[sacw] SACW #1 (26 Oct. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #1.
26 October 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. Americans have unintentionally started two wars (M.B. Naqvi)
#2. Frontline bombing sparks new war of words in South Asia (Praful Bidwai)
#3. News from Pakistani NGO activists on goings on there
#4. India: More marches in Delhi Against War and Terrorism on October 30, 2=
001
#5. Bombay - Statement on Rape of Hindu Women in Bangla Desh

________________________

#1.

M.B. Naqvi
Karachi Oct 25:

Americans have unintentionally started two wars: One grabs most of
newspaper space and media time. It is against the Taliban-controlled
Afghanistan. It is the unintended one. The unintended one far is more
intense: it is being fought mainly by Pakistanis within Pakistan by
political means. At stake one is the sway on one another's heart and
mind.

This other and informal war is specifically between the military
government run by Army Chief Gen. Pervez Musharraf for the purpose of
joining the grand international Alliance against Terrorism that the US
has translated into, perhaps as a beginning, Anglo-American war against
Taliban-controlled Afghanistan. The government has skillfully deployed
all its human resources and much of the Pakistani media. The other side
was, to start with, the ultra rightwing religious parties, tactfully
supported by various Jehadi outfits. And later an indeterminate number
of supporters are rolling in from what could well be described as the
floating vote. This side is raucous, it is unruly and professes
anti-Americanism. As for the first war, it is being reported from hour
to hour insofar as the American, indeed, western, tight censorship
permits.

But the second one is sporadically reported. The government is putting
on a brave front. In interview after interview, President Musharraf
exudes supreme self-confidence. Says he: the vast majority of silent
Pakistanis is with him and the trouble makers no more than eight to ten
per cent, if that. He has also in his enthusiasm once said that his
opponents were only two per cent. That may even be so. But as the
intensity of the bombing in the first war increases, with growing
collateral damage, the number of silent majority decreases. Not because
the ordinary people do not understand the reasons why Musharraf did what
he did. Their hearts and sympathies simply and uncontrollably go out to
the poor and starving and defenseless Afghan people. The general
dislike of the Americans, so pervasive in Pakistan, goes on growing into
hatred of the perceived aggressor.

In terms of intensity, as distance from Afghanistan grows, the level of
sympathy and concern for the safety of Afghans does lessen for natural
reasons, except of course Karachi which is the largest Pathan town in
the world, overshadowing all others like Peshawar, Kabul and Kandhar.
There is however far more affinity, ethnic, tribal and other, between
the Pushtoon areas of Pakistan (NWFP and Balochistan) and Afghanistan.
The kind of ferment that there is in these two provinces and the
Pushtoon parts of Karachi are qualitatively different from what obtains
in Punjab and Sindh. There are demos everywhere against the government's
alliance with the US led by religious parties. But there is not the same
fire in them as in the NWFP or Balochistan.

Newspaper readers in this kind of situation go by the yardstick of mob
rowdiness, police action and number of casualties. This is an
unsuitable and inadequate yardstick. In terms of rowdiness and police
tear gas shelling, lathi charges and firings, Karachi has led the way
for specific local reasons. But this is not the whole, or main story.

The really significant thing is the nature and extent of the ferment
that is now characteristic of primarily tribal areas and secondarily in
the Frontier and Balochistan provinces. This distinction coincides with
the major ethnic and political faultline in Pakistan's public life. The
Pushtoons have always regarded themselves as being distinct from the
rest of the Pakistanis, with a fully-fledged nationalism of their own.
In earlier times this nationalism used to be both secular and
democratic, mostly socialistic. The contribution of the military rulers
has been to promote the religious lobbies, particularly the Taliban and
other Jehadis. This has transformed the older nationalism by overlaying
it with religiosity through the rhetoric of Islamic Jehad versus the
Infidels. Politically, Taliban today occupy much of the space that the
followers of Frontier Gandhi used to occupy until the beginning of
1980s. Later the rhetoric of Islam and western dollars began producing
Islamic zealots and finally perfect fanatics in the shape of Taliban.

Now that the Pakistan Army's Chief was forced to turn against the
Army's own crowning glory, the chicken can be said to be coming home to
roost. All the religious lobbies that had indefinable linkages with the
military are now up in arms. Their resentment is genuine and is
growing. It is sharply focused at the Americans and their perceived
Pakistani underlings. Right now they are forming lashkars or rather
lashkars are being formed more or less as the local tradition dictates.
They are unpaid warriors, perceiving themselves to be Jehadis ready to
do and die. That campaigns by such Jehadis often entail human rights
violations of both friend and foe, due to human frailties as well as
tradition. This however is neither here nor there, for the developing
situation.

The impact of tribal lashkars from Pakistan on the war in Afghanistan
is likely to be negligible, supposing they can reach the front lines.
The Pakistan government is girding up its loins to prevent all movement
between the two countries. It is trying vainly to hold off the rising
refugee tide from the other side while stemming the flow of volunteers
from this side. Along the vast porous border, it is a hard and thankless
job. But the overall political consequences in the long- to
medium-term are what should concentrate the minds of the Pakistanis. The
Americans would be safely home however they manage to end their war. The
messy residue of politics in this country would be for Pakistanis to
clean up. It is a fearsome, daunting task.

______

#2.

Special to Inter Press Service

Frontline bombing sparks new war of words in South Asia

By Praful Bidwai

New Delhi, Oct 24:

Barely a week after US secretary of state Colin Powell visited New=20
Delhi and Islamabad to counsel restraint upon the leaders of India=20
and Pakistan, they are back exchanging shrill rhetoric, taunting,=20
chiding and threatening each other. If they carry on this way,=20
matters could well go "out of control"--as Powell fears--with=20
unspeakably grave consequences for this volatile region's 1.3 billion=20
people, or a fifth of humanity.

There is a difference between the rhetoric of the past and the latest=20
exchange of verbal hostilities. This time around, Prime Minister Atal=20
Behari Vajpayee himself--otherwise not known for inflammatory=20
speech--has joined the battle of words, as has President Pervez=20
Musharraf.

On Monday, Musharraf threatened to "teach India a lesson" if it tries=20
to cross the Line of Control (LoC). In a crass male-chauvinist=20
allusion, he also said in Pakistan, "we don't wear bangles" (usually=20
worn by women); India should know that Pakistan is no pushover. It=20
must not indulge in a military "misadventure".

On Tuesday, Vajpayee replied by calling Pakistan an "untrustworthy"=20
neighbour and charged it with opportunism and betrayal, and with=20
supporting "cross-border terrorism" in Kashmir. He said: "Islamabad=20
has armed the Taliban. But it is itself waging a war against that=20
very Taliban. Who will trust them?" He challenged Islamabad to decide=20
if it wants to be India's friend or its adversary.

Not to be left behind, hardliner Defence minister George Fernandes=20
said India is a "peace-loving" country which has never waged war, and=20
described as "rubbish" Pakistan's charge that New Delhi has plans to=20
cross the LoC. Competing with him, Hindu hawk and home minister Lal=20
Krishna Advani vowed to pursue a tough "pro-active" policy.

India's foreign ministry didn't help matters by saying it does not=20
wish to indulge in "sterile debates" with Islamabad, which should=20
stop "chasing chimeras"; instead, it should address "cross-border=20
terrorism".

On Tuesday, Pakistan handed over a demarche, a formal diplomatic=20
protest, to the Indian ambassador in Islamabad, against "provocative"=20
statements from New Delhi.

The immediate trigger for this war of words was provided by the=20
recent turn in the course of the Afghanistan war, with the United=20
States launching long-expected, but delayed, air strikes on frontline=20
positions of the Taliban in the north. These raids have significantly=20
altered the military balance between the Taliban and the Northern=20
Alliance, strengthening the NA and reinforcing its claims to form the=20
core of the next regime in Afghanistan.

India, like Russia and Iran, strongly backs the NA. It has over the=20
years provided economic, humanitarian and military assistance to that=20
government. The NA is pitted directly against the Taliban as a=20
military rival. It opposes any political truck with it.
The NA is composed largely of non-Pushtun tribal groups and of=20
broadly secular parties, as well as Islamic ones. The Taliban are=20
almost exclusively Pushtun, and espouse a fundamentalist and=20
intolerant ideology. The Pushtuns comprise about 40 percent of=20
Afghanistan's population.

Pakistan, which forged the Taliban into a political-military force,=20
has been lobbying hard for the inclusion of "moderate Taliban"=20
elements into an alternative government in Kabul. The US has not=20
publicly opposed this and may be strongly inclined to support such a=20
deal--if its limited, personalised, objective of getting Osama bin=20
Laden "dead or alive" is met.

However, India, Russia and Iran strongly oppose the proposal calling=20
it an "oxymoron" or contradiction in terms.

Strangely, General Rashid Dostum, the Uzbek warlord who is part of=20
the NA, has said he is not wholly opposed to the "moderate Taliban".=20
In the past, Dostum notoriously switched allegiance repeatedly--from=20
the pro-Soviet regime to the Mujahideen, then to Najibullah, and to=20
the Taliban =8A

Neither India nor Pakistan has control over the factor--the pounding=20
of Taliban frontline positions--which is causing the present shifts=20
in military balances. Both are keen to exploit their effects.

One motive behind the US's decision to bombard the northern=20
frontlines may be to tell Islamabad that it is not putting all its=20
eggs in the Taliban basket. Washington could explore other options=20
too as the impasse over a Pushtun-dominated regime continues, with=20
former King Zahir Shah still unwilling or unable to convene a loya=20
jirga (tribal assembly) to form the kernel of the next broad-based=20
government.

India's lobbying may have played a role in Washington's calculus. But=20
far more important is the strong, unequivocal support for the NA from=20
Russia, the Alliance's biggest arms supplier.

President Vladimir Putin's visit to Dushanbe, after the Asia Pacific=20
Economic Cooperation forum in Shanghai, was meant to reassure the NA=20
that Russia recognises it as Afghanistan's "sole legitimate"=20
government.

Another important US calculation behind the air strikes of the past=20
four days seems to be to target Brigade V-55, the Al-Qaeda's crack=20
troops, largely of Arab origin, now seconded to the Taliban militia.=20
V-55 comprises the best trained troops under bin Laden's control.=20
Many of them are believed to be in the north helping the Taliban.

Islamabad holds the ultimate Taliban card trump because of its=20
intimate knowledge of the militia's strategic assets, chain of=20
command, military strategy, key individuals, hideouts, and modus=20
operandi. Its Inter-Services Intelligence agency created, nurtured=20
and militarily trained the Taliban. According to several reports,=20
Islamabad has not fully shared key intelligence on the Taliban with=20
the US.

The US too has indulged the Taliban. It came close to recognising the=20
regime in the mid-1990s as part of a deal proposed by US oil=20
companies to build a pipeline from Central Asia to the Arabian Sea=20
through Afghanistan. Among the "consultants" appointed by the key oil=20
major, Unocal, was Richard Armitage, present US deputy secretary of=20
state. Other big bigwigs including Henry Kissinger, Zbigniew=20
Brzezinski, former chief of staff John Sununu, former Senate majority=20
leader Howard Baker, and former secretary of state Lawrence=20
Eagleburger, also played a critical role in lobbying for various US=20
oil companies.

The calculations of all the concerned states are becoming more and=20
more devious as the Afghanistan war proceeds apace. In the India and=20
Pakistan's cases, domestic considerations too play a large role.

Vajpayee's Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party, which leads the=20
26-party ruling coalition, faces a tough election in India's largest=20
state, Uttar Pradesh. With its electoral base substantially eroded in=20
recent years, it hopes to win votes by appeasing non-secular Hindu=20
opinion with a militant anti-Pakistan stand.

The Vajpayee government also mobilised military forces in Kashmir in=20
a "pro-active" strategy to inflicting "punitive" strikes upon=20
"secessionist" militants who exploit widespread popular alienation=20
with the Indian state. It is under internal pressure to use the=20
present global anti-"terrorism" climate to put down the militancy=20
with a heavy hand.

Musharraf is besieged by hardliner Islamicists. The only way he can=20
sustain his support for the US-led unpopular war, besides censorship=20
and street-level repression, is by playing the India card. He too can=20
be expected to step up the anti-India rhetoric.

The danger of the rhetoric of mutual hostility spinning out of=20
control is very real. US strategists have drawn up more than 25=20
plausible scenarios of an India-Pakistan armed conflict. The likely=20
escalation of each conflict scenarios means a nuclear conflagration,=20
according to military sources quoted in The Washington Post.

US leaders have again appealed to India and Pakistan to defuse mutual=20
tensions. Powell has even offered "help" to do so. But India rejects=20
any "third party" mediation.

The sole hope of mutual restrain is quiet diplomacy to get Vajpayee=20
and Musharraf to meet in New York where in three weeks' time they are=20
to address the UN General Assembly. Even this seems difficult as=20
Vajpayee has said he won't meet Musharraf unless "cross-border=20
terrorism" ends.

South Asia, with its own sordid sideshow in the Afghanistan war,=20
remains on a short fuse. -end-

______

#3.

[ News from Pakistani NGO activists on goings on there]

17 October: Pakistani NGOs report on attacks against development organisati=
ons
Following a request from smaller Pakistani development organisations NGOs
with a national presence called a meeting to discuss: (a) the fallout of
the military action in Afghanistan and (b) how the NGO community can
collectively respond to the situation.

Expecting some 30-40 participants, the host organisation receives
confirmations from more than 80: 30-35 from North-West Frontier Province,
Baluchistan (both bordering Afghanistan) and Sindh, the rest from Punjab.

The situation is worst in the NWFP province, with NGOs viciously attacked
in the Takhtbhai area (Mardan District) and Bajaur Agency (a tribal area on
the border). Groups arrive with disturbing tales of offices burnt to the
ground, equipment furniture and vehicles either destroyed or stolen,
personal homes attacked, some destroyed and life-threatening attacks on
individuals. In some cases the attacks have been so personalized and
vicious that one of the men - whose life work has been destroyed overnight
- cannot control his emotions despite all the norms of
macho-ism in his culture, and has to leave the room.

The attacks are not simply a "fundamentalist" response. Instigators are
identified by the people personally attacked as the local elite (landlords,
bank managers) fearful of a challenge to their supremacy in the area - who
are using and linking up with right-wing political forces. In Takhtbhai,
possibly the landlords resent the fact development workers have been
encouraging women to get micro-credit loans to stand on their own feet and
therefore no longer have to work at the landlords' homes.

Trouble had been brewing for a while in NWFP province and this gave
extremists an excuse to attack the NGOs.
The situation is worst where there are unlying local tensions (always the
case in riots). There are also suspicions that it the attacks may be
because of the development organisations' anti-narcotics work.

The following is based on the participants' report:

NWFP
October 7th 2001 night: the US led military strikes begin in Afghanistan.

In the Takhtbhai border area of Pakistan's NWFP province, news is
circulated through various mosques to groups/individuals apparently
awaiting this news.

The mobilization begins. By 9am 8 October a sizable gathering of 4000-5000
people have gathered in a village; a protest march turns into a mob calling
for revenge for the military attacks. But against whom? The US-led military
coalition is out of reach, and the protesters unwilling to take on the
Pakistan administration, focus on NGOs who have been working for community
welfare.

The first target becomes an organisation working with women. Their hospital
is surrounded, its office denuded of equipment, petrol and kerosene oil is
doused and the place set on fire. It is completely destroyed. A nearby
development organisation working for some 15 years to provide community
services including a library and 8 women's skill training centers, is
ransacked. Equipment and materials are either destroyed or stolen, vehicles
burnt and set on fire. The crowd also torches the library, destroys the
park built for the community and, finally, even the mosque.

The mob then attacks the home of the organisation's leader, burning it to
the ground. He fears personal attacks. He thinks the attacks were led by
the local maulvis (preachers)and were instigated by the JUI (F) (the
Jamaat-e-Ulema-Islam, the political party that trained the Taleban in its
madrassahs/religious schools). The attacks appear pre-planned. Possibly
NGOs are perceived as a threat in upcoming local elections, when activists
may stand as candidates. Religious-politico extremists opposed to the
Pakistan government have played upon the involvement of some NGO people in
the Musharraf government and have pushed the propaganda that this is an
'NGO regime'. Perhaps NGOs are being used as a scapegoat in this political
tussle.

At 10:45 am, the mob is led in a procession to the office of another
development organisation where its woman leader is working with the male
secretary. They helplessly as the mob arrives and takes over their office.
They run from the office and take refuge in a nearby home. Most of the
crowd leaves but led by two men (a bank manager and a maulvi [preacher])
some are galvanized to turn back and attack the woman leader's home,
shouting "these are the children of America, burn them".

In the home there are nine people including her elderly father, two sisters
in law and four children all under 6 years old. The mob enters and when her
elderly father tries to stop them, beats him up. When they see the men
dousing petrol and kerosene on the walls, they gather up the children and
take refuge in one of the back rooms. One of the children faints. They hear
the men dousing the house and the door of the room they are in; and
hear/smell sense the fire being lit. Luckily, thankfully, the rooms
interconnect and in the midst of the flames and smoke, they fight their way
out to safety.

We have lost everything, she says, "we escaped with the clothes on our
backs, not even our shoes. We have nothing
left. We are living on people's charity - we eat the food people send us,
we wear the clothes they lend/give us." The family is scattered, sheltered
in various friends' homes. She says "My nephew says to me 'Baji [elder sist=
er]
if you weren't working in an NGO we would still have a home of our own.'
What do I tell him?"

Her organization's 8-member executive committee met later on and have
decided to go ahead with their work despite everything. She states that
otherwise she will always be held up as an example to other women who work
for women's rights and welfare. "'Remember what happened to her, they will
say, it could happen to you too. We cannot allow them to stop the future of
the next generations."

Also in Takhbhai a voluntary welfare oranisation working for 30-40 years
and headed by an elderly man, is also attacked. "Our building is completely
ruined" he says, we have no furniture, no equipment, no machines, no
building left to work in. They are now coming and taking away even the
bricks that remain." He explains that for the past year local opponents of
his work have been circulating the propaganda that NGOs are trying to
promote a non-religious, non-Muslim society, they are promoting unIslamic
principles and taking people away from Islam. "Even the fair-price shop we
had set up was bombed and destroyed at night. No police report was filed,
despite our attempts. There has been no action against those leading these
attacks. Before the 8th, many people used to approach us for all kinds of
problems and we would help them, since the 8th, not a single person has
dared to approach us for help."

All NGOs have stopped operating in the Takhtbhai area.

The police refused to register a case against those identified as
responsible. At the Friday prayers, the local leader of another faction of
the JUI said those not joining the protest have no faith. So people were
forced to join the procession for their own protection.

A nearby women's oganisation believes it was not attacked simply because
the police station is in front of their office. "At 10 pm at night we were
told to vacate our offices and take out all equipment and valuables. We
were told we are in big danger. On 12 October we were told by the
administration to leave the area, to flee. I said we've taken precautions
to protect ourselves, we shall not flee. I was asked by the officer in
charge of the police station, 'Which country are you with?' And when I said
Pakistan, of course, he said 'no, where do you get your funds from ?'"

On 15 October in the middle of the night fields belonging to the families
of local NGO activists were burnt down, their crops ready for harvest
completely destroyed. This has never happened, even during the worst local
rivalries and feuds. It seems too much of a coincidence.

Bajaur Agency - 30 km from the Afghan border in the tribal north of Pakista=
n.
People gather through the night of 7-8 October, apparently using FM radios
installed in various mosques. It seems many of the men who gathered during
the night were Afghans/Talebans but included Pakistani supporters. The
slogans were anti-American and pro-Afghan, the mob consisted of maulvis
(preachers) supporters of JUI and students. 4000-5000 gather in the bazaar
led by violent people who call upon the crowd to attack those who speak of
secularism and democracy.=20

The first hit is an organization working on the medical rehabilitation of
those who continue to be maimed by anti-personnel mines. These left over
superpower war toys are being used by tribal leaders in Pakistan as the new
tool in their local rivalries and conflicts. The crowd burnt their vehicle
and was about to leave when one of the leaders incites it to return and
completely destroy the office. Apparently someone also cries out "today the
Babri Masjid is avenged!" (The mosque was destroyed by Hindu fanatics in
India some years ago).

Responding to propaganda that the organisation was spreading Christianity,
it held a meeting/seminar of religious scholars. Ulema invited were
threatened, few turned up and those who did became the object of a social
boycott. "Our NGO doesn't even have a political dimension - we're only
trying to help mine victims."

The nearby offices of larger NGOs working on children's and human rights
are also attacked. Despite a long-standing campaign against the human
rights organisation, including a fatwa condemning them as infidels (kafirs)
who had to be finished off, "mostly the average person has not accepted
their accusations, so nothing happened." But when the mob arrives at the
office they take out all the furniture, papers and publications, and all of
these are burnt/destroyed. The mob is only deterred from attacking the home
of a human rights activist because the many men at home took out their
weapons. "The hatred has been there for several years and it's been waiting
to explode and the current situation [bombings] have provided the ignition.=
"

The few police watched and did nothing. When higher authorities were
approached they said "Sort it out yourselves".

On 10 October 10,000 people gathered in an open ground led by the
Jamaat-e-Islami (also attended by other even more extremist and violent
groups). The 3-4 hour long gathering remained peaceful because it was the
JI's policy.
However some 300-400 people broke off to attack the jail to free 2 people
arrested for the earlier rampage and damage. When the local government
authorities refused to release them, the crowd became violent and only
dispersed after aerial firing in which several people were injured.

One of the NGO meeting participants did point out that the administration
itself is under attack in some places and in one incident in Sher Ghar
several policemen were attacked and badly beaten; one died.

In other places, one of the women's organisation's earlier attacked had
police protection and was not attacked this time. In other places in NWFP,
some NGOs were attacked but not seriously (i.e. only stones being thrown
accompanied by threats of more violence). NGOs have taken precautionary
measures, stopped or curtailed their field activities.

NGOs are trying to get lawyers to follow through in Peshawar and have
already written formally to the governor of the province.

Balochistan and Sindh
The situation in Balochistan and Sindh is under more control but still
worrying. In Quetta, the feeling is that the administration deliberately
turned a blind eye to the rampaging and allowed it to happen. NGOs were not
targeted per se, instead it was the banks, a shopping plaza and several
cinema halls. Participants believed the presence of politico-religious
elements was minimal - mostly these were hired thugs and students, many
quite young.

In Sindh, the city of Karachi is facing problems because of the large
refugee community there (estimated 1 million Afghans) and their supporters.
There is no general support but it is the work of an aggressive minority.
NGOs are not yet threatened. There is a media campaign propagating that
this is a war on Islam and issuing threats to anyone supporting the US.

In Punjab too NGOs are not directly threatened but there is anti-NGO
rhetoric in the speeches of several of the demonstrations of the
politico-religious parties and groups being held in different parts of the
province. Especially in the south and west of Punjab, they are calling for
the controlling or closing of NGOs who are being accused of being "western
agents".

24 October: First warnings for women's development organisation in Lahore?

Far from the disturbed border region, Lahore has so far seen limited
protests. Fears now growing that non-governmental organisations will be
targeted by politico-religious extremists as in the border region.

A friend writes:
"About a half hour ago as I sat working at my desk, heard some noise,
looked up & out the window to see a demo coming our way. Some 250 people -
all men chanting (all friends of America are traitors - old slogan Amrika
ka jo yaar hai, ghaddar hai, ghaddar hai), carrying an effigy, some armed
with batons. Immediately asked staff to close the gates - and watched from
the window as they approached - phoned another nearby organisation to warn
them as well. The demonstrators arrived at our walls and turned left to go
(back ?) presumably to the mosque around the corner.=20=20

"Our office driver walked out on foot and spoke to people. Seems they want
to block the main road - flags were Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) and some possibly
Lashkar Jhangvi (armed extremist group). Couldn't quite figure why today
then realised it is the day for the JI call to surround the Jacobabad
airport (given to US military for their use) in Sindh. The govt has banned
their leader Qazi Hussain's entry into Sindh for the duration. So this must
be one of the empathy demos in the country. According to our driver the
demo went around and collected people from local colleges - but I'm not so
sure.

"Difficult to continue regular work when so much time is spent responding
to various aspects of the crisis/fallout from meetings and planning peace
demos and statements to the attacks on NGOs and the relief effort..."

24 October: The relief effort continues=20
Pakistani NGOs who have raised local donations for Afghan refugees are
talking with UNICEF, which is still managing to get trucks across the
border from Pakistan into Afghanistan. They are also attempting to meet the
Commissioner for Afghan Refugees to attempt to facilitate entry into the
camps, currently officially closed to one and all. Meanwhile, activists
along the border region have managed to network with arriving refugees who
have no official refugee status and are distributing goods to them.

______

#4.

>
>Date: Thu, 25 Oct 2001 15:19:22 +0530
>From: Kamla Bhasin <k.bhasin@v...>
>
>Subject: More marches in Delhi Against War and Terrorism on October 30, 20=
01
>
>Dear friends
>
>After organizing several Peace Vigils, Marches, Cultural expressions
>many Delhi groups and individuals felt the need to come together to
>organize another Peace March, hopefully a larger one this time. Many of
>us have met in the last two weeks to plan the March and to form a loose
>"Coalition for Peace and Democracy" consisting of women's organizations,
>students and teachers organizations, trade unions, peace groups,
>people's organizations etc.
>
>The March will take place on October 30, at 1100 hrs in the morning. We
>will all gather around 1030 behind the Red Fort on the Ring Road (near
>the road leading to Darya Ganj). We will walk through Darya Ganj and go
>to Feroze Shah Kotla. Leaflets in Hindi and English will be distributed.
>
>Everyone is invited to bring their own banners, placards against war,
>communalism, injustice and FOR peace, justice, equality , democracy for
>all. There will be two large banners saying "Coalition for Peace and
>Democracy".
>
>To make this Peace March a success all of us will have to mobilize
>friends, colleagues, groups and come in large numbers.
>
>We also have to collect money to meet expenses of the March. Those who
>wish to contribute please call and tell how much.
>
>Looking forward to marching with you yet again.
>
>In solidarity and peace
>
>Kamla Bhasin
>Juhi Jain
>Nirmala Deshpande
>Syeda Hameed

______

#5.

25 Oct 2001
Subject: Statement on Rape of Hindu Women in Bangla Desh

From
Prof. Ram Puniyani
EKTA,Committee for Communal Amity.
B 64,IIT Qutrs, Powai, Mumbai 76, Ph-5723522,5765045,(R),5767763(O)

--------
With the new Govt. of Begum Khaleda Zia taking over in Bangla Desh the
communal scene has changed for the worse. There are reports of increase in
the atrocities on Hindu Minorities. The new Govt. seems to be turning a
Nelson's eye to the atrocities against Hindu minorities. There are
reports that sexual vioence aganst Hindu women have increased. The cases
of rape on Hindu Women not only needs unequivocal condemnation, it also cal=
ls
for activation of suitable mechanisms to prevent such acts in future.
Increase in communal poison in the subcontinent is a matter of worry and
concern. These outfits, which play their politics in the name of religion
regularly harass the minorities and violate their Human rights, and make
them feel insecure by acts of terror like this. Rape on the 'women of
other' community is a favorite weapon in the hands of communal forces to
intimidate them. It also gives an insight in to the thinking of
communalists who regard women as the property of Men, and so violation of
their modesty is supposed to be an act of punishing the men of 'other
community'. We have witnessed similar acts here as well. The communal
thinking was 'best' expressed when the BJP MP B.L.Sharma 'Prem', called
the rape of nuns as an act of Nationalism!

We strongly condemn these atrocities on Hindu minorities and sexual
violence against minority Hindu women in Bangla Desh. We do urge upon the
Govt. of Begum Khaleda Zia to take strict action against the perpetrators
of such crimes.

Ram Puniyani
EKTA, Committee for Communal Amity, Mumbai 76 [ India}

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