
that Taliban may also abandon that city. So where will they go? The=20
obvious and the only place one can think of is Pakistan. If that=20
happens General Musharraf and his military regime will have to make=20
critical decisions that may eventually decide their own fate.

If Pakistan would like to remain a partner in the international=20
coalition, the Taliban influx into out territory will have to be=20
stopped, by military force if need be. Thousands of armed, desperate=20
fighters, who have always seen Pakistan as their ultimate destination=20
for refuge, will have to be stopped and confronted. The initial=20
indications given by President Musharraf are that he would not allow=20
the Taliban to enter Pakistan. He said this in his news conference=20
with Turkish Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit in Istanbul while on his=20
way back to Pakistan. That means Pakistan's security agencies, and=20
even the army, will have to be prepared to fight the returning=20
Taliban and this could turn into a messy situation if casualties on=20
both the Taliban and Pakistani side mount. The treatment given to=20
Taliban will also determine how the other pro-Taliban religious=20
forces will react in Pakistan and their political and military=20
alliance could become a huge headache for President Musharraf.

What happens now in Kabul and how Islamabad handles the new=20
administration is another big issue. President Musharraf is demanding=20
that Kabul should be demilitarised and a UN/OIC force should occupy=20
it until a political agreement is reached on the new set up. But the=20
Northern Alliance has already achieved a major military, strategic=20
and political advantage by taking control of the capital. Now they=20
will dictate their terms to share power, if at all they agree to do=20
that. President Musharraf, British Prime Minister Tony Blair and=20
others, who are insisting that no troops, of any side, should take=20
over Kabul and an UN force comprising Turkish and Pakistani troops,=20
be allowed to take control, have now an uphill task at hand. On this=20
count the Taliban have upstaged their political strategy. With NA=20
forces in control of Kabul, it has to be seen how an international=20
force is allowed to take over. It apparently seems highly unlikely,=20
specially the presence of Pakistani troops will never be acceptable=20
to the Northern Alliance.

The next political set up, which has to be huddled together in=20
extreme urgency now, if it has any chance to be brought in, is not an=20
easy task by any means. The Zahir Shah option will be opposed by Iran=20
and possibly Russia. The current visit to Washington by Russian=20
President Vladimir Putin for talks with President Bush has thus=20
assumed an immense importance for Afghanistan and Pakistan. Any=20
differences between the two world leaders would mean indefinite delay=20
in cobbling together the broad-based government. The more time is=20
lost, the lesser would be the chance for its success. So Pakistan's=20
demand, articulated by President Musharraf repeatedly, that Pashtoon=20
elements must be included in the new Kabul government has only an=20
outside chance to be met.

The entire developing scenario means a lot more trouble for Pakistan=20
than anyone could have anticipated in such a short time. The sudden=20
turn of events may mean that the Pakistani demand of an end to=20
bombings during Ramazan would be fulfilled but the way the situation=20
has developed has multiplied Pakistani problems. It is not just sheer=20
bad luck that President Musharraf's red carpet welcome in New York=20
and his super VVIP status did not last for a few hours. If Pakistan=20
does not play its cards smartly, Islamabad, and President Musharraf,=20
may soon find themselves redundant for the outside world, and=20
engulfed in serious turmoil domestically.

______

#4.

Date: Wed, 14 Nov 2001 05:33:05 +0100 (MET)

Kabul Falls What Next?

Farooq Tariq
General secretary
Labour Party Pakistan

Northern Alliance took over Kabul today on 13th November without much
resistance. The much threatening so-called Jihad of Talban was no=20
where to be seen
when the Northern Alliance forces arrived. Kabul was taken over without any
serious fight of Talbaan. The myth created by Talbaan and their supporters
internationally that no one can defeat Talbaan will be shattered within day=
s
across glob after this shameful surrender of Talbaan in Kabul. It was not a
tactical retreat as been posed by some media persons but it shows the total
collapse of morale among the Talbaan.

The US sponsored Northern Alliance has taken over Kabul only a day after
Bush made a public plea to Northern Alliance not to take over Kabul.=20
Bush wanted
to please the visiting Pakistan military ruler general Musharaf. Pakistan
government is now pleading a UN peacekeeping force to help form a broad bas=
e
government. This is just to say something after its &#8220;President&#8221=
; is
publicly humiliated by this take over.

US wanted a desperate win after another plan was crashed in New York on 12t=
h
November. They needed a big victory immediately. That is why the public ple=
a
of President Bush to NA not to enter Kabul, was put a side to go for this
much-waited event. The surrender of Kabul shows the absolute dictatorial na=
ture
of Talbaan and its fast loosing social base. The ordinary citizens of Kabul
seemed quite delighted over this victory. The Northern Alliance issued the
first order that women can go back to jobs. It is just to please its master=
s in
the imperialist countries. Th majority of Northern Alliance has no differen=
t
policy on women than that of Talbaan. Once, the Northern Alliance strengthe=
n
its power base, the real face of these fundamentalists will come up in open=
.

The US imperialism has used once again the same tactic of &#8220;the enemy
of my enemy is my friend&#8221;. They have paid a heavy price in the past f=
or
supporting and promoting the religious fundamentalists against the former
Soviets Union. They are repeating the same tactic and if they continue to
support the NA, it is like bringing up another monster that could go=20
out of their
control in a very short time.

The defeat in Kabul for the Talban is no victory for the US imperialism. It
had to take the support of another religious fundamentalist group. The grou=
p
might make some changes in its outlook in the initial phase but it will not
change real aim of Islamic revolution in Afghanistan.

The Talban will now loose its power at Qandhar as well. Its will to fight a
guerilla war after retreating to the mountains will not have much weight an=
d
Talbaan will be rooted out of Afghanistan for the time being. Assama may
loose his life alongside with many other Talbaan leaders. But the religious
fundamentalism will not be dead with the death of its most known leaders. T=
he
strategy of Talbaan to move in the tribal areas linked to the Pakistani bor=
der
will not meet with much success. Talban chapter of history has ended. It is
not much time left that they will formally be out of power from all parts o=
f
Afghanistan. Now the religious fundamentalism will have to wait a long time=
to
take over a state power, as was the case in Afghanistan and Iran. But the
religious fundamentalism will not die down and the extreme face of these fo=
rces
will carry on by suicidal attacks, guerilla activities and so on.

The taking over Kabul by NA has brought more difficulties for Pakistan
Musharaf military regime. This action of NA is been carried out contrary to=
the
strategy of General Musharaf. It seems that US imperialism has played a dou=
ble
game. On the other side, it has been assuring the military regime that it
will not do anything against its interests. On the other hand, it armed the=
NA
to take on the Talbaan. The US imperialism was very worried that its own
soldiers should not be killed in this war. So the strategy was to arm=20
the NA to do
the job instead of them. It gave them full air cover to move forward to
Kabul. Now the reaction of Toni Blair and Bush also indicate that the takin=
g of
Kabul is no surprise for them and they had planned liked this already.

The Pakistan military regime has been taken aback by the speed of the event=
s
and the way Talbaan has left without a fight. Only Pakistanis and Arab
Jihadies were left behind in Kabul to be massacred by the NA forces.=20
Their bodies
lying in the streets of Kabul shows the methods and tactics that will be us=
ed
in future as well by the NA. The Talbaan ditched these foriegn Mujahidin an=
d
left on their own, a night before the Kabul fall.

General Musharaf strategy to carry on its policy of supporting the Mujahidi=
n
in Kashmir and opposition to Talbaan was accepted for the time being by the
US imperialism. General Musharaf will have no other choice apart from
retreating from its Kashmir policy. It can not have two policies on=20
the same issue
of terrorism. It has to choose one. But if general Musharaf does not listen=
to
US imperialism on Kashmir, he may loose his power and as well as his life.
The Bush administration has been praising general Musharaf regime for its
brave and timely stand to support them. But Kabul fall has changed=20
many tings. It
will have decisive effect on the US imperialism strategy towards Pakistan.
Now the focus of so called world attentions will be Kabul and not Islamabad=
.
The Islamabad has to tell again and again to the US imperialism of the
promises, it has made all the time with them. Most of these promises will b=
e
forgotten. Kabul and in few days Afghanistan fall to the NA and US=20
allied forces
will change the psychology of the US imperialism.

The Kabul fall was not surprise for us here in Pakistan. The religious
fundamentalism was fighting a war they ought to loose. Pakistan regime has =
left
them and you can not fight a war with only religious feelings alone. We sai=
d
again and again that Talban will loose the war in a short space of time.
Talbaan was the most hatred regime that Afghan masses had ever seen=20
in their whole
history. It wanted to carry on the medieval policies by force. People of
Afghanistan were forced to adopt some of these policies. But they never had=
any
mass social base in Afghanistan. The religious fundamentalist forces were a
tiny very committed minority who was able to hold on together with all the
support of the international religious fundamentalist forces.

Kabul fall to Afghanistan will not bring any stable regime in Afghanistan.
It will further polarize the situation and a civil war like situation will
remain as before. But the difference will be that now the religious divide =
will
go in the back and national divide will come in the forefront. Afghanistan =
is
a mess of history in all forms. It is a jungle of different nationalities
with its own tribal identity. This mess can not be solved on the basis of
capitalism. It can only further enhance the national divide. There is=20
not going to
be a massive pump in of the US dollars to stabiles the situation. It will b=
e
given some peanuts and then left to themselves to fight on themselves.

Afghan history has once again seen the change of power in Afghanistan after
five years of brutal rule of Talbaan. But this change once again will not
bring any change in the poverty of the masses of Afghanistan.

There could be a little so called liberal time in Afghanistan if a broad
base government is established under the influence of US imperialism. NA
alliance is in much powerful position. It can dictate its terms but=20
it is unable to
unite the different fighting nationalities. US Imperialism strategy will be
to establish a broad base government loyal to the aging Zahir Shah. But thi=
s
government can be very short lived, as it will not be able to control the
situation. A new phase of civil war can be seen in Afghanistan in future.
Pakistan government has been establishing Talbaan for seven years.=20
Suddenly it has
to oppose it. Now, they have no friendly forces in Afghanistan. If a
government in Afghanistan is established against the total wishes of Pakist=
ani
military regime, it can open up a new phase of hostility with Pakistan. A w=
ar
between Pakistan and Afghanistan can not be ruled out in these circumstance=
s.

Labour Party Pakistan will help the tiny forces of the Left in Afghanistan
to take the benefit of the limited time it can have to build it self inside
Afghanistan. The Weekly Mazdoor Jeddojuhd is planning to print a monthly
edition of the paper in Pushto with the close collaboration of Afghanistan
Revolutionary Labour Organization. The Left internationally should=20
carry on to oppose
the strategy of US imperialism of war and bringing a new puppet regime in
Afghanistan. The war has not ended. It has entered in a new phase. The anti
globalization campaign linked to the peace movement must carry on. One
fundamentalist group is gone, the other, with the help of US, has=20
come to power. We
have no choice but to oppose this new change in Kabul for a better democrat=
ic
socialist change.

Visit: www.labourpakistan.org
13-11-2001
Lahore Pakistan

______

#5.

* News Release Issued by the International Secretariat of Amnesty
International *

13 November 2001
ASA 11/029/2001
200/01

The civilian population of Afghanistan has again been put at risk by the
failure of the international community to protect them, Amnesty
International said today as the Northern Alliance reached Kabul and reports
were received of the execution of captured fighters.

"The rapid advance of the Northern Alliance into Kabul without any
international arrangements to safeguard civilians is a clear indication tha=
t
the military agenda has overtaken human rights concerns", Irene Khan,
Secretary General of Amnesty International said.

"The Afghan population is at the mercy of armed political groups with an
appalling human rights record. We have the gravest concerns for the people
of Kabul who are now at high risk of reprisal attacks and killings." The
Secretary General also expressed concern about the summary execution of
soldiers adding, "Human rights abuses committed by the Taleban cannot be
used to justify new abuses by the Northern Alliance; these killings must
stop."

Highlighting in particular the responsibility of the US, UK and Russia as
permanent members of the UN Security Council, Irene Khan added, "Those
countries which supplied arms to and supported the Northern Alliance are
responsible for ensuring that the Alliance conducts itself within
international humanitarian law and does not use its arms to commit further
abuses. If there is bloodshed, the blood is also on their hands. They
must fulfil their responsibility and ensure that civilians are protected,
and ensure that the political future of Afghanistan is a fair and inclusive
one, based on respect for human rights without discrimination."

Read Amnesty International's latest report on Afghanistan, "Afghanistan,
Making human rights the agenda" on the web at:
http://www.web.amnesty.org/ai.nsf/recent/asa110232001?opendocument

______

#6.

Jang aur Aman, 2001

On the nuclear machinations of India, Pakistan and the USA where
"patriotism" is a recipe for disaster, and on the heroic efforts of peace
activists to stem the rot.

---------------
Anand's latest documentary, Jang aur Aman (War and Peace) has a passionate
anti-nuclear message. The film takes an in-depth look at India's nuclear
explosions and examines the socio-cultural context in which they occured.

"The explosions and the resultant jingoistic euphoria are a function of the
frustration and fevered anger of a failed elite, the film argues, backing
its argument with vivid images of nationalistic and religious fervor that
verge on the surreal.

The film, however, goes much further than that. On the one hand, it
explores the disquieting health hazards posed by the production and mining
of fissile material as it interviews underprivileged communities who have
been victims to India's nuclear policy, while on the other hand it follows
the trail of the anti-nuclear activists.

The film also dwells on the growth of opposition to India's nuclear weapons
programs, and on a group of Indians and Pakistani's meeting on a
people-to-people level to forge friendships despite the hostility among the
two nations. It offers affecting, heartwarming glimpses of warmth of
ordinary people in both India and Pakistan.

All of this is set in a wider context of sobering global geo-political
realities. Poignant interviews of survivors of the 1942 nuclear bomb
explosions in Hiroshima are juxtaposed with interviews which illustrate the
continued U.S. official refusal to accept responsibility for its decisions.
" (A-Swapan, India West)
-------------------------------------------------

Anand Patwardhan

Anand Patwardhan, has been making political documentaries for nearly three
decades pursuing diverse and controversial issues that are at the crux of
social and political life in India. Many of his films were at one time or
another banned by state television channels in India and became the subject
of litigation by Patwardhan who successfully challenged the censorship
rulings in court.

Patwardhan currently teaches a course titled "Socio-political issues in
Contemporary India though Films" in the Department of Cultural and Social
Anthropology at Stanford University.

Patwardhan received a B.A. in English Literature from Bombay University in
1970 and earned a Master's degree in Communications from McGill University
in 1982. Patwardhan has been an activist ever since he was a student --
having participated in the anti- Vietnam War movement; being a volunteer in
Caesar Chavez United Farm Worker's Union; working in Kishore Bharati, a
rural development and education project in central India; and participating
in the Bihar anti-corruption movement in 1974-75 and in the civil liberties
and democratic rights movement during and after the 1975-77 Emergency.
Since then, he has been active in movements for housing rights of the urban
poor, for communal harmony, the environment, and movements against the
Narmada Dam, against unjust, unsustainable development, and against nuclear
testing in South Asia.

o o o o

Saturday, Dec. 1st, 7 PM

War and Peace (Jang aur Aman)
(2001, 180 mins)

Los Angeles
University of Southern California
Lucas Instructional Building, Theatre 108

ONLINE TICKETS : http://www.ersvp.com/reply/ekta

Sponsored by
Indo-American Cultural Center and Ekta

______

#7.

Indian Express
Wednesday, November 14, 2001
=20
The Indian Muslim and the loyalty test
Did I pass or fail?

[By Mushirul Hasan]

Edward said points out how, in the global panorama of cultures, not=20
all peoples are endowed with the equal right to narration and=20
representation. This is more true of Muslim communities the world=20
over. Hence the appalling ignorance displayed in the media after=20
September 11, the confusion about the meanings of Islamic symbolism,=20
and the tendency to conjure the image of militant Islamic forces=20
seizing control of the 'civilised' world.

At another level, an utterly futile counter-exercise goes on=20
ceaselessly - to prove that terrorism has no sanction in Islam, that=20
Islam is a peace-loving religion, and that the clash of civilisation=20
theory is unfounded. Added to this cacophony of noises is the clamour=20
that every Indian Muslim must pass the loyalty test prescribed by=20
self-proclaimed patriots. Otherwise, one is told, their silence will=20
be construed as acquiescence in terrorism.

Like Gabriel who brought Allah's message to his Prophet with the=20
prefatory remark ''say'', India's Muslims are told to condemn=20
Pakistan's invasion in Kargil, and terrorism in Kashmir and the US.=20
And when they reiterate what they believe in, somebody comes up with=20
the startling revelation that liberal Muslims hardly represent the=20
community - only the Jama Masjid's Imam does. So the task assigned to=20
Javed Akhtar & Co. is to dispel this impression. Believe me, it's=20
hell of a difficult task, time-consuming, and demanding, for=20
establishing one's nationalist credentials.

Life goes on with the accusing finger pointed at the Muslims,=20
regardless of whether one is an atheist or a believer, secularist or=20
Islamist, Marxist or Congressman. But, then, why should anybody trust=20
us? Our ancestors destroyed and desecrated temples: hence our public=20
figures remind us of our collective guilt by visiting the Somnath=20
mandir. Muslim leaders partitioned the country; hence we must live in=20
Bharatvarsha on the sangh parivar's terms. Our co-religionists=20
instigate caste/class violence in different states. They foment=20
terrorism in Punjab, Kashmir and the Northeast, and not the Sikhs,=20
Christians or Afghan mercenaries. And our educational institutions -=20
not the Gurukuls and the RSS schools - disseminate 'mischief', and=20
produce unpatriotic men and women like Badruddin Tyabji, Azad, Ajmal=20
Khan, Ansari, Rafi Ahmed Kidwai, Zakir Husain, Amjad Ali Khan, Ustad=20
Bismillah Khan, Begum Akhtar, Azim Premji, Abdul Kalam, Shabana Azmi,=20
and the nawab of Pataudi.

We are a threat to India's unity. Why? Because we constitute a=20
monolithic entity, marry four or more times, cheer the Pakistani=20
cricket team, go to Saudi Arabia for Haj, read and recite Urdu=20
poetry, and valorise terrorists like Osama bin Laden. This is how=20
over 12 million people speaking different languages, following=20
different customs, and owing allegiance to different parties, are=20
located, categorised and described. To cap it all, Osama reminds=20
everybody of the strength of the pan-Islamic sentiment. Besides the=20
'Islamic bomb' stored somewhere, Islamic terror is knocking at our=20
doorsteps. No wonder, BJP politicians gird up their loin to perform=20
their patriotic deed! SIMI is banned; POTO is in place. Freedom is in=20
peril: Three cheers for its defence by the sangh parivar.

A balanced appraisal is required in these unsettling times. Let us=20
not regard the Muslims as a homogeneous entity, but as disparate and=20
differentiated. Let us concede that the interpretation of Islam has=20
changed over time, and that powerful pluralist visions shape Muslim=20
communities. Let us spell out the Islamist and modernist movements=20
without prior assumptions, discuss the contested terrain of who=20
represent Muslims in state and society, the nature of the political=20
and religious leadership and its ability to connect with the varied=20
experiences of Muslim societies.

Let us also recognise the emergence of a trans-national community, an=20
importantly new phenomenon. Its social and economic profile is=20
different from the previous unwieldy coalition of Islamist=20
formations. It is upwardly mobile, self-confident, and in tune with=20
the changes ushered in by globalisation. Although this constituency=20
carries some of the baggage from the past, its members mostly draw=20
upon the range of contemporary experiences not from one but different=20
locations. Why, they ask, are their co-religionists victimised in=20
Bosnia, Somalia, Chechnya, Palestine, and Iraq? These sites confirm=20
them in the belief that something is fundamentally wrong with the=20
world they live in. It is this contemporary reality, rather than any=20
Islamic doctrine, which contributes to the collective reaction.

My intention here is not to present an image of always enlightened,=20
largely innocent Muslim communities, 'sinned against' but hardly ever=20
'sinning'; nor to suggest that their fortunes or misfortunes can be=20
explained solely in terms of unremitting power and prejudice of the=20
West. I believe sections of the Muslim intelligentsia have made their=20
own history at least as much as hers have made it for them and the=20
reality is that they have not made it very well. The interface=20
between certain kinds of Western writings and certain kinds of=20
Islamic ones, and their re-surfacing in various forms of subsequent=20
articulations, is something that neither Edward Said's diktat nor the=20
idea of 'colonial discourse' can ever accommodate.

The Muslim intelligentsia - from the days of Shah Waliullah in the=20
eighteenth century to Iqbal in the 1920s and 30s - dialogued with=20
itself and not with others. This has limited its political and=20
religious engagements. The intervention of Muslim scholars seldom=20
went beyond the communitarian frame, and, instead of re-writing their=20
script in the light of ever-changing context and situations, they=20
allowed ill-conceived theories and ill-founded assumptions to=20
dominate the intellectual landscape.

Today, it is easy to notice the scholarly inertia in Muslim=20
institutions, and the absence of protest, dissent and political=20
activism. Lamentation rather than self-introspection is the dominant=20
refrain. Not much has been done to interpret Islam and analyse Muslim=20
societies. The few Muslim intellectuals who have done so are,=20
invariably, tied to flawed frameworks, use Islam lazily to validate=20
or refute different theories, and draw comfort from the limited=20
intellectual resources provided by unoriginal thinkers.

Let me conclude on a different note - pointing to Muslim societies=20
not being attuned to creating icons. Political heroes are scarcely=20
remembered. On the other hand, the martyrs, fighting on behalf of the=20
oppressed souls, form part of a nation's memory. While the West has=20
to guard itself against them, it must not ignore those Muslims who=20
wish to fashion their lives differently from their ancestors and who,=20
as co-citizens of an international community, seek havens of peace=20
and justice.

Meanwhile, my countrymen please let me know, once and for all, if I=20
have passed your loyalty test.

______

#8.

CorpWatch
Holding Corporations Accountable
www.corpwatch.org

10 November, 2001
TAKE ACTION
www.corpwatch.org/action

Support for Unilever Workers in India Exposed to Mercury!
Send a Free Fax today.

In March 2001, Unilever's thermometer factory in Kodaikanal, India, was
exposed for illegally dumping toxic mercury wastes in a scrap yard adjacent
to a school in a sensitive watershed forest behind the factory building.
Workers and former employees are outraged at the callousness of Unilever
for keeping them in the dark about the toxic nature of mercury - a
substance that was handled casually in the workplace.

Unilever's workers have demanded their health records from the company in
preparation for an independent assessment of potential health effects from
their workplace exposure to mercury. They have also demanded meaningful
financial compensation for closure of the factory and a long-term plan for
health monitoring and remediation.

The company has ignored both demands. Instead, Unilever has relocated
production more than 1000 miles away.

Send a free fax today demanding that Unilever fairly address the workers'
concerns. You can also read more background on the issue:

www.corpwatch.org/action/2001/028.html

______

#9.

The Telegraph (india)
14 Nov. 2001

SECULAR BACKLASH HINT IN JNU POLL RESULT=20

FROM OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT
=20
New Delhi, Nov. 13:=20
The Left-affiliated combine of the Students Federation of India (SFI)=20
and the All-India Students' Association (AISA) today swept the=20
Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) students' union, routing the=20
RSS-backed Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP).

The SFI-AISA alliance won the posts of all the four office-bearers=20
including the president, the vice-president, the general secretary=20
and the joint secretary.

Albeena Shakeel defeated her nearest rival Sandeep Mahapatra of the=20
ABVP by 589 votes to emerge as president of the new student body.=20
Shakeel is the second woman to hold that position since 1971.

Mahapatra had wrested the president's post from the SFI last year by=20
just one vote.

The SFI-AISA also bagged 17 of the 25 councillors, while the ABVP=20
trailed with seven. The Congress-affiliated National Students' Union=20
of India (NSUI) failed to register its presence.

Though a students' union election, the JNU contest hinged on bigger=20
issues. The dominant slogans on the campus this year were "Vote=20
against communalism", "Do not give a fractured mandate" and "Vote for=20
nationalism".

"The outcome reflects a strong secular backlash," said the former=20
president of the JNU teachers' union, Kamal Mitra Chenoy.

The presidential debate, which brought down the curtains on=20
campaigning last Saturday, focused mainly on the US attack on=20
Afghanistan and, to a lesser extent, the commercialisation and=20
communalisation of JNU.

The ABVP's poor performance at JNU comes in the wake of an equally=20
dismal showing in the Delhi University students' union elections=20
where the NSUI finally wrested an ABVP stronghold.

Although the JNU elections were expected to witness a low turnout=20
because of the Diwali holidays, the impending mid-semester exams in=20
many centres and a month-end academic deadline for Ph.D. students,=20
more than 60 per cent of the student body showed up to vote.

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