[sacw] SACW (17 June 01)

aiindex@mnet.fr aiindex@mnet.fr
Sun, 17 Jun 2001 00:31:01 +0200


South Asia Citizens Wire
17 June 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

----------

#1. Pakistan: Ardeshir Cowasjee column of 10 June
#2. Sri Lanka: Estimated 657000 people displaced due to the ongoing ethnic=
=20
conflict
#3. India: SAHMAT Announces The National Convention Against Communalisation=
=20
of Education
#4. India: Armed with Hatred - This country can do without religious militi=
as
#5. Is Advani using Liberhan to revive Hindutva?

--------------------------

#1.

DAWN
Cowasjee Corner; 10 June, 2001

10 June 2001 Sunday

Allah be praised!

By Ardeshir Cowasjee

HELD in Bangladesh, at Dhaka, on June 1 and 2 was the South Asian=20
Conference on Fundamentalism & Communalism: Role of Civil Society. Two=20
participants from Pakistan were Air Marshal Asghar Khan and Educationist=20
Hamza Alavi, both of whom delivered strongly worded papers on how this=20
malaise affects Pakistan.

The Air Marshal's theme was universalism and the inability of the Muslim=20
countries to come to grips with the modern world, adapt to it, and learn to=
=20
live in and with it. The ideas of human liberty, equality and fraternity,=20
the democratic belief that all men are equal in rights and obligations, and=
=20
the promotion of rationalism and scientific thinking do not sit easily with=
=20
adherents to the Muslim faith.

As said Asghar: "The simple idea of human liberty and settling issues by=20
rational means, employing scientific modes of thinking has escaped Muslims.=
=20
Unless this deficiency is removed there can be no hope for their progress."=
=20
As is so amply illustrated by the examples of Pakistan and its unfortunate=
=20
creation, the Taliban: "Orthodox ulema preach against rationalism and=20
liberalism. They represent today forces and tendencies that have kept=20
Muslims weak, divided and backward. They actually operate as a priestly=20
class that demands special privileges."

He touched upon the modern phenomenon of the establishment of Islamic=20
states, a concept that came into existence in the 20th century, brought on=
=20
by some form of insecurity. For in earlier years, Islamic scholars of all=20
sects were at ease with the various political systems and rulers of their=20
countries. Islam was not proclaimed to be in conflict with kings,=20
presidents, dictators, heads of government. It existed in tranquillity, at=
=20
peace with the world.

The Khomeini revolution and the Taliban have established the rule of the=20
clergy, a concept foreign to the basic tenets of pure Islam. Religion has=20
evolved into a weapon in the hands of unscrupulous corrupt men hungry for=20
absolute power. As said the Air Marshal: "Unless Muslims learn the simple=20
principle of not allowing individuals, whether mullahs or generals, to use=
=20
religion for their own benefit, troubles will continue". This, we here in=20
Pakistan, have learnt to our cost.

The strife between the Muslim world and the rest of the world is a no-win=20
situation. The Air Marshal's final summation: "There is a lot of learned=20
discussion of what are western values and what are eastern norms. Europe=20
and the West have no proprietary rights over ideas such as equality,=20
liberty and fraternity or social justice. They belong to the whole world=20
and underpin modern civilization... they belong to all of us. Human values=
=20
and rights are universal. An idea is not a geographical entity. No matter=20
where it was born, it belongs to all mankind."

Hamza Alavi's concentration in his paper, The rise of fundamentalism in=20
Pakistan, was on how this bogey has overtaken Pakistan's society and=20
politics, slowly and surely. Uneducated bigots in the form of mullahs and=20
maulanas, who wave a gun in one hand and the Quran in the other, have been=
=20
pandered to by our unscrupulous politicians who have used these fanatics to=
=20
promote their own aims and intents.

Ziaul Haq is of course the bete noire who really knew how to manipulate=20
religion and its dangerous unstable leaders. He was the one who brought=20
them to the fore, into prominence, and gave them an importance which has so=
=20
damaged this country, its economy, its law and order and its image.

However, Alavi dates the misuse, abuse and exploitation of religion for=20
political ends back to the days of the country's first prime minister.

When Liaquat Ali Khan moved his Objectives Resolution in the Constituent=20
Assembly in 1949, nowhere in it was contained the word 'Sharia', nor did it=
=20
advocate the imposition of an Islamic rule. It merely stated "Muslims shall=
=20
be enabled to order their lives, in the individual and collective spheres,=
=20
in accord with the teachings and requirements of Islam...". It also=20
provided for non-Muslims to "freely profess and practice their religions".=
=20
Liaquat maintained the traditional secularism of the Muslim League, and of=
=20
its true leader, sadly by then dead, Mohammad Ali Jinnah.

But he shortly afterwards changed his position, putting away the=20
traditional secular stance as his political base became threatened by=20
splits in the Punjab League, the true base of power. Daultana and Mamdot=20
were in conflict; Mamdot quit the League and formed his own party. Liaquat=
=20
panicked. He further panicked at the situations in East Bengal, Sindh and=20
Balochistan, where powerful movements had arisen against what was felt to=20
be Punjabi domination. Regional autonomy and fairer shares were demanded.=20
Unrest was rampant.

So, according to Alavi, he grabbed at the straw of Islamic rhetoric ; he=20
was the first to wave the banner 'Islam in danger', a banner that has been=
=20
waved down the years whenever one of our tinpot despots in or out of=20
uniform have wished to consolidate themselves or attempt to hang on to=20
waning power.

Liaquat abandoned Jinnah's stand, and his own former stand, against any=20
form of pandering to the religious right. He laid the path. In a way he=20
institutionalised the abhorrent practice. He gave the mullahs "a visible=20
public role, but without any real share in power". He established a Board=20
of Talimaat-i-Islam to provide jobs for the senior ranking mullahs, the=20
ulema. "But the Board was to be no more than a facade for the new found=20
religious rhetoric of politicians". Thus it came about over 50 years ago,=20
and has been with us ever since.

The next manifestation of the cynical exploitation of religion through its=
=20
blind zealots was the anti-Ahmadi riots in Punjab, engineered by Chief=20
Minister Mumtaz Daultana for reasons which Alavi declared were too=20
complicated and far too lengthy to be related at the conference.

Then we come to General Yahya Khan's years, when surprisingly religiosity=20
and religious rhetoric again reared its ugly head. "General Sher Ali=20
redefined 'Pakistan ideology' as 'Islamic ideology'", the Yahya=20
government's primary concern being to delegitimize the growing, threatening=
=20
Bengali nationalism. We all know where that led.

Along came Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who "misguidedly decided to exploit=20
religious ideology" and whose "foolish populist rhetoric" stirred the=20
mullahs into action. As said Alavi, therein lay the seeds of his own=20
self-destruction and the coming to power of Ziaul Haq, the subsequent=20
'Islamization', "the crude and cruel distortions of Islamic teachings",=20
Shariat courts (the equivalent of which exist in no other Muslim country),=
=20
and many other perversions.

Zia, of course, claimed to have a direct line to the Almighty by whom he=20
declared he had been appointed. He was helped along by the Afghanistan=20
situation and the consequent proliferation of militant mind-numbing deeni=20
madaris, wherein lay the seeds of the Taliban menace which now hangs over=20
us like the legendary sword of Damocles. Pakistan was totally transformed,=
=20
openly in thrall to the mad mullahs.

Alavi dwelt on the matter of the most damaging decision so far taken by the=
=20
Shariat courts, "manned by persons who hold rigid religious views" - the=20
abolition of interest in all its forms to be achieved by the end of this=20
month. "No enemy of Pakistan could have devised a more potent weapon to=20
destroy the country," he said, with reason. Now, on Thursday, UBL filed an=
=20
application in the Supreme Court seeking a stay on the Shariat Court order=
=20
and all we can hope is that law, justice and, above all, sanity will prevai=
l.

Hopefully, General Pervez Musharraf having spoken as he spoke at the Seerat=
=20
conference on June 5, Alavi's statement that "the present government seems=
=20
paralysed in the face of the diehard religious lobby" no longer holds true.

It may be that at last the generals, in their combined wisdom, have=20
realised that the Republic of Pakistan and its people can no longer be held=
=20
hostage, as Musharraf put it, by a minority of obscurantists intent on=20
dragging them backwards into the dark ages.Musharraf has declared his=20
willingness to meet the Indian premier, Atal Behari Vajpayee, at any time,=
=20
at any place. Wise Vajpayee has extended a hand of friendship which=20
Musharraf has gracefully accepted. Much cannot be expected from the first=20
meeting but even if it ends with each saying to the other, 'Glad to have=20
met you and hope we meet again soon', it will be an achievement. The=20
general should not take with him any of those misguided beings with fixed,=
=20
set, unbendable minds.

And as for his foreign minister, what can one say about him other than to=20
quote from a news item of June 9? Reportedly, on June 8, Abdul Sattar,=20
foreign affairs expert, sent a congratulatory message to Robin Cook, the=20
former British foreign secretary: " ... I look forward to working with you=
=20
for improvement of our bilateral ties in all fields."

Jack Straw was appointed British Foreign Secretary on June 8.

=A9 The DAWN Group of Newspapers, 2001

_______

#2.

Frontline
Volume 18 - Issue 12, Jun. 09 - 22, 2001
WORLD AFFAIRS

LAND OF THE DISPLACED
An estimated 6.57 lakh people in Sri Lanka have been uprooted from their=20
homes owing to the ongoing ethnic conflict and are undergoing the trauma=20
that displacement brings.

V. SURYANARAYAN

A SMALL country with 18 million people, Sri Lanka is one of the world's=20
principal sources of refugees and displaced persons. Nearly half the two=20
million-strong Sri Lankan Tamil population has been displaced internally.=20
In addition, because of the ethnic cleansing pursued by the Liberation=20
Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), thousands of Muslims and Sinhalese have=20
become homeless and are in "welfare centres". In an Issue Paper published=20
in October 1991, the United States Committee for Refugees rightly=20
characterised Sri Lanka as an "Island of Refugees".

SRIYANTHA WALPOLA
<Image>At a refugee camp in Vavuniya, a file picture.

Sri Lankans becoming displaced in their own country is not a new=20
phenomenon. In 1958, following the introduction of the "Sinhala only" Act=20
and the subsequent satyagraha in the Galle Face Green, there were=20
large-scale riots; thousands of Tamils left Colombo and other=20
Sinhalese-dominated areas for the north and the east. In 1977, after the=20
general elections in which the United National Party (UNP) under J.R.=20
Jayewardene came to power with an overwhelming majority, communal clashes=20
erupted in different parts of the island. A large number of Tamils took=20
shelter in camps. In 1981, on the eve of the expiry of the Sirimavo-Shastri=
=20
Pact, large-scale violence was unleashed in the plantation areas to drive=20
away from the island as many Indian Tamils as possible.

The July 1983 riots, which were of an unprecedented scale, marked a turning=
=20
point in modern Sri Lankan history. Life was paralysed in Colombo and other=
=20
southern parts of the island. Tamil neighbourhoods were destroyed. In=20
Colombo alone, nearly 1,00,000 Tamils, more than half the Tamil population=
=20
in the city, were displaced. There was hardly any Tamil family that escaped=
=20
death, destruction or displacement. Patricia Hyndman of LAWASIA pointed=20
out: "Members of the police and armed forces had stood by and allowed=20
attacks to be made on the Tamil people. Even worse, in some cases they had=
=20
actively participated in the attacks... There had been a pattern in the=20
violence... Gangs were transported from outside the districts. They had=20
electoral lists with them from which Tamil houses, shops and addresses were=
=20
identified."

Ethnic polarisation, which was gradually building up, increased in=20
intensity after July 1983. Even progressive Tamils belonging to radical=20
trade unions and Left parties became conscious of the fact that "regardless=
=20
of political ideology, they were identified as Tamils and not as Sri=20
Lankans". The prolonged conflict since 1983, with occasional periods of=20
ceasefire in between, has resulted in internal displacement as well as the=
=20
flow of refugees to India and other parts of the world.

Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) are those who have been forced or=20
obliged to flee their homes or places of residence, as a result of , or in=
=20
order to avoid, the effects of armed conflict, situations of generalised=20
violence and violations of human rights. They are persons who have been=20
forcibly uprooted within their own country. Displacement has a traumatic=20
effect on families, cultures and the security of a stable society. The=20
complexity of the problem is evident from the number of displaced persons,=
=20
which is estimated between 20 million and 25 million. No region in the=20
world is exempt from this epidemic.

THE number of people affected by the prolonged conflict in Sri Lanka is=20
estimated to be 6,79,214, belonging to 1,87,369 families. According to the=
=20
Commissioner-General of Essential Services, 1,71,233 persons belonging to=20
40,750 families stay in 348 welfare centres; 4,85,405 persons belonging to=
=20
1,41,522 families stay with friends and relatives; and 22,576 persons=20
belonging to 5,097 families are non-displaced but are economically=20
affected. The exact ethnic breakdown is not available, but it is estimated=
=20
that 78 per cent of the displaced are Tamils, 13 per cent Muslims and 8 per=
=20
cent Sinhalese.

The border between the territories controlled by the government and the=20
LTTE frequently changes as a result of the fluctuating fortunes of war. The=
=20
terminology - cleared and uncleared areas, nearly cleared areas, gazetted=20
areas, gray areas and border areas - illustrates the complexity of the=20
situation. Civilians living in these areas are subjected to cycles of=20
violence; they are caught in the crossfire, rendered homeless and displaced=
=20
several times.

Two illustrations are given here to substantiate this point. When the Sri=20
Lankan Army started advancing towards Jaffna in the second half of 1995,=20
the Tigers forced the people of Jaffna to move to the Vadamarachchi,=20
Tenmarachchi and Vanni areas. As a result, 3,00,000 people were displaced.=
=20
They were forced to live in miserable conditions. The University Teachers=20
of Human Rights (UTHR) put it thus:"By November 16 the city of Jaffna, for=
=20
the first time in 600 years, was completely empty. The trauma was extremely=
=20
painful both mentally and physically." Regarding the Tigers' role in the=20
exodus, the report said: "The roots of the exodus must be sought in the=20
character of the LTTE's politics, its unchanging agenda of totalitarian=20
power, its lack of concern for the people, and its duplicity resulting from=
=20
a historical inability to negotiate as part of a political process."

The second example of lack of concern for the civilian population was the=20
warning given to the people by the Tigers on November 10, 1999 to evacuate=
=20
Vavuniya. It was estimated that nearly 1,00,000 people joined the exodus.=20
Panic gripped the town, people vacated their homes in a hurry, traders=20
pulled down their shutters, government offices closed and banks faced long=
=20
queues of people desperately in need of money. Five days later, the Tigers=
=20
thanked the people for their response and asked them to return to Vavuniya.

Caught between the inhuman Army and the ruthless Tigers, the displaced=20
people have become pawns in their military games. In an interesting study=20
on the impact of militarised violence on Sri Lankan children, Kenneth Bush=
=20
has brought out revealing details. The children in the north and the east=20
bore the brunt of the violence. Children are being increasingly used by the=
=20
LTTE as soldiers and as intelligence gatherers; the natural response of the=
=20
Army is to treat children with suspicion. Of the 9,00,000 children in the=20
north and the east, 3,00,000 have been displaced. In Mannar, only 13 per=20
cent of the people in the uncleared areas live in their homes. In Jaffna,=20
according to conservative estimates, 81,000 houses have been damaged in=20
military violence. The population of Vavuniya has doubled owing to the=20
influx of people. Save the Children, a non-governmental organisation (NGO),=
=20
is working in Mannar with children who have been displaced as many as seven=
=20
times during their lifetime.

>From the human rights angle, displaced persons are the most vulnerable.=20
The World Report, 1999 of the Human Rights Watch has pointed out: "The link=
=20
between forced displacement and human rights is a crucial one. Human rights=
=20
violations are a principal root cause of forcible displacement. The human=20
rights of the displaced refugees and internally displaced persons alike are=
=20
threatened while they are displaced; and respect for fundamental human=20
rights is a key factor in the search for a durable solution to any=20
situation of displacement."

The Vanni area, the bone of contention between the Army and the Tigers, is=
=20
one of the worst affected in Sri Lanka. A Christian delegation that visited=
=20
the region a couple of years ago pointed out that out of the population of=
=20
4,90,000, the displaced numbered 3,05,000. Children under 18 were estimated=
=20
to be around 1,62,000. Some people lived under trees. Sanitary conditions=20
were awful. Proper drinking water became a luxury. A Report of the U.S.=20
Committee on Refugees has described the conditions of the people of Vanni=20
(when economic embargoes were in force) as follows: "The tens of thousands=
=20
of displaced persons are at a high risk as the government will not provide=
=20
them with food aid, allegedly because it views them as sympathetic to the=20
LTTE."

Rohini Hensman graphically describes the agony and suffering of the=20
displaced people. She narrates the poignant story of Anna's family. Anna's=
=20
father pointed out the irony that "for two years between 1983 and 1985,=20
they were living in the very same camps, when their home in Dehiwela was=20
attacked and all their belongings burned." The family moved to Batticaloa=20
and slowly rebuilt their lives. They are back now in the camps, having lost=
=20
everything for the second time, "reduced to destruction once again". Anna's=
=20
mother remarked: "The problem is that neither the armed forces nor the=20
Tigers are the least bit concerned about the people... They are fighting=20
for their own reasons... In Colombo they wanted to kill us because we were=
=20
Tamils; in Batticaloa they wanted to kill us because I speak Sinhala and=20
they thought I was Sinhalese. What we need is peace, not Eelam."

During this writer's previous visit to Colombo two years ago, officials of=
=20
the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) narrated the gist=20
of a conversation between refugee women and representatives of Oxfam. One=20
refugee woman said: "Our problem is not a shortage of cooking pots or=20
shelter. Our problem is the war. If you offer cooking pots, we will take=20
them. But if you ask what you can really do for us, we will say, help stop=
=20
the fighting... If you can do anything to help bring peace, we will be able=
=20
to take care of ourselves and stop being a burden on you."

The UNHCR is doing commendable work in Sri Lanka. Its presence dates back=20
to 1987, when the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord was signed and its activities were=
=20
linked to the repatriation of refugees from India. When the Second Eelam=20
War commenced in 1990, the UNHCR, on a request made by the Sri Lankan=20
government, expanded its activities to cover the internally displaced=20
persons in the north and the east of the island. Together with other=20
humanitarian organisations - the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF),=20
the ICRC, the Save the Children Fund, CARE, Oxfam, Quakers, local NGOs and=
=20
the Sri Lankan government - the UNHCR is trying to assist and protect the=20
interests of the displaced people.

Prof. V. Suryanarayan is former Director, Centre for South and Southeast=20
Asian Studies, University of Madras, Chennai.

Copyrights =A9 2001, Frontline & indiaserver.com, Inc.

--------------------------

#3.

SAHMAT ANNOUNCES THE NATIONAL CONVENTION AGAINST COMMUNALISATION OF EDUCATI=
ON

AUGUST 4, 5 AND 6, 2001

CONSTITUTION CLUB, RAFI MARG, NEW DELHI

Within barely three years of coming to power the Bharatiya Janata Party led=
=20
coalition at the Centre has pushed through so many changes in the fields of=
=20
education, social science research and culture, that it poses a threat of=20
unprecedented magnitude to the unity and the integrity of the country.

A sectarian, anti-modern and anti-minorities agenda is sought to be imposed=
=20
on the education system and culture more particularly by the HRD ministry=20
headed by Murli Manohar Joshi. The entire Indian society is being polarised=
=20
along communal lines.

The UGC is busy trying to make India the world=92s intellectual backwater a=
nd=20
a morass of obscurantism via Vedic astrology and karmakanda, courses. The=20
NCERT=92s role under the present dispensation is even more pernicious. The=
=20
proposed curriculum changes under the specious plea of updating seek to=20
promote rabid nationalism of Hindutva variety.

The apex research institutions like the ICHR, ICSSR, UGC are being filled=20
with pro-Hindutva and RSS persons.

The most important educational venture of the RSS that has 30,000 branches=
=20
is Vidya Bharti. This organisation provided education for 1.2 million=20
students employed some 40,000 teachers around the country and ran 1,300=20
schools in tribal area in the year 1998. Since then it has expanded. Since=
=20
the October 1998 state education ministers' conference the RSS=20
educationists' slogan 'Indianise, nationalise and spritualise education' is=
=20
being relentlessly persued.

Though education comes under the concurrent list, states are not being=20
consulted and the far reaching changes are being introduced by the centre.

In order to join the battle for the Indian mind in right earnest SAHMAT is=
=20
organising A National Convention Against Communalisation of Education on=20
August 3, 4 and 5th of August, 2001 at the Constitution Club, Rafi Marg,=20
New Delhi.

A detailed note on the convention with sessions etc. is being prepared, we=
=20
seek your suggestions.

We are confident that you will participate in the convention.

Shabnam Hashmi
SAHMAT
8, Vthalbhai Patel House, Rafi Marg, New Delhi-110001
Tel-3711276/ 3351424
e-mail- sahmat@v...
shabhashmi@h...

______

#4.

http://www.indian-express.com/ie20010616/ed2.shtml
Indian Express
Saturday, June 16, 2001
EDITORIALS & ANALYSIS

ARMED WITH HATRED
This country can do without religious militias

Recent reports from Uttar Pradesh have sounded the warning that the=20
self-styled =91warriors of the Hindutva revolution=92 are rousing themselve=
s=20
anew. Arms training is being imparted in the prime minister=92s constituenc=
y,=20
among other venues, to volunteers, men as well as women, both predominantly=
=20
young and callow. The rhetoric is a familiar one =97 to =91=91defend the=20
motherland from internal and external dangers=92=92, to =91=91challenge the=
=20
anti-Hindu forces=92=92. There, again, are the dire references to the=20
=91=91mushrooming=92=92 of madarsas along the border in Uttar Pradesh and t=
he=20
increasing =91=91infiltration=92=92 of the Pakistani Inter-Service Intellig=
ence=20
(ISI). There, too, the pledge to reach Kashi and Mathura. Long years after=
=20
it first muscled its way into the national consciousness as the militant=20
band that kickstarted the Ramjanambhoomi movement =97 participating in the=
=20
shilanyas, organising bandhs and demonstrations, often violent, in the name=
=20
of Ram, and roaring alongside Advani=92s Toyota chariot on motorbikes in fu=
ll=20
combat gear, leaving behind a trail of violence and destruction =97 the=20
Bajrang Dal has once again been spotted upping the communal ante in its=20
traditional hunting ground.

Actually, the arms training camps in UP are not new. Similar camps have=20
been held in the state since 1996, many a time away from the media=92s glar=
e,=20
in which training was imparted to participants in weapons, including the=20
rifle and lathi, along with martial arts such as judo and karate. A camp=20
such as this was held again in Ayodhya last June. The exercise currently in=
=20
progress in Sarojini Nagar in Atal Bihari Vajpayee=92s Lucknow is, therefor=
e,=20
part of a longer, larger project. In the short term, the aim may well be to=
=20
inflame passions to feed into a revived campaign for temple construction at=
=20
Ayodhya under the patronage of a benign and blinking BJP dispensation in=20
UP. Or to strategically turn up the political heat in the extended run-up=20
to the electoral battle for that crucial state. But it is the portents for=
=20
the long term that must be the real cause for worry. The manoeuvres of the=
=20
Bajrang Dal are most dangerous because they help create and nurture a=20
pervasive atmosphere of violence, in which minority communities and=20
peace-loving people can only feel more insecure, more fearful.

The danger in the long term also is that of more groups taking arms, and=20
the law, into their own hands in the name of religion. The spectre that=20
looms large is that of the Talibanisation of a society that has prided=20
itself on its openness. There is a symbiotic relationship between those=20
volunteers at the Bajrang Dal run training camps and the self-proclaimed=20
warriors of the Islamic =91cause=92; the one fattens on the other=92s hatre=
d. The=20
increasing militancy of the Bajrang Dal in UP will be watched with concern=
=20
by all those who have a stake in India=92s plural ethos but surely, the=20
government of UP has the responsibility to do more. To begin with, it must=
=20
immediately put a halt to these military-style training camps.

=A9 2001: Indian Express Newspapers (Bombay) Ltd. All rights reserved=20
throughout the world.
______

#5.

From: Indya.com

http://www.indya.com/newshtml/16advani.htm

Is Advani using Liberhan to revive Hindutva?

Harun Riaz =95 New Delhi =95 June 16 =95 10:00 AM IST

Home Minister L K Advani is at it again - with elections in Uttar Pradesh=20
looming, he=92s trying to revive the Hindutva plank.

In 1992, the BJP played its Ram card to grab power at the Centre. After=20
almost nine years, the BJP is back to square one with its popularity graph=
=20
fast dwindling.

With Assembly polls in Uttar Pradesh not far way, Advani is using=20
depositions at Liberhan Commission to renew the Ram Temple issue - in a bid=
=20
to grab votes.

In his five appearances at the Liberhan Commission, Advani has used and=20
abused his official status to speak half-truths. He has blamed all and=20
sundry except his party for the demolition of the Babri Masjid.

The fact remains that he led the rath yatra with the sole aim to mobilise=20
thousands of Sangh Parivar activists at Ayodhya and perform the kar seva.

The mission - whether the party admits it or not - led to the demolition of=
=20
the Babri Masjid.

In his latest statement that is generating controversy, Home Minister=20
Advani said the October 1990 storming of the Babri Masjid complex by kar=20
sevaks was the happiest moment of his life. That was the first time kar=20
sevaks had tried to bring the Masjid down during Mulayam Singh Yadav's=20
Chief Ministership.

Advani also told the Liberhan Commission probing the Babri Masjid=20
demolition that former Prime Minister V P Singh had promised to go with him=
=20
for kar seva. However, what Advani didn=92t mention - and V P Singh reveale=
d=20
on Thursday - was that kar seva was to be performed at an alternative site,=
=20
not the disputed site.

Advani has made many contradictory statements in his earlier appearances.=20
In his first deposition on April 10, Advani said, in a mild statement, that=
=20
he had never been so dejected as on that fateful day, December 6, 1992.

However, the very next day, his comment that he considered the structure a=
=20
de jure temple, drawing sharp criticism from Muslim leaders. On May 14,=20
Advani said that the movement for the Ram Temple - something he is linked=20
closely to - actually started because of the Muslim vote-bank politics of=20
the Congress.

Advani=92s double-speak was exposed by former journalist Ruchira Gupta who=
=20
covered the events in Ayodhya. During her testimony to the Liberhan=20
Commission, she said Advani made "rabble-rousing" speeches and=20
"anti-Muslim" slogans in December, 1992.

Gupta had said in her deposition that she started covering Advani's rath=20
yatra from December 3 at Deoria and followed him to Ayodhya on December 6.

She said: "Everywhere - from Deoria to Itwa to Tulsipur, Balrampur and=20
Ayodhya - Advani said we are not going to Ayodhya to sing bhajans/kirtans,=
=20
but to do kar seva. Mulayam Singh has discredited Hindus, but at Ram=20
Janmabhoomi a temple will be constructed.''

According to Gupta, Advani ended all his speeches with kasam Ram ki khate=20
hain, Mandir wahin banayenge (a promise in the name of Lord Ram, we will=20
build the temple there)."

Gupta said on December 5 morning when she, along with her photographer,=20
reached Ayodhya and went to see the site around the masjid, so enamoured=20
were the people with Advani that her escort, pointing at a sticker of Ram,=
=20
remarked, "Doesn't Ram look like Advaniji?''

Gupta claimed her escort had revealed that "an engineer from Orissa had=20
come to Ayodhya to tell designated kar sevaks which points of the Babri=20
structure should be attacked first to bring the domes down.'' She said,=20
"When I asked him does it mean it will be demolished?'', the escort's reply=
=20
was: "The planning has been done, now it's up to the leaders.''

Giving a first-hand account, she said: "Around 11:45 AM IST, two people=20
were seen on top of the middle dome with a saffron flag. I heard Advani=20
comment, =91They should not climb on top. The structure is anyway going to=
=20
fall'."

In fact, the top brass of the RSS/BJP, while deposing before the Liberhan=20
Commission, have been resorting to white lies by saying that the RSS, VHP,=
=20
Bajrang Dal, Hindu Jagran Manch, BJP and ABVP are independent organisations=
.

They have claimed that these organisations are working for a Ram Temple in=
=20
Ayodhya for their own reasons and not under one uniform agenda.

How far this is from truth can be known simply by going through an=20
important publication of the RSS.

The central publication house of the RSS, the Suruchi Prakashan,=20
Jhandewalan, New Delhi, published a book, Param Vaibhav Ke Path Par (1997)=
=20
detailing more than 40 organisations created by the RSS for different tasks=
.

The BJP as a political organisation figures prominently in it, clubbed with=
=20
the ABVP, Hindu Jagaran Manch, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Swadeshi Jagaran=20
Manch and Sanskar Bharti.

The preface of the book itself declares that "without the knowledge of the=
=20
different kinds of activities of the Swayamsevaks (the volunteers of the=20
RSS) the introduction of the RSS is incomplete".

In this book, the BJP figures at number three in the list of prominent=20
organisations created by the RSS.

Not long ago Advani while replying to a question in the Lok Sabha, made a=20
claim that the demolition of the Babri Masjid had jolted him "personally".=
=20
"It was unfortunate. It shouldn't have happened". However, he hastened to=20
add "I am proud of the Ayodhya movement".

According to the CBI chargesheet: "On December 5, 1992, a secret meeting=20
was held at the house of Vinay Katiyar which was attended by Lal Krishna=20
Advani, Pawan Kumar Pandey and a final decision to demolish the disputed=20
structure was taken."

"Their argument was that there was a ban on construction not on=20
demolition." Advani categorically said in his public speech, before the=20
demolition of the disputed structure: "Today is the last day of kar seva.=20
Kar sewaks will perform the last kar seva."

When he came to know that a central force was being moved from Faizabad to=
=20
Ayodhya, he asked the public to block the national highway.

On this basis, the trial court concludes that: "... a criminal conspiracy=20
to demolish the disputed structure of the Ram Janmabhoomi/Babri Masjid was=
=20
hatched by the accused persons in the beginning of 1990, and was completed=
=20
on December 6, 1992."

"There is a prima facie case to charge Bal Thackeray, L K Advani, Kalyan=20
Singh, Vinay Katiyar...." (The list includes Murli Manohar Joshi, Uma=20
Bharti, Sadhvi Rithambara.)

Given this, it is indeed amazing that Advani should choose to once again=20
mislead the country through his double-speak.

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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