[sacw] SACW #2 (26 August 01)

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Sun, 26 Aug 2001 11:49:11 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire / Dispatch No. 2
26 August 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

[ Interruption Notice: The SACW Posts will be interrupted between the=20
period 31st August to 7th of September 2001]

----------------------------------------

[1.] Pakistan: Tackling jihadi groups
[2.] Victims of domestic brutality in Pakistan speak out
[3.] India: Sangh Parivar's worldview
[4.] India: Mind control - the Parivar's project
[5.] India: design is to construct a pan-Indian identity, subverting=20
the country's pluralist traditions
[6.] India / Book review: When Forster Meets Hindutva

-----------------------------------------

#1.

DAWN
26 Aug. 2001
Editorial

Tackling jihadi groups

A certain diffidence and lack of clarity seem to characterize the=20
government's policy toward the jihadi organizations. Often,=20
government leaders contradict each other, while in the recent=20
crackdown on the fund-raising and related activities of some of these=20
organizations the federal and provincial governments appeared to=20
differ on the strategy to be followed. The action was primarily=20
against Lashkar-i-Jhangvi and Sipah-i-Muhammad, both of which stand=20
banned. They were not jihadi organizations as such, but were=20
sectarian in outlook and orientation and were often found to be=20
involved in acts of violence and terror on sectarian grounds.
The people have no sympathy for them. The real issue is how to deal=20
with the very many jihadi outfits which have sprung up over the years=20
and whose militancy is as much a matter of concern for Pakistan=20
internally as it is for it externally in view of the strong criticism=20
and disapproval it has drawn from major powers for alleged=20
involvement of some of these bodies in the region as a destabilizing=20
force.
The government's claim that there is no jihadi activity in Pakistan=20
can hardly carry conviction. It is known that several jihadi=20
organizations have been operating in and from Pakistan without any=20
let or hindrance. The collection of funds is only one part of their=20
activities; they also recruit Pakistani young men for "jihad" in=20
Afghanistan. Many Afghan nationals living in Pakistan also go to=20
their country now and then to fight on the side of the Taliban and=20
return to Pakistan. In this activity, they are aided by some=20
Pakistani groups. It is these groups and organizations that need to=20
be reined in. If there is a civil war in Afghanistan, there is no=20
reason why Pakistani young men should fight for this side or the=20
other and kill or get killed. This activity must not only be brought=20
to an end; the government must promulgate a law that should make it=20
an offence for anyone to recruit Pakistanis for war in a foreign=20
country.
In Lahore on Friday, some jihadi organizations announced the=20
launching of a fund-raising campaign and also demanded the removal of=20
Interior Minister Moinuddin Haider. Clearly, the issue is not the=20
person of the interior minister; it is one of principle which is that=20
no activities, whatever the pretexts or motivations, shall be=20
permitted or condoned if these are in violation of the law of the=20
land. Besides, the Constitution of Pakistan makes it clear that there=20
would be no armed formations save those funded, armed and controlled=20
by the government of Pakistan. All other military outfits are illegal=20
and cannot be allowed to function. It is this principle that must be=20
upheld under all circumstances.
Not that all jihadi organizations are on the wrong side of the law.=20
Many have confined their activities to relief work, providing=20
assistance to Kashmiri refugee families, running madressahs, and=20
doing welfare-oriented jobs. However, the real problems are those=20
organizations whose composition and activities seem to ignore the=20
difference between what is permissible and what is not. Their=20
activities within Pakistan often serve to undermine the authority of=20
the state, giving an impression as if they were a state within a=20
state. No government can allow this, least of all a military=20
government that seems determined to improve the law and order=20
situation. It is time all jihadi organizations - and the political=20
parties they draw strength from - realized that they have no choice=20
but to conform to the law of the land. The government, meanwhile,=20
must realize that much more can be achieved by a behind-the-scenes=20
dialogue with the jihadi organizations than by police raids on their=20
offices and the seizure of collection boxes.

_________

#2.

Time Asia
AUGUST 20-27, 2001, VOL.158 NO.7/8

The Evil That Men Do
A life dissolves in a splash of acid thrown in anger. Now, two=20
victims of domestic brutality in Pakistan speak out=20
BY HANNAH BLOCH Lahore

Photo: GUIDO HARARI/CONTRASTO FOR TIME
Fakhra Yunas, left, and Tehmina Durrani in Rome, where Fakhra will=20
undergo extensive surgery

The walls of Tehmina Durrani's baronial home in Lahore, the cultural=20
capital of Pakistan, are lined with both mirrors and Durrani's own=20
cool-hued paintings of women flying, dancing, sleeping, gazing=20
dreamily-lovely nudes in ethereal settings. Four months ago, a=20
strange houseguest started drifting uncertainly through the elegant=20
rooms, her head and face shrouded by a dark brown head-scarf. She=20
stared at the paintings but took pains to avoid all those mirrors,=20
explaining that she was afraid of herself.

The visitor was Fakhra Yunas, a 21-year-old former dancing girl who=20
fulfilled the Pakistani equivalent of the American Dream-marriage=20
into a rich and powerful family-only to have her life virtually=20
destroyed. Host Durrani was born into wealth and advantage and was a=20
glamorous politician's wife-until she went public with her own tale=20
of victimhood. And so, Durrani and Fakhra became a team: privileged=20
protector and wounded ward, trying to repair some of the damage done=20
to Fakhra's life. They have also become twin avengers determined to=20
rip the veil from the cruelty and hypocrisy present in the upper=20
echelons of Pakistani society. This is their story.

Last April, Fakhra was napping in her mother's home on Napier Rd.,=20
the seedy red-light section of Karachi, the country's=20
rough-and-tumble commercial hub. It was a great distance-in every=20
way-from what she had hoped for when she married Bilal Khar, now 36,=20
a former politician and scion of one of Pakistan's best-known=20
families. Five days earlier, after enduring constant physical abuse=20
by her husband during three years of marriage, she had returned home.

Now, Fakhra was roused from her nap by the sound of Khar calling her=20
name. He pushed back her head and poured liquid on her face. She=20
thought he was forcing her to drink something. Fakhra wiped her eyes=20
and saw her husband run from the room. She started to follow and=20
looked down to see her clothes dissolving into her skin. Naked and=20
suddenly burning all over, she collapsed, screaming. She had no idea=20
what had happened to her.

In Urdu, they call it tez ab, or sharp water. Acid, nitric or=20
hydrochloric, has long been the weapon of retribution for Pakistani=20
men against disloyal, disobedient or overly determined women. One=20
reason is that acid is cheap and readily available. Another:=20
surviving an acid attack is often worse than dying. The acid burned=20
the hair off Fakhra's head, fused her lips, blinded one eye,=20
obliterated her left ear and melted her breasts. More than a year=20
after the attack, the once full-lipped, large-eyed, long-haired=20
beauty is unrecognizable. She breathes with difficulty. "I don't look=20
human anymore," she says. "My face is a prison for me." When=20
four-year-old son Nauman first visited his mother in the crowded=20
public hospital where for three agonizing months she fought for her=20
life, he ran away crying: "This is not my mother!"

Fakhra was born in the Napier Rd. red-light district. Her mother is a=20
heroin addict, and Fakhra began work as a nautch (dancing girl) at=20
age 11. The nautch tradition goes back centuries in certain parts of=20
the subcontinent; sometimes the dancing girls are legitimate=20
performers, often they're prostitutes. Fakhra started sex work=20
immediately after she began menstruating. A customer bought her=20
virginity for $2,000, a set of gold jewelry and a Rado watch.=20
"Whatever you're going to do," she told him, "do it quickly because I=20
want to go home!"

At 18, already the mother of three-year-old Nauman, she met Khar at a=20
party in Karachi. "I thought he was a very big, rich, generous man,"=20
Fakhra recalls. "Why should I not catch him?" At the start, he=20
impressed Fakhra by paying $340 to simply stay with her and talk.=20
"Your face is so innocent," he said. "I like you so much." Fakhra had=20
never encountered anyone like him. "I thought, 'What a man,'" she=20
recalls. "'He hasn't done anything to me and he's so handsome.'"

By marrying Khar, Fakhra ascended into one of the most recognizable=20
families in the country. Khar's father, Ghulam Mustafa Khar, is a=20
major landowner and property is still the primary source of power and=20
wealth in Pakistan. The Khars rule their area of Punjab province as=20
feudal lords. Mustafa Khar was once dubbed the "Lion of the Punjab"=20
after a massive election victory, and served as the Chief Minister=20
and Governor of the province in the 1970s. Son Bilal treated his new,=20
second wife as a possession, and beat her severely when she=20
displeased him. When she abandoned him, he took his revenge with acid.

After three months, Fakhra was released from the hospital and a=20
grotesque reconciliation took place. Fakhra returned to Khar, who=20
kept her hidden away in cheap hotels and brought her for a time to=20
his family farm, where she was put to work in the kitchen. Khar=20
insisted that he loved her-but his abuse did not stop. After six=20
months, the exhausted and fragile woman decided to break her chains.=20
Although her life as a woman largely ended the day of the acid=20
attack, Fakhra, after the doctors surgically separated her fused=20
lips, was able to talk, could still walk and, most importantly, found=20
the will to live. Desperate, she sent an sos message to Durrani, whom=20
she had once met.

If anyone could empathize with Fakhra, it was Durrani. She was the=20
sixth wife of the Lion of the Punjab. She helped raise Bilal Khar,=20
Fakhra's husband, and, at age 36, the younger Khar still refers to=20
her as "Mummy." Durrani detailed her life with the Khars in a 1991=20
autobiography called My Feudal Lord, and it is a hair-raising tale.=20
The elder Khar beat Durrani, kidnapped their children, had a=20
rip-roaring affair with her youngest sister and once forced Durrani=20
to strip naked when she disobeyed his orders. Domestic abuse is=20
routinely swept under the carpet in Pakistan; Durrani's book put it=20
in the headlines both domestically and abroad. My Feudal Lord has=20
been translated into 36 languages and Durrani continues to receive=20
awards and recognition overseas for her courage-although within her=20
own country she is branded an opportunist and publicity-hound.=20
Following the book's publication, her parents disowned her because of=20
its unsavory revelations.

Durrani had heard of Fakhra's plight shortly after the acid attack,=20
but was reluctant to interfere. "I never wanted to get involved with=20
this family again," she says. But after meeting Fakhra, she found it=20
impossible to turn her back-especially after recalling how Mustafa=20
Khar had threatened to disfigure her with acid years before.=20
"Fakhra," she says, "could have been me."

As a result, she has rejoined the battle against the Khars. After=20
Fakhra moved into Durrani's house, the younger Khar began making=20
daily threats over the telephone. "First I will shoot your mother in=20
the knees with a 12-bore gun so she crawls," Khar told Durrani's son=20
Ali, his half-brother. "She's become too used to standing up. No one=20
will be able to catch me." Given the power of the Khar family, that=20
is probably true. In their ancestral village of Kot Addu, Durrani=20
explains in My Feudal Lord, "the Khars were the law." Fakhra's family=20
filed a complaint with the Karachi police after the acid attack, but=20
no arrest was ever made. When Durrani heard in July that Bilal Khar=20
was trying to bribe Fakhra's family to withdraw the complaint, she=20
confronted them. "Do not fear him," she warned the family. "Fear me!"=20
(The complaint remains in force.) Durrani wants justice. "I'm looking=20
for accountability," she says. "Fakhra is a symbol of the disorder of=20
my country and any other Muslim country where women don't have a=20
voice."

Bringing acid attackers like Bilal Khar to trial is Durrani's=20
long-term goal. Her immediate concern has been to restore a semblance=20
of physical normality to Fakhra-which will take at least three years=20
and an estimated 30 operations, after which her face and upper body=20
should be restored. When she received a courage award in April from=20
the Milan-based Sant'Angelica cosmetics firm, Durrani brought=20
Fakhra's case to the company's attention and it offered to underwrite=20
the cost of her reconstructive surgery. The next challenge was to=20
procure a national ID card for Fakhra so she would be eligible for a=20
passport to travel to Italy for the operation. A technicality held up=20
the process until Durrani marched into the office of Pakistan's=20
Interior Minister, retired Lieut. General Moinuddin Haider, known as=20
a progressive and no-nonsense official. The minister's response,=20
Durrani says, was that publicizing Fakhra's case abroad would sully=20
Pakistan's reputation. (Haider's office says the minister "assured=20
his cooperation for her [Fakhra's] Fakhra's] departure abroad.")=20
Durrani went over his head to the office of President Pervez=20
Musharraf, and secured the passport.

Fakhra's pain may never cease. She is in Italy awaiting surgery,=20
learning to speak Italian and getting used to a foreign land that=20
will be her home for the foreseeable future. "I not only have hope,"=20
she says, "but I also have strength." Durrani hopes when Fakhra is=20
ready to return home, she can do so in safety. One thing she does not=20
tolerate is Fakhra's shunning of mirrors. "I made her remove her veil=20
and look at herself," Durrani says firmly. "Fakhra's face is the=20
crime of a man against a woman. It is not shame for her." The shame=20
resides back in Pakistan-where a powerful man's unpunished rage can=20
scar forever a woman's life.

Write to TIME at mail@w...

_________

#3.

The Nation Online
25 August 2001

The Sangh Parivar's worldview

Husain Haqqani

Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee is consistently projected=20
as the moderate face of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). But=20
the BJP's core remains committed to the Hindutva ideology of the=20
Rashtriya Swayemsevak Sangh (RSS) - an organisation inspired by the=20
success of the Nazis in pre-WWII Europe. Mr Vajpayee's recent defence=20
of the RSS reinforces his commitment to the beliefs of the Sangh=20
Parivar. According to the Press Trust of India, Mr Vajpayee blamed=20
media for highlighting Sangh's ideology, ignoring its "activities and=20
sacrifices". He said while ideological differences were=20
understandable, the gap between Sangh's cadres and critics should not=20
be unbridgeable. The assertion that India's non-Hindu minorities=20
should somehow bridge gap with Hindu fundamentalism of RSS affirms Mr=20
Vajpayee's position as Sangh's coalition builder. While Sangh remains=20
dedicated to its "volunteer work" aimed at eliminating non-Hindu=20
aspects of Indian life, and re-creating a purified 'Hindusthan',=20
Vajpayee's job is to simply provide broadly acceptable political=20
leadership in the intermediate stage.
Its detractors have described the Sangh Parivar's ideology, which Mr=20
Vajpayee wants critics to ignore, in rather harsh terms. Ram Vilas=20
Paswan writing in the Hindustan Times two years ago accused the Sangh=20
Parivar of targeting the religious minorities, with the hidden motive=20
of ethnic cleansing. According to Mr Paswan, "What the Sangh parivar=20
is preaching is not Hinduism but Hindutva". V. D. Savarkar wrote in=20
1923: 'Hindutva is different from Hinduism'. Hindutva is an ideology=20
of hate and violence and an instrument of Brahmanical hegemony. But=20
Hinduism is a religion. At a time when the rightists in the=20
governments in the states and at the Centre are facing a political=20
crisis, once again the Sangh parivar has decided to use the Hindutva=20
card for its political survival. It is a political weapon to spread=20
intolerance. Violence is an integral part of RSS culture. RSS leader=20
M. S. Golwalkar said in 1952 'violence should be used as a surgeon's=20
knife... to cure the society'. Mr. Savarkar was founder of Hindu=20
Mahasabha while Mr. Golwalkar is late guru of RSS.
In a recent booklet on 'The Sangh Parivar and the Non-Hindus', Shri=20
Ramesh Patange (described as 'a senior activist, thinker and=20
ideologue of Rashtriya Swayemsevak Sangh') questioned the right of=20
Buddhists, Jains, and Sikhs to be considered non-Hindus. "They are=20
all different branches of Sanatana Dharma and though their modes of=20
worship are different, they are offshoots of same culture and=20
therefore culturally are Hindus. Cultural ties bind them together",=20
he wrote. "The same unfortunately cannot be said of Muslims and=20
Christians," he added, repeating RSS battle cry that Muslims and=20
Christians "have a turbulent history of expanding their religions by=20
proselytising". According to Shri Patange, "Here, in our country, the=20
conversion to Islam and Christianity did not mean only change of=20
faith; it simultaneously meant change in nationality, and that was=20
the root cause of all their problems. Ours is an ancient and enduring=20
national civilisation. We call it the Hindu civilisation. It covers=20
modes of worship and prayer, philosophy, religion, culture. They all=20
are comprehensively called Hindu. When our 'converted brothers' who=20
were like us before conversion, take anti-national stands, it creates=20
grave problems. The change in dress habits, languages and values of=20
life after conversion produce fissiparous tendencies which are=20
followed by demand for separate states. Demands are voiced for=20
secession from the country. An important aspect of the country's=20
history is that whenever Hindus in any of its parts are pushed into=20
minority, that part or province secedes from the country.=20
Afghanistan, Balochistan, Northwest provinces, West Punjab and East=20
Bengal broke away from India because Hindus were pushed into=20
minority. The same scenario is emerging in Kashmir and Northeast.=20
Muslim majority areas pose a threat to our unity and integrity. We=20
have made constant efforts to awaken our people to this extremely=20
serious danger=85 We can't ignore the fact that Muslims and Christians=20
nurture anti- national tendencies. to bring non-Hindus into=20
mainstream politics is a difficult task. =85In the political sphere,=20
Mahatma Gandhi made efforts to bring Muslims in the mainstream. He=20
advised Hindus to regard Muslims as 'younger brothers' and concede to=20
them their various demands. This attitude of Gandhiji is known as the=20
appeasement policy. It was a grand and resounding failure. Muslims'=20
demands went on growing and culminated in the partition of the=20
country. =85Now there is a force called Hindutva. Henceforth this=20
problem will have to be tackled by the Hindu society in the context=20
and perspective of Hindutva=85 All national problems will have to be=20
solved with reference to Hindutva and the Muslim and the Christian=20
problem is on the top of the list."
Shri Patange then goes on to consider three solutions to Muslim and=20
Christian problem. " They are 1) to massacre them 2) to drive them=20
out of the country 3) to convert them all to Hinduism by an act of=20
Parliament", he writes before going on to reject the first two=20
options. Shri Patange then repeats an important core belief of the=20
Sangh Parivar. According to him, "The formation of Pakistan was not=20
only our political defeat but more seriously also a major cultural=20
reverse. We are proud of our cultural heritage and to strengthen and=20
enhance it is our bounden duty. The cultural defeats should spur us=20
to greater and greater efforts to bring non-Hindus in our cultural=20
mainstream, to assimilate them in our great and glorious=20
civilisation".
Mr Vajpayee may not entirely agree with the views of RSS ideologues=20
such as Shri Patange, but he has made it clear his heart remains=20
close to Hindutva ideology. Shri Patange's description of RSS=20
worldview in relation to South Asia's Muslims is rather stark.=20
Unfortunately, beliefs of most supporters of Sangh Parivar are=20
probably not very different. The Sangh Parivar including Mr=20
Vajpayee's BJP remains committed to its ideology that questions the=20
very creation of Pakistan. Any expressions by the Sangh's leaders of=20
the desire for permanent peace are tactical moves, aimed at the=20
international audience, not serious efforts for lasting solution. The=20
BJP recently identified its plan to build Ram Mandir in Ayudhya as=20
main electoral issue in Uttar Pradesh's forthcoming elections. The=20
decision reflects BJP's dependence on RSS extremists. The election=20
campaign will provide sufficient opportunity for Hindutva ideologues=20
to vent anti-Muslim sentiments. With Vajpayee-Musharraf summit over,=20
anti-Pakistan statements can also be resumed with a vengeance.
It is interesting there has never been international criticism of RSS=20
and its Nazi-inspired methods. The close link between BJP leaders and=20
a group seeking to revive glory of Hinduism before Muslim era in=20
South Asia is seldom questioned. On the other hand, qualms are=20
regularly expressed about influence of those labeled "Islamic=20
fundamentalists" in Pakistan. The international perception that India=20
is a tolerant democracy allows BJP and RSS to get away with views, at=20
best, an approximation of intolerant beliefs of much smaller groups=20
in Pakistan. While Pakistani groups' beliefs are cited as examples of=20
Pakistan turning fundamentalist, a similar argument is hardly ever=20
made about ascendance of Sangh parivar. Only democratic Pakistan can=20
inform the world of Sangh Parivar's dangerous worldview, from a moral=20
high ground.
E-mail queries and comments to: hhaqqani@n...

_________

#4.

The Hindu
Sunday, August 26, 2001
Opinion

Mind control - the Parivar's project

The Sangh Parivar's aim is to mould the minds of the young, writes Neena Vy=
as.

THE RENEWED attacks on the minorities coming from the Sangh Parivar=20
(and the Prime Minister himself at a recent function at his residence=20
where the RSS chief was present) are not surprising. For, all the=20
great `gurus' and the big office-bearers of the Sangh Parivar have=20
been brought up on a hate-minority diet.

M. S. Golwalkar (referred to reverentially as `guruji' by all RSS=20
stalwarts) openly talked about denial of citizenship rights to=20
minorities in ``We, Our Nationhood Defined''. And virtually the same=20
mindset is evident in all true `swayamsevaks'.

The current `Sah Sarkaryawah' (joint general secretary) of the RSS,=20
Mr. H. V. Seshadri, writes about ``secularism'' as a ``millstone=20
around the nation's neck''. In his book `The Way', he wrote: ``Then=20
the slogan was Hindu-Muslim unity, now it is secularism. Slogans have=20
changed, but not the mental complexes. No wonder, the results are=20
also on the same lines. Increasing anti-national belligerence of the=20
so-called minorities. Whether it is the demand for Urdu, demand for=20
more privileges and more quotas in services, establishment of more=20
Aligarhs in the form of Arabic colleges, attack on Hindu processions,=20
riots, bringing in foreign money for conversions, various strategies=20
like infiltration for swelling their numbers - well, on every one of=20
these scores things are moving on the same pre-1947 lines. Now the=20
Christians, who were then silent partners of the British game, have=20
also openly joined the fray. Whether it is Nilackal or Vivekananda=20
Rock Memorial, insurgencies in the North-East or conversions all over=20
the country - their anti-national aggressiveness is now all too=20
patent.''

The problem with the Sangh Parivar members is that they believe that=20
fundamentally Muslims and Christians cannot be loyal to this country.=20
The direct or subdued attacks on them spring from this idea that they=20
can remain here only as foreigners whose loyalty will remain=20
questionable. The literature of the RSS defines a true national as=20
one whose `janmabhoomi' (birthplace), `karmabhoomi' (the land in=20
which they live and die) and `punyabhoomi' (their holy places) are in=20
India. Since Muslims and Christians have their holy lands elsewhere=20
(Mecca or Jerusalem), the Sanghis can never accept them as equal to=20
Hindus.

The same theme in different forms can be seen running through the=20
works of Golwalkar, Deen Dayal Upadhyaya, or even a Seshadri. When=20
the Prime Minister, Mr. Atal Behari Vajpayee, penned his article=20
`Hindu tan, man' (he later disowned the signed article) or when he=20
suddenly talked about the disputed Ram temple as an issue of=20
``nationalist sentiments'' he was obviously talking about the=20
``sentiments'' of Hindus. The true `swayamsewak' (and Mr. Vajpayee=20
has often asserted that identity) hardly expects any Muslim or=20
Christian to have any ``nationalist'' feeling.

The stress on the ``right'' kind of education has also been made by=20
the RSS `gurus'. Mr. Seshadri could hardly have been more blunt than=20
when he wrote: ``whether it is a question of instilling the right=20
national spirit and values in education or executing governmental=20
plans like family planning or upholding the directive principles of=20
the Constitution on common civil code and cow protection, every one=20
of such vital national priorities is torpedoed by that one single=20
stroke of minority rights''.

The attacks on Christians for indulging in ``forcible conversions'' -=20
the Prime Minister himself made a reference to this recently and on=20
an earlier occasion he asked for a national debate on the subject -=20
the emphasis on the so-called ``value- based education'', even the=20
new stress on the teaching of Sanskrit, are all designed to mould the=20
mental attitudes of the young to make them more receptive to the RSS=20
concept of a Hindu Rashtra.

The RSS literature emphasises the importance of teaching Sanskrit,=20
the ``mother of all Indian languages'', quite forgetting that there=20
were other root Dravidian languages, entirely different from=20
Sanskrit, which many historians believe were spoken here before the=20
coming of Aryans and Sanskrit. Apparently, many Sanskrit words were=20
imported into Tamil, Telugu and Malayalam at a later date.

But just as the RSS mindset insists that the Aryans were the original=20
inhabitants of `Aryavarta' or Bharat, they tend to overlook the=20
Dravidian root languages. For the Sangh Parivar even Hindu culture is=20
broadly identified with the culture of the Indo- Gangetic plain, and=20
only when the BJP and the erstwhile Jana Sangh started targeting the=20
South politically did the RSS drop its strident pro-Hindi stance and=20
its earlier slogan, `Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan', which was equated to=20
one language, one culture, one nation. The attempt to change history=20
textbooks, the new enthusiasm for ``value-based education'' and the=20
introduction of new academic subjects such as astrology and Vedic=20
sciences or `purohit studies' are all aimed at moulding the minds of=20
the new generations. But vociferous opposition to this move has come=20
not only from Opposition parties but also from the coalition partners=20
and supporting parties of the National Democratic Alliance. The=20
Telugu Desam and the DMK have both let the BJP know that they will=20
not support any move towards saffronisation of education. In fact,=20
the attack has been so fierce that a meeting of the NDA may be held=20
soon after the monsoon session of Parliament to discuss the issue.

In 1998, the BJP dropped the so-called ``contentious issues'' which=20
included the construction of a Ram temple on the disputed site in=20
Ayodhya, the introduction of a common civil code and the abrogation=20
of Article 370 of the Constitution conferring a special status on=20
Jammu and Kashmir only because of the ``political compulsion'' of=20
forming a coalition Government with partners who did not share its=20
views. Senior party leaders of the NDA have been publicly proclaiming=20
that they consider ``saffronisation of education'' as yet another=20
attempt to bring in a ``contentious issue'' which is ``not part of=20
the NDA agenda'' and which they intend to resist strongly.

Perhaps the BJP had calculated that it could change the school=20
syllabus and curriculum, and give a new slant to textbooks quietly=20
and then push the changes through without attracting attention. But=20
the cat is now out of the bag and even the BJP's political friends=20
are not amused.

_______

#5

The Hindu
Sunday, August 26, 2001
Opinion

Myth-making

The design is to construct a pan-Indian identity, subverting the=20
country's pluralist traditions, says V. Krishna Ananth.

THE CHANGES sought to be made in the National Curriculum Framework=20
for School Education by the NCERT have raised serious questions.=20
Apart from the moves to introduce astrology and vedic mathematics in=20
colleges (which have now been approved by the UGC), the NCERT is now=20
engaged in formulating fresh guidelines for history textbooks to be=20
followed in schools across the country. These guidelines involve an=20
attempt to restrict Indian nationhood to a Hindi-Hindu-Hindustani=20
framework.

The design is to construct a pan-Indian identity, traced to the vedic=20
civilisation, subverting the country's pluralist traditions. The=20
planned changes in the National Curriculum Framework would=20
subordinate all other denominational categories.

It is in this context that the debate over the origins of the Aryans=20
(the vedic people) assumes significance. And the idea that the Aryans=20
were the original inhabitants of India (contrary to evidence that=20
they migrated from elsewhere and settled down in the Gangetic valley)=20
forms the basis for the construction of a pan-Indian identity based=20
on a Hindi-Hindu-Hindustani framework.

Is this view based on any new findings by historians and=20
archaeologists? The answer is a categorical no. A good number of=20
archaeologists, including those who held important positions in the=20
Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), had carried out excavations in=20
the Harappan sites looking for evidence to suggest that the Vedic=20
civilisation was similar to the Indus Valley civilisation. But they=20
are yet to find any evidence that has passed the scrutiny of=20
professional archaeologists. They continue to accept, some=20
grudgingly, that use of the horse and iron found in the Gangetic=20
sites distinguish the Vedic civilisation from the Harappan sites.

But then, there are some who have been trying to establish the=20
presence of the horse in the Harappan sites; such self-appointed=20
``scholars'' claimed recently that they have found a horse seal from=20
the Indus sites. A publication (N.Jha and N.S.Rajaram, `The=20
Deciphered Indus Script: Methodology, Readings, Interpretations',=20
Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi, 2000) did provoke archaeologists all=20
over to reopen the debate. But two leading scholars, Michael Witzel=20
(an Indologist of repute) and Steve Farmer (a comparative historian=20
of standing) discovered that the horse seal (on which Rajaram and Jha=20
had based their conclusions) was a fraud. It was established, soon=20
after the book was released, that the `horse seal' was actually a=20
computer distortion of a broken ``unicorn bull''. This exposure,=20
however, did not matter to Mr. Rajaram who continues to assert that=20
the vedic civilisation pre-dated the Indus civilisation by ``nearly a=20
century''.

This concoction is what forms the basis for a revision in the=20
guidelines that the NCERT is now in the process of formulating to be=20
issued to authors of history textbooks for school students because=20
the Union Human Resources Development Minister, Dr. M.M.Joshi, (and=20
his party) is keen that school children, from now on, must be taught=20
about the glorious past and the golden age that the vedic=20
civilisation represented. Children growing up on this educational=20
diet would refuse to acknowledge the inequities that prevailed then=20
based on the odious caste discriminations.

The idea is to deny the democratic and pluralist premises on which=20
Indian nationalism was born in the course of the freedom struggle=20
with the coming together of several identities based on language,=20
religion or caste groups against the British colonial rulers.

Such a project is indeed essential for a political platform whose=20
moorings can be traced to M.S. Golwalkar who opposed the Gandhian=20
struggle against the British imperial rule.

The RSS and its affiliates refuse to draw inspiration from the=20
nationalist struggle against British imperialism. Instead, the=20
attempt is to define nationalism on the basis of constructing a=20
``glorious'' past and the idea of belonging to a ``superior'' race.=20
Implicit in this is the idea to restrict Indian nationalism to the=20
Hindi-Hindu-Hindustani framework and subordinate all other linguistic=20
and social groups including the tribals. Hence the fixation for=20
inventing the Aryan homeland in the Indus sites.

What does it imply if a whole generation is taught to believe that=20
they are the descendants of a superior race - the Aryans - and that=20
all others are invaders? History is replete with the experiences in=20
Germany and the rest of Europe when Adolf Hitler went about=20
describing the Germans as a superior race ordained to rule the world=20
and held the Jews responsible for the increasing unemployment in=20
Germany and elsewhere. The fratricidal wars between groups being=20
witnessed in Serbia, Croatia, Slovania and other parts of the world=20
should also serve as a warning.

_______

#6

Outlook (india)

REVIEW
When Forster Meets Hindutva
The result's a Riot. But far too clinical, Tharoor's 'novel' evokes little.
SAGARIKA GHOSE

RIOT-A NOVEL
by Shashi Tharoor
VIKING PENGUIN INDIA
PAGES:288; RS295

Serving up Oriental homelands for western delectation earns writers=20
and publishers huge profits, because such books are marketed=20
internationally as adjuncts to the tourism industry. It is to the=20
great credit of Shashi Tharoor that Riot is not written as an=20
offering of globalised Orientalism. Nor does it surrender ancestral=20
memories to the ravages of international publishing conglomerates.

Instead, the book is a polemical statement. Through it, Tharoor=20
advances his arguments about what should constitute the modern Indian=20
nation. (Down with Hindutva, of course).

Shashi Tharoor is, deservedly, a much-admired columnist. His=20
insightful and original views have opened many eyes, at home and=20
abroad. Yet Riot disappoints because it remains restricted to the=20
level of an essay. Emotion and character make brief, very rare=20
intrusions. The gut is never wrenched. The hormones never stimulated.=20
Tears don't spring to the eyes. Instead, there are a series of=20
extremely erudite explanatory notes on India ranging from district=20
administration, pluralist shrines, the rise
of Hindutva, economic reforms and the caste and class dichotomy. The=20
prose has the brahminical accuracy
of social science. Not the seductive intimacy of fiction.

The fulcrum of Riot is the death of Priscilla Hart, wasp princess and=20
Christian idealist who worked in an ngo in Zalilgarh. Before she=20
dies, she falls in love with the DM of Zalilgarh, V. Lakshman. In=20
describing his love for Priscilla, Lakshman writes in his journal:=20
"This is not love as my parents spoke of it, an emotion anchored in=20
family, in a sense of one's place in the world, in bonds of blood so=20
thick one cannot conceive of snapping them. It is instead love as I=20
have read of in Western books or seen in Western movies, an=20
individual attraction between a man and a woman, a feeling that is=20
independent of social context or familial connection."

Charming and masterful as this treatise on Eastern love versus=20
Western love is, it seems a little too analytical for a man=20
supposedly in the throes of extra-marital passion. Tharoor the=20
historian and social observer is eager to explain his ideas on=20
differing cultural conceptions of love. But as a result the=20
characters who are used to express these ideas are imbued with near=20
impossible self-awareness. Tharoor tells more than he shows.

E.M. Forster meets Hindutva in Riot. Although Priscilla is murdered=20
amidst riots between Hindus and Muslims, the exact circumstances of=20
her death are enigmatic. Like Adela Quested in A Passage to India, a=20
white woman meets a puzzling fate in the land of hot-eyed mysterious=20
natives. We may forgive Forster his fears, but why is Tharoor so=20
fearful of his country? The burden of normalcy rests almost entirely=20
with the American characters; they are middle-class individuals with=20
emotional histories. Yet the Indian characters, by contrast, are not=20
dignified with a similar degree of normalcy. Their histories are=20
richly cultural rather than ordinarily emotional.

The narrative device of pages from journals of the protagonists makes=20
Riot readable. Yet perhaps because of this device, the journals begin=20
to sound like descriptions of social categories rather than the=20
utterances of human beings.
Take the voice of Hindutva ideologue Ram Charan Gupta: "But these=20
Muslims are evil people.... You have to understand their mentality.=20
They are more loyal to a foreign religion, Islam than to India. They=20
are all converts from the Hindu faith of their ancestors but they=20
refuse to acknowledge this by pretending instead that they are=20
descended from the conquerors from Arabia or Persia or Samarkand.=20
Fine-if that is so, let them go back to those places! Why do they=20
stay here if they will not assimilate into our country? They stay=20
together, work together, pray together. It is what you Americans, I=20
know, call ghetto mentality."
This sounds too much like imagined Hinduspeak, too deliberate to=20
compare smoothly with voices of Western isolationism. It's a=20
prescription of how a Hindu ideologue should talk, it is a cliche,=20
comparable to Bertie Wooster-speak for an average Englishman. Perhaps=20
such accounts provide the American reader with a ready reckoner of=20
the Hindu Right. But to an Indian reader it seems like a bit of a=20
journalistic short-cut rather than a nuanced description of a=20
character worthy of participating in a novel.

Tharoor is one of India's best-loved essayists and Riot shouldn't=20
really be called a novel. Like the work of the sharply ironic 19th=20
century British writer John Galt, it should be called a 'theoretical=20
history'.

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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