[sacw] SACW #1 (21 Nov. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire
21 November 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. The horrific cost of Pakistan's Afghan policy
#2. Pakistan International Forum Resolution
#3. Afghan women tear off burqas for rights march
#4. India: Appeal to help Victims of Malegaon Riot
#5. India: Tale of two nationalisms (A.G. Noorani)
#6. CALL FOR SUBMISSIONS from the South Asian Literature and Art

________________________

#1.

The News International (Pakistan)
21 Nov. 2001

The horrific cost of Pakistan's Afghan policy

Tarique Niazi

The fall of Taliban-run Kabul has driven Pakistan's Afghan policy=20
into the ground. Ironically, it was Pakistan that had helped the=20
Taliban to smash their way into Kabul. Today, it is again Pakistan,=20
whose logistical support to the allies of the Northern Alliance has=20
helped dislodge the Taliban in a blitzkrieg that has blown to=20
smithereens the myth of their "courage under fire." As literally=20
stuck between a "rock and no place," they are on the run - to nowhere=20
but to their ultimate fate. Pakistan blindsided its defenders around=20
the world by blessing the Taliban and their=20
right-out-of-the-Stone-Age policies of social regulation, sexual=20
morality, and religious orthodoxy. For the past two years, however,=20
Pakistan's influence in Kandahar has been on the wane, as the Arab=20
allies of Taliban took upon themselves to direct Afghan domestic and=20
foreign policy. With this shift in directive power, we saw a rising=20
tide of religious terrorism breaking on the shores of Pakistan. We=20
chose to be blind to the source of this terror, although it had=20
continued to visit death and destruction upon tens of hundreds of our=20
fellow Pakistanis. As the loss of life kept mounting, we hid behind=20
flimsy explanations of strategic, ethnic, and economic interests to=20
make the terror look worth its cost - ie, "collateral damage" in the=20
violent deaths of Pakistanis.

Strategically, we assumed that Afghanistan was our backyard, which=20
would provide us strategic depth in the event of an outbreak of=20
hostilities on our eastern borders. This assumption took on a whole=20
new colour when we saw Taliban's triumph in 1996. Their rise to power=20
was celebrated with such fervour in Pakistan as if Afghanistan had=20
become its fifth province. The wrong-headedness of this assumption=20
came screaming at us when none of the Pakistani leaders, including=20
its current military boss, found Taliban-run Afghanistan safe enough=20
to visit it. When Moin Haider, Pakistan's interior minister, was=20
returning from his only visit to Kabul, he was given a "red-hot=20
send-off" with a hail of bullets that he and his entourage dodged by=20
running for cover. So much for strategic depth!

Ethnically, we assumed that Taliban's rise to power meant the rise of=20
Pakhto-speakers in Afghanistan. We celebrated Taliban's control of=20
Afghanistan at the expense of its Dari-speaking majority. By shifting=20
power balance in favour of Pakhto-speaking Taliban, we presumably=20
wanted to appease their "brethren in blood," who live on this side of=20
Afghanistan stretching from Bolan to Chitral. This too was an=20
ignorant assumption. The great majority of Pakhtuns walls itself off=20
the theology-driven social and cultural code of Taliban, who,=20
according to General Hameed Gul, permit women to "beg," but not work,=20
in public. Pakhtun-Pakistanis are moderate in their theological=20
beliefs, receptive to social change, and attuned to the modern world.=20
Their massive support goes to the leaders of liberal persuasions=20
associated with the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), Awami National=20
Party (ANP), and Pakistan Muslim League. The most recent evidence of=20
their political behaviour came through the district government=20
elections that returned the liberal-nationalist alliance of Pakhtuns=20
in an overwhelming majority. These elected leaders and their=20
electorate, despite their ethnic affinity with Taliban, deeply nurse=20
their wounds over the physical elimination of the moderate, liberal,=20
and nationalist leadership of Afghanistan, a deprivation that had set=20
that country back by ages. With the continuation of Taliban's control=20
of Afghanistan, Pakhtun-Pakistanis saw no chance of a re-growth of=20
such leadership. And many of them mince no words in blaming=20
"Islamabad" for stripping Afghanistan off the leaders moulded in=20
moderation, liberalism, and patriotism - values that=20
Pakhtun-Pakistanis espouse and embrace.

Economically, we dreamt of Taliban's sweep across Afghanistan in the=20
hope to boost our "passage economy" - linking up Pakistan's trade=20
routes with Central Asia and beyond to Eurasia. Although Taliban had=20
been in control of 90% of Afghanistan for over five years, their=20
control didn't translate into safe trade routes to and from Central=20
Asia, or economic advantage for Pakistan. On the contrary, Taliban=20
had scared off potential investors who were willing to pour billions=20
of dollars in projects of energy production, and especially in=20
onshore and offshore energy supply lines. Each year, Pakistan is=20
potentially losing a hard cash of over $2 billion in such lost=20
opportunities.

Not that our strategic, ethnic, and economic interests have remained=20
unmet, but we also have borne unbearable pain and grief from a mad=20
wave of terrorist attacks whose perpetrators were believed to be=20
based in Afghanistan. Tens of hundreds of our fellow citizens have=20
fallen to their lust for senseless violence, leaving behind a society=20
riven with ever-deepening divisions. This wave of terror had reached=20
such a level that two of Pakistan's former leaders - Prime Ministers=20
Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif - had barely survived kamikaze=20
attacks on their lives. Not too long ago, Pakistan's sitting=20
President, Farooq Lagari, saw the window panes of his office splinter=20
from a powerful explosion in the Egyptian embassy in Islamabad that=20
sits at a few hundred yards from the President House. It was a=20
suicide attack that left us with more of our own to bury than the=20
targets of the attack -the Egyptians. On top of it, we were forced to=20
let all that go in a death-like quiet. Because of such cave-ins,=20
personal security now has become an obsession with every Pakistani.=20
So much so that Pakistan's present leader cannot move about without a=20
detail of hundreds of elite commandos to shield him. This sense of=20
insecurity has pervaded down the line to the entire police force.=20
Today, senior police officers have scores of armed guards, not at=20
their "command" but at their "service," to provide them with personal=20
security. When they move about with such a highly visible armed=20
shield of protection around them, they send shudders down the spine=20
of all those who rely upon police protection.

If this cost is any guide, it should lead us to revisit and recast=20
our Afghan policy by abandoning the illusions of strategic depth,=20
ethnic appeasement, and economic utopia. We cannot seek strategic=20
depth in a country where most of its people hold us to account for=20
their miseries. Also, we cannot appease Pakhtun-Pakistanis by causing=20
a seismic shift in the demographic balance of Baluchistan, and the=20
tribal areas of Pakhtunkhaw, both of which have become armories of=20
religious zealots. Nor can we reap economic dividends from a "passage=20
economy" that moves at the back of mules.

The writer is associated with the Department of Sociology, University=20
of Wisconsin, Eau Claire, WI, USA

______

#2.

From: "Sherry Rehman"
Subject: Pakistan International Forum
Date: Tue, 20 Nov 2001 12:44:31 +0000

Hello Friends,
Here's the text of the last resolution put out by the Pakistan=20
International Forum. Our aim is to provide an independent forum for=20
liberal discourse on issues critical to the history, politics,=20
economic development and culture of Pakistan.We hope to encourage=20
debate on the projection of a multi-dimensional Pakistani identity=20
irrespective of political boundaries.By building ties with other=20
independent South Asian international or local NGOs and groups in=20
civil society, we hope to add a new voice to the prospect of peace=20
and cooperation in South Asia.If you have any suggestions about=20
possible speaking tours,discussions or the publication of position=20
papers for 2002 either in Pakistan, or the UK , please contact us on=20
either email address:=20
<mailto:sherryrehman@h...>sherryrehman@h... or=20
<mailto:pif_ngo@h...>pif_ngo@h...
Thanks, Sherry Rehman.

______

#3.

The Times of India
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 20, 2001

Afghan women tear off burqas for rights march

ABUL: More than 100 Afghan women threw off their burqa veils Tuesday=20
for a symbolic march through the Afghan capital to demand respect for=20
women's rights after the callapse of the Taliban regime.
They included former politicians, academics, activisits and teachers=20
who had been confined indoors or forced to wear the hated burqa veil=20
in public for the past five years.
"You are the heroic women of Kabul," organiser Soraya Parlika told=20
the group before they set off on a bare-faced march through the=20
capital.
"You have been imprisoned in your own homes, you have been beaten,=20
you have been deprived of work and forced to beg, but you stood firm=20
and you should be called heroes.
"Now it's time to fight for your rights."
The Taliban evacuated Kabul a week ago in the face of heavy US air=20
strikes and opposition ground attacks, ending their hardline Islamic=20
rule condemned around the world for its treatment of women.
To uphold a misguided notion of women's "honour", females were denied=20
education and banned from all work except in the health sector.
They could not leave their homes without a burqa -- covering their=20
faces in a cloth mesh -- and could not travel without a close male=20
relative.
In the last months of the Taliban's radical Islamic regime here,=20
leader Mullah Mohammad Omar even issued a decree banning women from=20
attending picnics, deemed a sinful pleasure with no place in Islam.
But hopes are high that with the collapse of the Taliban a new=20
constitution guaranteeing equal rights for women will be drawn up=20
ahead of the creation of a broad-based, multi-ethnic government.
Parlika, a former communist and secretary general of the Afghan Red=20
Crescent, said the women would march from a residential suburb to the=20
main United Nations compound in Kabul to highlight their cause.
The women, who wore light head-scarves covering their hair, were the=20
first to walk through Kabul's streets with their faces exposed since=20
the Taliban captured the city in 1996.
( AFP )

______

#4.

[This organisation has raised a million rupees to assist those who=20
lost relatives or were injured in the recent riots in Bombay in=20
western India. 20 Nov. 2001]

o o o o

Appeal to help Victims of Malegaon Riot

YUVA will raise Rs. 10 Lakhs [ 1 Lakh =3D Rs 100 000] to provide=20
immediate relief to the riot-affected people of Malegoan and nearby=20
villages (Baglan, Kalwan, Chanwad, Devla, Satana and Jaikhede). YUVA=20
has invited contributions from individuals and corporates, which will=20
help people rebuild their lives and come to terms with the loss that=20
they have suffered.

YUVA has joined hands with Lok Samiti (a Non Government Organisation=20
working in Malegaon and Dhule) to reach out to the affected families.=20
The relief needs were communicated through the village meetings to=20
Lok Samiti. YUVA will also network with other NGOs and People's=20
organisations , Medha Patkar leader of NBA is working to prevent=20
spread of riots by conducting group and community meetings to calm=20
down their anger.

Immediately after the riots, YUVA rushed in with an initial=20
contribution of Rs. 91,450/- towards the purchase of grains (dal,=20
rice and wheat) which are being distributed after curfew hours. As a=20
medium-term relief measure YUVA will provide cooking kits and=20
temporary shelters to the affected people. YUVA will also send a team=20
of 10 volunteers to take part in the relief operations. Relief will=20
be provided to all affected families irrespective of religion/ caste.=20
A status report along with a list of affected families will be sent=20
to the donors.

YUVA has considerable previous experience in providing relief=20
measures and spreading communal harmony during the Mumbai riots and=20
bomb blasts (1992-1993), relief and rehabilitation measures post=20
Latur earthquake and more recently YUVA is involved in the Gujarat=20
earthquake rehabilitation process.

It may be recalled that more than 12 people died and several hundreds=20
were injured in the 15-day riots which rocked Malegaon, a=20
nerve-centre of the powerloom industry in the Nashik District. It is=20
alleged that the riot was sparked off when a local politician=20
organised a protest against the US bombing in Afghanistan. The most=20
affected people are the daily wage workers. The Army had to be called=20
to control the situation. Curfew has been enforced in Malegaon which=20
has affected the livelihood of the poor daily wage workers. Many of=20
them have even lost their homes and have had to go without food for=20
days.

For further information please contact Rumi Rathod=20
<rumi.rathod@y...> , Resource Mobilisation Manager.

______

#5.

The Hindustan Times (india)
Wednesday, November 21, 2001

Tale of two nationalisms
A.G. Noorani

The greatest obstacle which stands in the way of the RSS-BJP=20
combine's 'nationalist' objectives is the legacy which Jawaharlal=20
Nehru bequeathed to the nation. It must be preserved at any cost

A nation's polity rests on a national consensus. The BJP has been out=20
to break it. Jawaharlal Nehru was, certainly, the most courageous and=20
eloquent advocate of secularism. But the credo was endorsed in=20
resolutions of the Indian National Congress since its Calcutta=20
session in 1886.

S. Srinivasa Aiyangar, president of the Guwahati session in 1926,=20
said: "In all matters of secular advancement, in all aspects of the=20
administration and on all public, political and national questions,=20
they easily can and should think and feel and act as Indians". It=20
fell to Nehru's lot after independence to give battle to those who=20
were out to destroy this legacy on the false cry of 'nationalism'. He=20
said on January 5, 1961: "When the minority communities are communal,=20
you can see that and understand it. But the communalism of a majority=20
community is apt to be taken for nationalism."

B.R. Purohit's able summing up of the clash in his work Hindu=20
Revivalism and Indian Nationalism (1990) bears extensive quotation:=20
"With the growth of the Maha Sabha and RSS ideologies, a new current=20
of nationalism - the Hindu nationalism - grew powerful in the=20
country. Hindu nationalism, instead of supplementing the forces of=20
Indian nationalism, tried even to supplant it. The opposition of=20
Indian nationalism by 'Hindu rashtravad' was detrimental to the=20
steady growth of the former=8A The two nationalisms, as Beni Prasad=20
puts it - the Hindu and the Indian - were fundamentally in opposition=20
to each other with respect to their ideals.

"The former was exclusive, narrowly-based, mixed with religion and=20
partial: it considered the Hindus the only nationals of Hindusthan=20
and did not include other communities living in India within its=20
scope; it had grown even militant and aggressive towards other=20
religions. The latter believed in a composite culture of India, and=20
viewed India as a nation composed of all the communities living=20
therein.

"It was broad-based, pacifist, secular, democratic and liberal in=20
temperament. One exalted a community over other communities while the=20
other emphasised unity in the diversity of various communities. One=20
had great belief in centralised leadership and in militancy; the=20
other was wedded to liberal and democratic traditions."

The Ayodhya issue has exposed the clash and startlingly proved the=20
truth of Nehru's remarks. On December 6, 2000, Vajpayee asserted that=20
"the project for constructing a Ram Temple in Ayodhya was the=20
expression of nationalist feelings. The work has not yet been=20
completed." The formulation was repeated in his 'Kumarakom Musings'.

If that was true, Sardar Patel would not have written to Chief=20
Minister G.B. Pant on January 9, 1950, expressing his disapproval of=20
the installation of idols in the Babri mosque on December 22-23,=20
1949: "It would be most unfortunate if we allowed any group advantage=20
to be made on this issue." Nehru expressed his disapproval, in=20
stronger terms.

But, of course, Vajpayee knew that the issue he had raised was very=20
much a communal one. Two speeches in Mumbai gave him away. On=20
February 15, 1987, he asked Muslims to hand over the mosque to Hindus=20
- not to the nation for preservation as a national monument under the=20
Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act, 1958.

On April 6, 1989, he explained why his offer was restrictive. The=20
mosque could not be made a national monument because it belonged to=20
Hindus as part of their cultural heritage. "Hindus were the rightful=20
claimants to the site." Advani proudly told the BBC: "It would not be=20
wrong to call the BJP a Hindu party." (Organiser August 5, 1989).

What the nation has witnessed since the BJP won power at the Centre=20
in 1998 has not gone unnoticed abroad. Least of all by our 'natural=20
ally', the United States. The latest report on international=20
religious freedom issued by the state department records: "The degree=20
to which the BJP's nationalist Hindu agenda has affected the country=20
with respect to religious minorities varies depending on the region=8A.=20
the Central government often is not the most important player in=20
determining the character of relationships of various religious=20
communities between each other and with the State." Never before,=20
even during the worst phases of communal riots, did any government of=20
India incur such criticism.

Nehru had seen it all and stoutly rejected the option of silent=20
acquiescence. Foreign Secretary Y.D. Gundevia records in his memoirs=20
that addressing a group of young IFS officers, Nehru said: "The=20
danger to India, mark you, is not communism. It is Hindu right-wing=20
communalism."

That was 40 years ago. Events since have proved Nehru right and=20
justly earned him a claim to the Sangh parivar's hatred. Judge the=20
man not by those who laud him. Judge him rather by the forces he=20
fought against and who ceaselessly denounce him to this day. For, he=20
had articulated a vision of India that was noble and all inclusive.=20
The parivar's ideology is ignoble and disruptive. In challenging its=20
claim to the nationalist past, one denies the legitimacy of its claim=20
to India's future.

The single greatest obstacle which stands in the way of the fruition=20
of the RSS-BJP combine's designs is the legacy which Jawaharlal Nehru=20
bequeathed to the nation. It must be preserved at any cost.

______

#6.

THE SALA

The attacks on September 11 and their aftershocks left many
speechless. Now, South Asians and South Asian Americans give
expression to their feelings, reflections and ideas in the
aftermath of the tragedy and its various repercussions.

ANNOUNCING EPISODES ONE, TWO AND THREE OF

the SALA (South Asian Literature and Art archive)
http://thesala.com

ESSAYS
EMAILS MANIFESTOS
POETRY SHORT STORIES
DRAWINGS PHOTOGRAPHS
GRAPHIC ARTS
SPEECHES

Also, a NEW CALL FOR SUBMISSIONS:

*****************************************
CROSSES, COWS, and CRESCENTS
Religion in South Asia and the Diaspora
*****************************************

a NEW CALL FOR SUBMISSIONS from

the South Asian Literature and Art archive
http://thesala.com

Where do Christians fit in South Asia?
Or in the diaspora?

What does it mean to hijack Islam?
Do Sikhs have brotherhood with Muslims?

Why is religious conversion such a big deal?
How about communalism?

Are there really any Jews in India?
And what about the disappearing Parsis?

*****************************************
deadline for submissions or proposals: December 10

In addition to the call, we continue to accept
submissions on ANYTHING related to South Asia or
the diaspora... including the attacks, the hate
crimes, the wars, the military courts, etc.

To be notified of future SALA episodes, or future
calls for submission, email arts@t...

Selected Works from past episodes:

Vivek Anand | Love Crime
PsychoBard | Johnny's Boss is Pissin' me Off
Monalingam | Cowboy's TragiSonnet
Rehana Mirza | Waking Up Broken
Sandeep Acharya & Vivek Arora | An American flag should
never be waved in fear.
Pranav Behari | My dinner with Osama
Aditya | The cheap diplomacy of Afghan children
Karim Thomas | When children won't be alone: Perspectives of an
Afghan aid worker
Kushanava Choudhury | Where have all the Indians gone?
Asha Mehta and Lakshmi Nair | Icarus Reborn

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

SACW is an informal, independent & non-profit citizens wire service run by
South Asia Citizens Web (http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since 1996. To=20
subscribe send a blank
message to: <act-subscribe@yahoogroups.com> / To unsubscribe send a blank
message to: <act-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com>
________________________________________
DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.

--=20