[sacw] SACW #1 (27 Oct. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #1.
27 October 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1.Pakistan's imperial sway over Afghanistan is a foolish - Let India=20
too push for a
unified, free, sovereign and democratic --- and hopefully demilitarised
--- Afghanistan. (M.B. Naqvi)
#2. The Key to Afghan Democracy (Mohammed Qabool)
#3. Appeal for Action: NGO Properties and Workers are Attacked-Pakistan
#4. India Muslims are as heterogeneous as any other group
#5. India versus BJP's India: It tarred the face of our secular=20
country with the brush of fanaticism. (Kuldip Nayar)
#6. Kangaroo courts in Bangladesh? (A.H. Jaffor Ullah)

________________________

#1.

M.B. Naqvi Column
Karachi Oct 26:

US Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld in his musings in the recent
interview to a US newspaper USA Today has dropped a bombshell. It might
spell the end of united Afghanistan as a unified state. He has
envisaged a division: in the north, a US-nominated group controlling
from Kabul ---- a reference to the Northern Alliance and its theoretical
government under President Burhanuddin Rabbani ----- while the south
might be controlled from Kandahar may be by even Taliban.

The pregnant suggestions can serve many ends, to be sure. Going by its
ongoing political and diplomatic efforts, the US is trying hard to coax
and cajole Pakistan to play a bigger role in war, on the one hand, and
is trying to please India and Russia on the other, by, helping Northern
Alliance both at the warfront near Mazar-e-Sharif and Herat as well as
by hinting that Rabbani could be helped to attain power at least in the
non-Pushtoon north that he in any case controls. Efforts to please
Pakistan are galore.

Beginning with the IMF agreeing in principle to a large enough cash loan
for Pakistan economy and other multilateral agencies also chipping in;
the old cold war allies, like Turkey and Saudi Arabia have reassured
Pakistan that once the need for Pakistan=92s active cooperation in this
Afghan war is over, it would not be left severely alone. Its economy
would continue to be helped. Japan, UK and EU members are also making
helpful noises. The US had also said many reassuring things.

The American task of pleasing both India and Pakistan simultaneously is
not easy, of course. For political reasons, as everyone can see, Indian
leaders are spitting fire against Pakistan perhaps with an eye on the
upcoming state elections. Pakistan, for the sake of its own morale and
of the remaining rightwing constituency, has also to go one with a tough
rhetoric. But behind-the-scenes something else might be cooking, as your
correspondent had reported and it was confirmed by Indian Defence
Minster George Fernandes: US is trying to arrange a Vajpayee-Musharraf
meeting somewhere in America next month to oblige both.

But the dangerous idea of dividing Afghanistan between a pro-Indo
American=96Russian North and more or less pro-Pakistan-Pushtoon South is
fraught with horrible possibilities. It might be a prescription for an
unending civil war and limitless blood-letting. There would then be no
hope for any peace and economic reconstruction for any part of
Afghanistan. Human miseries would continue perhaps on a larger scale.

Without a united, tolerant and progressive Afghanistan --- i.e.
democratic Afghanistan--- the region itself will not be either at peace
or stable. The dominant role will remain that of the US in the whole of
Asia. It would also be a means for managing both India and Pakistan:
keep them engaged in a calibrated and controlled confrontation. The more
one examines the possibilities, the more he is frightened. It might
cost, at least Pakistan, its hopes for restoring democracy at an early
date.

Are the fears associated with the idea exaggerated? Just think.
Propping up an embattled and anti-democratic Taliban regime in the
Southern Pushtoon parts of Afghanistan would require a highly enhanced
ISI role and a significantly increased budget. Mullah Umar has perhaps
cut the branch on which various strange birds were sitting by
prohibiting the poppy cultivation. Can Pakistan afford the expense and
this increased role of ISI? Its blow-back effect on Pakistan politics,
in view of the past experience, can only be unfortunate. The military
may continue not merely to call the shots as hitherto but may even
decide to stay on. That wont cause any disturbance if the normal sleep
to the American and British governments.

The only people; who would suffer horribly are first common Afghans and
secondly Pakistanis and most others in the area uncertain measures. The
Indian interest in the Northern Alliance --- its constituents being,
mainly the old Seven Sisters of Peshawar, are not much different from
the Taliban in their beliefs, outlook or ruling styles --- is
understandable only with reference to Pakistan and New Delhi=92s perceived
need not to let it lord it over the whole of Afghanistan. Pakistan=92s
imperial sway over Afghanistan is a foolish and profitless enterprise,
opposition to it is growing. Why should India join this unwise imperial
rivalry? It shows no friendship, or even simple good natured
benevolence, towards the Afghan people. Let India too push for a
unified, free, sovereign and democratic --- and hopefully demilitarised
--- Afghanistan. Entanglement in central Asia and Afghanistan might
satisfy some militarists but can scarcely promote anything of direct
benefit to ordinary Indians.

______

#2.

Institute of War and Peace Reporting (London)
Reporting Central Asia (RCA) No. 78, 26-Oct-01

COMMENT: The Key to Afghan Democracy

Civic-minded, educated Afghans could play a vital role in the=20
reconstruction of the country and the establishment of a democratic=20
government.

By Mohammed Qabool in London

For Afghans, only the formation of a stable and democratic=20
government, capable of putting an end to the misery of the people=20
there, can justify the US air strikes. Otherwise, these efforts will=20
be no more than a new phase in the vicious cycle of war and violence,=20
and Afghans will remain as now caught in the trap of fundamentalism=20
and terrorism.

Yet while all parties concerned talk about the need for a broad-based=20
government, no one has been able to put forward a concrete definition=20
of what that would mean. In fact, various foreign powers only add to=20
the confusion by promoting their own interpretations. The only common=20
feature is the intention of outsiders to impose their own favoured=20
personalities and groups as the representatives of the Afghan=20
population.

Pakistan, for examples, supports a "moderate Taleban" option drawn=20
from the Pashtun population, and opposes any major role for the=20
Tajik- and Uzbek-dominated Northern Alliance. India, Russia and Iran=20
have all rejected any role for any wing of the Taleban. They believe=20
a Northern Alliance government, led by ousted President Buhanuddin=20
Rabbani, is capable of ruling the country.

Such positions once again subject the future rule of Afghanistan to=20
the whims of the regional powers. This could deprive Afghans of the=20
main opportunity that could emerge from the collapse of the Taleban -=20
the creation of a truly representative government.

The core of the problem is the lack of an alternative national=20
leadership. Mohammed Zahir Shah, the former king, is the only=20
personality able to play a central role in reviving state structures.=20
But he commands no organised political or military force, so in=20
circumstances where armed organisations have the upper hand, his role=20
could only be symbolic and temporary.

Indeed, the conceptual flaw in discussions about a post-Taleban=20
settlement is the assumption that groups that have long made war will=20
now make peace. War is their way of life. They are products of=20
fighting. They understand that they will have no role in a peaceful=20
environment.

Indeed, Afghans are very anxious about the record of atrocities these=20
militia groups committed following the collapse of the communist=20
regime in 1992. As one Afghan businessman said, referring to the=20
period of mujahedin rule before 1996, "People are praying that God=20
saves them from the Taleban, but not at the cost of bringing back the=20
others."

Hostility dominates the warlords' personal relationships. Alliances=20
are formed only when groups come under pressure from a common enemy,=20
and then may be easily broken.

Surviving with the support of competing regional powers, they stand=20
accused of compromising Afghan national and even their own ethnic=20
interests. Now that a military victory over Taleban and the al-Qaeda=20
terrorist network is at the top of the US agenda, such armed groups=20
are only being strengthened.

Yet it is very possible that as soon as the Taleban menace and US=20
military pressure recede, these groups - including members of the=20
Northern Alliance - could turn on each other.

In the midst of all of this, intellectuals, educated Afghans,=20
business people and other personalities find themselves increasingly=20
ignored. With war on the agenda, they are not seen as having a=20
practical role. Yet such an approach is short-sighted. These people=20
can play a vital part in the reconstruction of the country, and would=20
be the driving force in any effort to move towards peace and=20
democracy.

And what of Afghanistan's "silent majority". Those who have for years=20
endured the burden of hardship and misfortune patiently. No one ever=20
asked them what they thought or wished. Many doubt talk of democracy=20
in a land riven by decades of war. But in fact it is the habit of=20
ignoring people's will that has culminated in the Afghan catastrophe.

No doubt, the armed groups must be taken into account, particularly=20
in the current military campaign. But it is vital to keep this role=20
to a minimum and to help them to transform themselves from military=20
formations into political parties.

This requires the political determination and financial generosity of=20
the international community to help those Afghan personalities and=20
forces committed to democracy. As a leading force, they can mobilise=20
the population at large to demand and support an elected government.

As two decades of conflict have demonstrated, no government created=20
outside the country has ever been welcomed by Afghans. An elected=20
administration is the only option that can ensure friendly=20
relationships with all Afghanistan's neighbours and reflect the=20
country's ethnic diversity.

Armed groups cannot be trusted. The warlords not only violate=20
agreements with each other easily, they have never remained loyal to=20
their own creators for long. It is not improbable that, once assured=20
of the defeat of the Taleban, they will confront US forces in the=20
name of fighting an army of occupation, or defending Islam.

To escape their past, they need a new cause to fight for.

Mohammed Qabool was publisher and editor of the Kabul newspaper=20
Nawa-e'Sobh (Voice of Morning) in 1990-91, when it was closed by the=20
then president Mohammed Najibullah.
______

#3.

HOTLINE ASIA URGENT APPEALS UA011026(10)

JUSTICE DENIED AS NGO PROPERTIES AND WORKERS ARE ATTACKED-PAKISTAN 26=20
October 2001

SUMMARY

Offices of various Non-Government Organizations (NGO) providing=20
education and health services, and houses of social workers were=20
attacked, burnt and demolished in the Northwestern Frontier Province=20
(NWFP) of Pakistan near the Afghan border on 8 October 2001, by the=20
people protesting against the US-led air strikes on Afghanistan. The=20
attackers, alleged to be workers of a fundamentalist organization,=20
caused damage to the NGOs, the homes and property of their workers=20
and families worth millions of rupees. There were also serious=20
threats to their lives.

The police have not taken any action against the attackers and have=20
also not registered the complaint against the culprits who are still=20
at large.

ACTION REQUESTED

Please write polite letters to express your concern about the=20
attacks, asking the authorities to: 1) Provide protection to the=20
social workers and their families; 2) Provide compensation for the=20
damage of the offices and houses; and 3) Register an FIR (First=20
Information Report) against the culprits, arrest them and bring them=20
to justice.

Send letters to:

H.E. Pervez Musharaf President of Pakistan Aiwan-e-Sadar, Islamabad,=20
Pakistan. Email ce@p... Fax: 92-51-811390

Send copies to:

1. Lt. Gen. Ret. Moin-ud-Din Haider Federal Minister of Interior,=20
Narcotics Division, R-Block, Pak Secretariat, Islamabad, Pakistan=20
Fax. 92-51-9202624

2. Mr. Iftikhar Ahmad Shah Gilani Governor of NWFP, Governor's=20
House, Peshawar Fax: 92-91-9210751 / 92-91-9210899

3. Diplomatic Representatives of Pakistan in your country

SAMPLE LETTER

We are deeply shocked and saddened to learn about the attacks on the=20
offices of some NGOs, the houses and properties of social workers in=20
Takhat Bhai, Dir, Bajor and Sawabi, in the Northwestern Frontier=20
Province (NWFP) on 8 October 2001.

We were informed that the attackers, who were allegedly members of=20
fundamentalist groups protesting against the US-led military campaign=20
in Afghanistan, deprived the victims and their families of valuables=20
worth millions of rupees including vehicles, office equipment, and=20
furniture. These attackers have also increased the vulnerability of=20
development workers and their families, causing serious threats to=20
their lives.

The police have reportedly failed to take any action against the=20
culprits a week after the event. A case is yet to be registered=20
against the culprits who are still at large.

In this case of violence and destruction, we humbly and urgently=20
request your office to ensure justice is done by protecting the=20
attacked workers and their families, compensating them for the=20
damage, registering an FIR for the culprits, and arresting them.

*** Please avoid typing 'cc ACPP' at the end of your letter and send=20
copies to us separately for monitoring purpose. Thank You for Your=20
Continued Support.

BACKGROUND

After the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the USA, agitation=20
started all over Pakistan, particularly in the provinces of the=20
Northwestern Frontier Province (NWFP), Baluchistan and the city of=20
Karachi, in favour of Osama bin Laden, the main suspect in the=20
attacks, and Afghanistan, for sheltering bin Laden.

During the agitation, fanatics and clerics tried to attack many=20
government offices and important places to show their faithfulness to=20
their religion. In the NWFP, particularly the cities of Takhat Bhai,=20
Dir, Bajor and Sawabi, some of NGOs were also targeted and attacked.=20
These NGOs are accused of working for the USA and Western countries;=20
an accusation to justify that attacks were carried out for their=20
religious cause. Taking advantage of the situation, some local=20
people, who had personal grudges against activists in the NWFP,=20
attacked NGO offices and homes of the workers, causing great damage.=20
In the case of social worker Zakia Rehman from Takht Bhai in=20
particular, it is alleged that some local people, using the=20
justification of loyalty to their religion, carried out acts of=20
personal revenge. After the attacks, the workers continued to be=20
threatened.

The local administration and the police have reportedly remained=20
passive in these incidents. They did not register the complaint in=20
First Information Report (FIR) against the culprits, nor are they=20
ready to do so, even after the victims have pointed out the culprits'=20
names, allegedly to please the local people and the fundamentalists=20
in the area. This greatly hinders victims' approach to justice.

Details of the damage and affected organizations:

1. Women and Children Welfare Organization (Takht Bhai-Mardan): On 8=20
October 2001, a mob attacked the office of the Women and Children=20
Welfare Organization in Takhat Bai, destroying office equipment and=20
furniture. Some culprits from the local village, who were armed with=20
rifles, attacked the house of Zakia Rehman, a social worker and=20
General Secretary of the organization. Zakia and her father were=20
confined to a room at gun point, while their belongings were looted=20
and house set on fire. They had to escape for their lives. Inspite of=20
the list of names of the culprits and details of the damage being=20
provided to the authorities, the police have neither registered the=20
report, nor are they showing any readiness to register it. Damage is=20
estimated to be approximately Rs.1.6 million (about US$25,900).

2. Salik Rural Development Foundation (Takht Bhai-Mardan): According=20
to the workers of the Salik Rural Development Foundation in Takhat=20
Bai, their office was attacked on 8 October 2001 by a violent mob=20
comprising members of the NWFP dominating religious party, Jamiat=20
Ulma-e-Islam (Congregation of the scholars of Islam ) or JUI and=20
local clerics. The Women's Industrial Training Center, the Salik=20
library, a park, and a hospital were demolished and office equipment,=20
furniture and vehicles were set on fire. The damage is estimated to=20
be worth about Rs. 7 million (about US$113,600). The house of=20
Jehanzeb, one of the social workers, was also set on fire. He claims=20
that the damage is worth Rs.3.5million (about US$56,800).

3. Swabi Welfare Organization (Sawabi): Five of the offices of the=20
Swabi Welfare Organization were demolished on 11 October 2001. The=20
local administration reportedly warned them to close their offices=20
and houses and move to a safe place, refusing to take any=20
responsibility in case of any mishap. On the same day their offices=20
were attacked and they had to flee for their lives. Cultivated fields=20
were also destroyed.

4. Human Survival Development Center (Bajor): The Human Survival=20
Development Center is an organization working for rehabilitation of=20
the victims of mines and advocacy of human rights. According to the=20
workers at the center, about one hundred workers of JUI, equipped=20
with batons and iron rods, attacked their office on October 8, 2001.=20
The attackers shouted slogans, accusing the workers of being American=20
and Jewish Agents. They destroyed everything in the office and took=20
away valuables. The workers are still facing threats to their lives.=20
The police are reportedly not ready to cooperate with the victims nor=20
provide them any safety.

5. Women Social workers in Dir: Lives of Women social workers in Dir=20
are also at risk from the fanatics. Instead of being protected, they=20
reportedly have been warned by the government to remove boards from=20
their offices and move to a safe place for the meantime. At the=20
moment, the workers are very apprehensive.

Yours sincerely, Kata Lee Project Coordinator ACPP-Hotline Asia

Thank You for Your Continued Support.

Hotline is a service for Justice and Peace irrespective of class,=20
race, religion, culture and political affiliation. We issue "Urgent=20
appeals" (UAs) on request from our network. As you receive UAs free,=20
we welcome contributions towards postage costs, payable to: Asian=20
Center for the Progress of Peoples
Ltd.
--------------------------------------
Asian Center for the Progress of Peoples 52 Princess Margaret Road,=20
1/F, Kowloon, Hong Kong Tel: (852) 2712 3989 / 2714 5123 Fax: (852)=20
2711 3545 E-mail: acpp@p... Web: www.acpp.org

______

#4.

Indian Express
26 October 2001
Editorial.

One community, many voices
Muslims are as heterogeneous as any other group

As several Muslim academics, clerics, women activists and ordinary=20
men and women publicly denounce the Jama Masjid Shahi Imam Syed Ahmed=20
Bukhari's vulgar personal vituperation against Shabana Azmi on a=20
recent television programme, they reiterate another point as well:=20
that the Shahi Imam does not speak for the community. It is one of=20
the tragedies of the post-WTC world that this point is not more=20
obvious than it seems to be, and that average men and women of the=20
Muslim community in India should feel cornered into providing proof=20
of their distance from those like the Shahi Imam. It is really=20
unfortunate it should have become necessary for them to do so to=20
puncture the smug stereotype of the 'Islamic response' to Black=20
Tuesday.

Another war has been afoot since September 11 and not just in=20
Afghanistan. This is the clash, across borders, not of civilisations,=20
but of manufactured images. In this fight, the shriller, more=20
virulent contrivance occupies centre stage. And so, Islam comes to be=20
equated with fundamenta- lism/terrorism. It is necessary, in this=20
moment, to stand up and point out that 'Islamic fundamentalism' is=20
not a natural coupling and that it does not represent more than a=20
mere fragment of the truth, either about Islam or about=20
fundamentalism. But it is important to do more than just that. Care=20
must be taken that one stereotype is not fought by resorting to=20
another. The 'Muslim extremist' will not be vanquished by the 'Muslim=20
moderate'. The only way in which justice can be done within a complex=20
reality is by recognising, yes, its complexity. Public spaces within=20
the media and outside need to be opened out to accommodate and=20
broadcast many more voices from the community than they usually do.=20
There is no one voice, extreme or moderate, that can tell everyone=20
else about what it is that is actually happening deep in the recesses=20
of the 'Muslim mind'. Truth is, as both grapple with daily concerns=20
about education, health, employment et al, the Muslim in Srinagar may=20
react completely differently from the Muslim in Mumbai on any=20
particular issue, and that both reactions can vary from one issue to=20
another.

There will be resistance, of course, to abandoning the stereotypes=20
and the anointed spokespersons for the community. Typecasting is so=20
convenient and it serves so many interests, especially in a=20
multi-ethnic, multi-religious state like ours. It suits the media to=20
hold up one view as representative of the entire community because it=20
obviates the effort involved in going out and searching for more. It=20
has also suited the state and the government at various points of=20
time to negotiate with one face of a community - the Shahi Imam has=20
been given a far more serious hearing by the political leadership of=20
the majority community rather than by members of his own. Most of=20
all, it suits the lunatic fringes of both the Hindus and the Muslims=20
to be seen as imaging their respective communities and to sharpen=20
their claws against each other's edges. Yes, it will be difficult,=20
but there is no alternative to a more nuanced understanding of a=20
multifaceted reality.

______

#5.

The Daily Star (Bangladesh)
27 October 2001
Between the lines

India versus BJP's India

Kuldip Nayar, writes from New Delhi
The BJP's purpose was served when the temple issue got mixed with=20
politics. But the question the party must ask itself is whether=20
India's interest was served. It tarred the face of our secular=20
country with the brush of fanaticism. The nation is still paying for=20
it.

AFTER a miserable performance by the BJP at the Lok Sabha polls in=20
1980, Atal Behari Vajpayee observed that they could not consider any=20
state safe like the communists who had West Bengal as their preserve.=20
Two decades later, this remark still holds good.

The BJP still cannot say with confidence that it will win in such and=20
such state. It depends on the situation prevailing at the time of=20
elections.

Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan used to be strongholds of the BJP or its=20
earlier incarnation, the Jana Sangh. But both states are today in the=20
hands of the Congress. Delhi and Himachal Pradesh too stayed with the=20
BJP for a long time but both changed hands, although Himachal Pradesh=20
has come back to the party. And when we talk about change, there is=20
no question of the BJP ever crossing the Vindhyas southwards. The=20
party had at one time 28 per cent of votes in Karnataka but it has=20
tumbled down to half in four years.

I expected the BJP to ponder over its existence -- it celebrated the=20
occasion a few days ago at Delhi -- it should have tried to analyse=20
why it has not struck roots in any state. The party has neither=20
learnt nor forgotten anything. And it continues to believe that it=20
has made progress, as LK Advani claims, because it has taken up the=20
Ram janambhoomi issue as "a symbol of cultural nationalism."

Advani forgets that after the demolition of the Babri masjid, the BJP=20
lost in UP, Madhya Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh and just scraped through=20
in Rajasthan. The Hindus felt so horrified that they voted for the=20
Congress despite its tainted record.

The phrase Advani has used is "cultural nationalism." Words do not=20
cover up the intent. What he means is that Hindu chauvinism has=20
helped the party grow. And he characterises it as "the right=20
perspective" to be carried forward. How is his approach different=20
from those who propel Islamic, Christian or Sikh chauvinism? If he=20
considers Hindu chauvinism "the right perspectives," what is wrong=20
with the perspective of other religious communities except that they=20
are a minority?

Advani was the one who led the rath yatra in northern India to=20
polarise the country and created an atmosphere where Babri masjid was=20
demolished, creating a trail of bloody clashes killed thousands of=20
people. What happened at that time was pure vandalism by the groups=20
of Hindus who had been excited to frenzy. The BJP's purpose was=20
served when the temple issue got mixed with politics. But the=20
question the party must ask itself is whether India's interest was=20
served. It tarred the face of our secular country with the brush of=20
fanaticism. The nation is still paying for it. That may be the reason=20
why Vajpayee said at the BJP national council meeting that he was=20
only to deliver the valedictory address while Advani was to guide the=20
party into the future.

If Hindu chauvinism is the BJP's agenda, the party poses a serious=20
challenge to the country's ethos of secularism. The nation's strength=20
is its pluralism. It will be a sad day when "cultural nationalism"=20
eliminates our composite culture. Its culture makes India different=20
from the theocratic neighbouring states.

People of different religions and creeds have become the warp and=20
woof of India's tapestry, drawing strength from the various threads=20
that have become inter-woven over the years, resulting in a texture=20
which has come to reflect diverse shades in a smooth, sturdy fashion.=20
And as the Ganges, the country's main river, has taken into its lap a=20
multitude of different streams, whether stormy, placid or dirty, so=20
has India assimilated the strange and the strong from may cultures=20
and countries. The country has gained from it.

The BJP should realise that it came to power at the Centre because it=20
kept its communal agenda aside. The party joined hands with the=20
parties which believe in a pluralistic society. Vajpayee was quite=20
right in emphasising that like the BJP its allies in the National=20
Democratic Alliance (NDA) have also left part of their agenda=20
separate. What he was saying was that those who were egging on the=20
party to follow the perspective of "cultural nationalism" were=20
hitting at the accommodation the NDA represented.

The differences between the approaches of Vajpayee and Advani came=20
into the open.

The BJP should realise that the party cannot go forward by following=20
its parochialism and by not co-opting the 130 million Muslims in a=20
system which is democratic and which follows the pattern of joint=20
electorate. Right and left labels are understandable but not Hindu=20
and Muslim. The BJP seems determined to polarise the country but it=20
will be defeated in its effort because the nation's temper is=20
different. The journey which the BJP has taken in the last 50 years=20
is different from the one described by Advani. The first lap was the=20
denunciation of Mahatma Gandhi. But the same party introduced his=20
name in its prayer some 25 years ago. Surprisingly, it has not begun=20
putting up the Mahatma's photo at the party's meetings. Probably it=20
wants to disprove the allegation that it is more Congress than the=20
Congress itself. The second lap, when the Jana Sangh was part of the=20
Janata Party (1977-79), was that of betrayal of Jayaprakash Narain.=20
The Jana Sangh leaders had given JP an undertaking that they would=20
snap their ties with the RSS, an organisation which was anathema to=20
the other members of the Janata. There could not be double loyalty=20
nor dual membership. The Jana Sangh members stuck to their loyalty to=20
the RSS and, therefore, had no place in the Janata.

The third and the last lap, which Advani has commended, is again=20
controversial. In a composite society, there is no place for any=20
religious fundamentalism. It will destroy the sense of tolerance=20
which has kept the country united for centuries. All types of fanatic=20
groups will sprout, something which is beginning to happen. And it is=20
all in the conjecture of Advani and his supporters that it can=20
polarise the country and that it can acquire enough electoral=20
strength to be in a majority in the Lok Sabha.

I shall be surprised if the party retains even the present strength=20
of 181 members in the next Lok Sabha. When Vajpayee goes out of the=20
way to defend and protect the NDA, it means he knows the value of a=20
collation of different minds and parties. Advani sounds like a person=20
in a hurry and indulges in a lot of wishful thinking.

The party has made progress because of the acts of omission and=20
commission by the Congress. The latter is now making inroads because=20
of the BJP's lack of performance. The BJP cannot make up the failure=20
by stoking the fires of communalism or what Advani characterises as=20
"cultural nationalism." The party's image was never secular but what=20
attracted the people was the impression that it was pegged to certain=20
values.

That impression has gone after the BJP's governance for the last=20
three years. No political party has violated values so blatantly and=20
mocked at public opinion. What do people infer from the re-induction=20
of George Fernandes to the cabinet when the inquiry committee is=20
still sitting. Never has any democratic government murdered the=20
cannons of justice as Vajpayee has done. He even went to the extent=20
of saying that there is no case against Fernandes. Now the ball is in=20
Justice Venkataswami's court.

How does the punishment meted out to a few military officials matter?=20
The problem with the BJP is that it has ceased to differentiate=20
between right and wrong.

It is justifying the murder of principles for political reasons. But=20
it won't cut much ice with the people. For you can't fool all the=20
people all the time.

______

#6.

News From Bangladesh
26 October 2001

Kangaroo court in Bangladesh?

By A.H. Jaffor Ullah

"The execution of the laws is more important than the making them."

- Thomas Jefferson

We never thought we would live to hear the news of the emergence of=20
some kangaroo courts in Bangladesh. Before going any further to=20
describe the new phenomenon emerging in the rural area of Bangladesh,=20
let me define what 'kangaroo court' stands for. The American Heritage=20
Dictionary defines a kangaroo court as follows: " 1. A mock court set=20
up in violation of established legal procedure. 2. A court=20
characterized by dishonesty or incompetence."

Some vernacular newspapers in Bangladesh have already reported the=20
emergence of kangaroo court that is fully functional - unofficially=20
of course - and meting out court's decision, which has bindings on=20
folks who are brought under justice. Fines of exorbitant sums have=20
been levied on "guilty" party.

This happened in Durgapur upazila of Rajshahi district. It is not=20
clear to this scribe whether the self-appointed judges of this=20
kangaroo court were following guidelines from Shariat Laws or the=20
penal codes (secular laws) that are in the books of Bangladesh's=20
court. However, there is this possibility that the kangaroo court=20
could have made its own laws. According to the newspaper account the=20
self-proclaimed judges brought 35 Awami Leaguers to their court of=20
"law."

We should not lose our sleep trying to figure out which codes, if=20
any, were used to mete out the "justice." But the fact remains the=20
same. That is, much to the chagrin of Bangladesh's civil society an=20
alternative kangaroo court is in existence in some part of=20
Bangladesh. This news is very disturbing indeed. What the authorities=20
are going to do about it. This is a very disturbing development=20
indeed.

Yesterday we had a kangaroo court in some obscure part of Bangladesh.=20
Today, there may be a similar Panchayti court taking place somewhere=20
else. Tomorrow a fanatic Mullah may ordain himself as a Qazi and=20
metes out justice to whomever he wants. What is to happen to all=20
these alternative judiciaries? There is no legal precedence for these=20
alternative courts in Bangladesh.

>From time to time we may have heard of a zealot Mullah taking the=20
laws in his own hand to give verdict on young couples telling them=20
that they are living sinfully even though they are married lawfully.=20
Or we may have heard of Hila (or Hilla) marriage ordered by a Mullah=20
to break a shaky marriage because one member may have said loudly the=20
word Talaq to many times when he was raged.

These are innocuous development, they are not pernicious but Hila=20
marriages could cause severe mental anguish and destroy the peace and=20
togetherness, which is very important in cementing two lives living=20
together under a roof. Nonetheless, the news of the kangaroo court=20
operating in broad daylight in Bangladesh is causing some=20
consternation among some people. That is precisely why one of the=20
leading English newspapers of Dhaka came up with an editorial on=20
October 26, 2001. It read "BNP Court." This scribe thinks the better=20
title would have been "The BNP kangaroo court."

>From the short and pithy editorial what I gather is this: some BNP=20
men have formed court, extra-judicious, of course, to levy fines on=20
some Awami League supporters. The fines were very steep by Bangladesh=20
standard. One English newspaper that wrote the editorial on it=20
stated, "We are keen to know how Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, Home=20
Minister Altaf Hossain Chowdhury and the High Court react to the news.

Maybe, some quarters will be busy trying to dilute the issue or even=20
term it a concoction. But villages like Brahmapur, Sukhandeeghi,=20
Alipur, Amulia, Kaliganj-the spot where such things are going on-are=20
there for verification of the facts. If anything on a scale lower=20
than what is reported has ever happened anywhere in the country, it=20
is a disgrace not only for the administration but also for the nation=20
as a whole."

The political party that had won the general election said earlier in=20
their election manifesto that they would improve law and order=20
situation in this nation of 130 million mostly impoverished folks.=20
They also pledged that they would bring down the incidences of=20
terrorism along with improving the law and order situation all=20
throughout the nation. But in reality, things are going the other=20
way. First, the winning party's goons were harassing the party=20
workers of the defeated party. That was not all. On top of it they=20
singled out the minorities belonging to Hindu communities for rape=20
and torture. When this news got out of Bangladesh the ruling party=20
had great difficulty admitting to it. They simply dithered.

First came the invidious remark from them. They said that Awami=20
League, the losing party, had exaggerated the news in their quest to=20
mar the good reputation of the winning party. But when more news was=20
coming out from countryside, then some stern warning came from the=20
supreme leader even though the Home Minister had nothing but negative=20
sentiments against the debacle centering the treatment Bangladesh's=20
minorities were receiving from the ruling party's goons.

The entire episode of torturing the religious minorities was truly=20
mishandled by this new government. They turned their head to the=20
other side as the goons from the ruling party were causing harm to=20
the minorities. If this is the way this new government is going to=20
rule Bangladesh for the next five years, then there are reasons for=20
concern. The donor countries should pay much attention to all these=20
news of gross civil rights violations that are taking place=20
everywhere in the rural areas. And now the news of BNP kangaroo court=20
rearing its ugly head in the northwestern corner of Bangladesh does=20
not bode well for this nascent democracy.

This newly elected government should call spade a spade, instead.=20
This is now well established that in the aftermath of October 1=20
election some minorities were singled out by the rogue elements of=20
the ruling party and their alliance. These ruffians caused=20
consternation among the Hindus and some were even tortured.

The government should have moved aggressively to bring the situation=20
under control. But that did not happen. Therefore, this government=20
failed miserably to establish rule of the law. It is difficult to=20
conceive how they are going to achieve their first election=20
manifesto, i.e., eradicate crime and terrorism from this land when=20
they are the promoter themselves!

Now comes the bombshell. The rogue elements of the ruling party and=20
their alliances' members have just promoted them to be judges of some=20
kangaroo court in the deep interior of Bangladesh. We have to wait=20
and watch how the Home Minister deals with this new development. This=20
is entirely a new phenomenon. Will this government deal very=20
seriously and bring these goons to justice?

This remains to be seen. In the meantime let us hope we do not hear=20
anymore-similar news. There should not be any kangaroo court=20
springing up anywhere in Bangladesh. These brigands who took laws in=20
their own hands should be dealt very ruthlessly. They epitomized the=20
silly saying - "Laws were made to be broken." They indeed had broken=20
the laws. What should Mrs. Khaleda Zia and Altaf Hossain Chowdhury=20
now do?

A.H. Jaffor Ullah writes from New Orleans. Direct you comments to:=20
Jaffor@n...

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