[sacw] SACW (5 August 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire
5 August 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

[INTERRUPTION NOTICE: Please note that the SACW posts would be=20
interrupted from period 6th August 2001 and are expected to resume=20
on the 21st of August 2001. ]

----------------------------------------

[1.] Pakistan/ India: Hardliners forget something
[2.] On Pakistani & Indian Prisoners of Wars
[3.] India: Call for wider debate against saffronisation of education
[4.] India: Hindu zealots altering history: Scholars
[5.] India: Central Government to alter history from '02
[6.] USA: Hindu far Right & the Jewish Far right tie up on the Internet
[7.] India: An Appeal to your Conscience
[8.] Book Review: Razia Bhatti: A Profile in Courage

-----------------------------------------

#1.

Date: Sat, 04 Aug 2001 11:26:26 +0500
[ Submitted to 'The News']

Hardliners forget something

By M. B. Naqvi

'Did not I tell you so' is the confident refrain of hardliners who
generally double as pessimists when improving the Pakistan-India ties is
the subject matter. Pakistan's super patriots refuse to grant the
Indians the qualities of being well-meaning or public-spirited that they
are ready to assume in all others. The Indians bad faith is assumed as
axiomatic. It is true that these people have their counterparts in India
who also implicitly assume that Pakistanis are unreasonable,
irresponsible and treacherous people who cannot be trusted. Most of
these hardliners in either country belong to post-independence
generations and often benefit from bad relations between the two
countries, posing as many of them do as security thinkers or patriotic
publicists of the respective security establishment.

Clearly their mind sets are the products of over 50 years of the
Pakistan-India cold war that is much older than the more talked about
east-west one that is happily no more. Indeed this cold war is a
carryover from historical India's communal Hindu-Muslim problem that
began assuming an ugly adversarial shape in the Nineteenth Century,
though its true parents were the reactions of the earlier Hindu scholars
to the triumph of European colonial powers over the many effete and
squabbling Indian potentates in the Eighteenth Century. Weakness of the
Indian princes, most of whom were Hindu, was contrasted with the unity,
vigour and industrial technology of the Europeans. They first imbibed
the nationalist ideas and became painfully conscious of having lost
their freedom. The proceeded to extrapolate the new nationalistic
concepts of freedom and slavery of 18th and 19th Century back to the
time when Muslim soldiers of fortune began coming into India from
central Asia.

They forget that in this vast subcontinent, Hindu princes and feudal
lords were doing exactly the same: whoever could assemble a few thousand
impecunious youngmen and arrange to pay them began aggressing against
neighbouring principalities, establishing new kingdoms. That was the
name of the old old power game everywhere and religion or place of
origin of the predator general, robber baron or pirate made no
difference. As for people, they had no part to play; they went with the
land; and would meekly accept whoever the new ruler might be: good, bad,
Hindu, Muslim, Buddhist or whoever. They would automatically accept him
if only he could firmly establish himself, allowing them to go on eking
out their living in accordance with time-honoured social relations and
technology.

Thus the early Hindu scholars=92 reaction to European ideas learnt through
the English language by reconfirming their Hindu identity and
extrapolating these ideas to the past as noted, produced a backward
looking Hindu Nationalism --- long before a secular Indian nationalism
was conceived. Hindu nationalists resented their over a thousand year
old slavery first of the Muslims and later of Europeans. They forgot
that there was not a jot of difference in the conditions in the Medieval
India=92s Hindu or Muslim principalities insofar as the economic, social,
cultural or even political status of the subjects was concerned. The
subjects living in the Gangetic plains in the 12th or 13th century lived
exactly like they actually did long before the Sultanates came to be
established. Nationalistic sentiments of Nineteenth Century could have
no relevance to earlier periods of history and the Hindu resentment
against Muslim invaders is misconceived. So is this Hindu nationalism
that is really the construct of an otherwise convenient communalism of a
later period.

But opposing Hindu and Muslim communalisms did grew fearfully in the
20th Century despite thousand and one commonalties among the Indians.
Amidst all the commonalties of language, race, modes of thinking and
outlook, even customs, food and dress, religious distinctions (including
untouchability) also coexisted. These had occasioned stereotypes. That
is how Hindu-Muslim relationship came to be mainly ambivalent: there
were bases for both extremely cordial friendship amounting to oneness
simultaneously with inimical sentiments, often actually stronger because
of these very commonalties. This ambivalence can be seen to inhere in
India-Pakistan relationship even today. The way a great euphoria arose
over the mere prospect of Agra Summit that later quickly gave birth to
more bitterness and recrimination is unique to Hindu-Muslim
relationship.

That is how it is possible for statesmanship --- provided it is there
--- to work for and succeed in dissolving even the Gordian knot of
Kashmir and the nuclear nightmare of both. But if such a long shot
historical view is beyond the government heads --- as might indeed be
the case --- then things can rapidly escalate into an unimaginable
tragedy. Psychological underpinnings for both policy orientations exist.
It is up to, today, Messrs Atal Behari Vajpayee and Pervez Musharraf to
choose between a confident forward looking movement toward civilised
amicability, progress and self-fulfilment, solving difficult problems
along the way; or to get into a rapidly accelerating descent into ever
increasing animosity, trading of recriminatory charges, with violence
begetting more violence --- until a nuclear blow up occurs.

Patriotism, specially the paranoid and super kind, pays to grasping
individuals. Even third world states with public sector technocrats
dominating the security establishments, generate an industrial military
complex; both countries have the misfortune of having such vested
interests being promoted by paid pipers. Many know how high military
tensions work to the advantage of --- who and how much and to how many.
Allow these well-heeled hardliners free reign and there will be no
further summits or at least will not succeed: Pakistan can take the
small step back to discuss only, rather than today=92s mainly, Kashmir
despite the new simultaneity in terms of not clinching the progress on
other matters; and India will stick to mainly cross-border terrorism
agenda, with Pakistan refusing to entertain. Period. Several summits can
easily break up.

If the will to solve problems and make and keep peace is strong,
Pakistan should have no difficulty in accepting all terrorism --- even
the one that seems freedom struggle to it --- to be discussed. After
all, violence per se is not an essential requirement of any freedom
struggle, especially if the other side is flexible and is responsive to
the democratic rights and yearnings of all Kashmiris. Let us not shut
our eyes to the fact that the Kashmiri people have so many different
ethnicities. If we can get rid of the mind sets shaped by the long cold
war --- aggravated so much by the mistrust-generating and
destabilisation-promoting nuclear weapons --- the ends of diplomacy may
not remain to be fighting by soft words; it may actually help in finding
a solution for Kashmir that can make it a bridge between the two
countries rather than remain the gulf that divides them.

____________

2.

The News on Sunday / The News International
5 August 2001

Our prisoners and theirs

Arifa Noor begins with the POWs issue and ends on a note where the=20
rights activists call for a joint tribunal to look for all Pakistanis=20
in Indian jails and all Indians in Pakistani jails

Mohammad Arif, a soldier in the Pakistan Army, disappeared during the=20
1971 Indo-Pak war. The army paid his family a 'pension death=20
gratuity' in 1975. Two and a half decades later his mother is=20
convinced that he is still alive and a prisoner in India. In a letter=20
written to human rights activist Asma Jahangir last year, her family=20
explained that she insists that she heard Arif's voice in an=20
interview on the Indian radio.

Mrs Tambay's husband, Vijay Tambay, was a pilot with the Indian Air=20
Force who she says was taken prisoner by the Pakistan Army in 1971.=20

Thirty years have passed since and she has not heard from him. But=20
the 52-year-old Mrs Tambay refuses to believe that he is dead. "My=20
heart believes that he is alive because there is no evidence that he=20
is no more."

Flimsy evidence for believing that both Mohammad Arif and Tambay are=20
alive, but for those who have lost a loved one, even the frailest and=20
flimsiest of proof can give them hope -- a straw that they can hang=20
on to. Arif's mother and Vijay Tambay's wife are no different.

And perhaps the Agra Summit was another straw that they could have clutched=
at.

Prisoners of War hit headlines once the summit had been decided upon.=20
The Indian government, claiming that 54 POWs were still incarcerated=20
in Pakistan, promised to raise the issue with the Pakistani=20
government. And apparently they did for General Pervez Musharraf=20
ordered an investigation into the matter. Not surprisingly, no POWs=20
were discovered.

The spokesman for the Interior Ministry, Tasneem Noorani, while=20
stating that no POWs were imprisoned in Pakistan, was reported in the=20
press as having said that 395 Pakistani soldiers were also missing=20
from 71. However, the Indian government denied any knowledge of them=20
and in the words of Noorani, "We accepted their claim and never=20
raised the matter again."

Case closed? Given the kind of mistrust that exists between the two=20
governments, or rather the two sides, such statements cannot be taken=20
as the last word on the issue.

The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, a non-government=20
organisation, does possess letters of relatives of missing Indian=20
defence personnel and organisations working for the return of the=20
latter. However, as Brigadier Rao Abid Hamid, Co-ordinator HRCP,=20
Vulnerable Prisoners Project, points out, there are reports of=20
Pakistani POWs in India. "I have been told by individuals in India=20
that around 300 Pakistani POWs are also incarcerated in India. But we=20
have never received a letter from any Pakistani family claiming that=20
some relative of theirs was a prisoner of war in India," he says.

Though the HRCP has received no information about Pakistani POWs,=20
Asma Jahangir has heard from a few families. According to her, four=20
families contacted her but only one, Mohammad Arif's, sent her=20
details in writing.

She feels that the lack of information about Pakistani POWs might be=20
due to our less open society. In her opinion, reports that India and=20
Pakistan did discuss the issue in the past can lead one to conclude=20
that both the governments admitted to the presence of POWs at that=20
time. "Otherwise why would they be discussing the issue and actually=20
talk about the ratio of exchange," she asks.

She explains that at one stage the Indian and Pakistani governments=20
had decided to exchange the POWs but were unable to agree on the=20
numbers that should be exchanged. India wanted one Indian POW in=20
return for one Pakistani POW. However, Pakistan wanted a larger=20
number of Pakistani POWs in return for one Indian.

Among the documents sent to the HRCP is a press clipping from the=20
Indian Express, dated November 1989, in which it is mentioned that=20
the then prime ministers of India and Pakistan, Rajiv Gandhi and=20
Benazir Bhutto, discussed the issue of POWs. "Mrs Benazir told him=20
[Rajiv Gandhi] that there were 41 of them [POWs] there and that she=20
would seriously look into their release," read the news report.

The issue is not that of POWs merely, but the attitude of the two=20
states, of their apathy and of their obsession with power politics=20
which keeps them from addressing humanitarian cases. "The two=20
governments have not been able to resolve the question of prisoners=20
in general," says I A Rehman, Director HRCP.

He points out the manner in which the two countries dealt with people=20
that stray across the border by mistake or with fishermen. It takes=20
the governments months or even years to exchange information about=20
such people and then further time is spent while this information is=20
cross-checked. "And if the information does not tally, they refuse to=20
take back the people in question," he says. "They need to evolve=20
better mechanisms."

Both he and Brigader Rao are of the opinion that a joint tribunal=20
could be formed by the two sides to look into the matter. "A joint=20
tribunal with members of the military and judiciary and the civil=20
society could be established to look for Pakistani prisoners in=20
Indian jails and Indian prisoners in Pakistani jails and trace their=20
journeys," says I A Rehman.

He stresses upon the need of allowing all non-Pakistani prisoners to=20
be allowed access to their diplomatic missions immediately and=20
without exception. "Human rights activists should also have access to=20
them," he adds.

And this perhaps would be a step in the right direction. A gesture of=20
goodwill by the governments not towards each other but towards their=20
peoples. Those people that have been waiting for decades to hear from=20
or of their missing relatives.

____________

3.

The Hindu
Sunday, August 05, 2001

Call for wider debate against saffronisation of education

By Our Special Correspondent

NEW DELHI, AUG. 4. With the Government ``pursuing its agenda'' to=20
change the mindset of society, the need is increasingly being felt to=20
take the debate on saffronisation of education out of conference=20
rooms and the limited circle of the ``converted'' to a wider=20
audience. And a call to this effect was given on the first day of a=20
three-day convention against the ``communalisation of education''=20
here today.

Organised by the Safdar Hashmi Memorial Trust (SAHMAT), the=20
convention will provide an alternative platform to Education=20
Ministers of the non-NDA-governed States to air their views on the=20
ongoing revision of the national curriculum. While the Education=20
Ministers will be drawn into the debate only on the last day of the=20
convention, day one saw a good many secular academics training their=20
guns on the Sangh Parivar for not just ``saffronising'' education,=20
but also eroding the space for discourse and damaging the essence of=20
the very religion it seeks to protect.

Dwelling upon the communal agenda, the eminent historian, Prof. Irfan=20
Habib, said ``the RSS is belittling Hinduism''. About the National=20
Curriculum Framework, Prof. Habib said it was strange that a=20
Government which had called for a national debate on conversions when=20
churches were attacked in Gujarat should be so reluctant to have a=20
discussion on the curriculum.

While fellow historian, Prof. K. N. Panikkar, sought to link=20
communalism to globalisation as both destroy plurality, the editor of=20
Communalism Combat, Ms. Teesta Setalvad, was of the view that=20
saffronisation of education preceded the BJP's arrival on the=20
centrestage. Though a debatable point for many in the audience, her=20
opinion found a supporter in the lawyer and columnist, Mr. A. G.=20
Noorani.

Stating that NGOs associated with the Sangh Parivar were flushed with=20
funds while those critical were cash-strapped, Mr. Noorani said there=20
were any number of instances of abuse of power by the BJP in its=20
short stint at the helm. Such being the case, he was of the view that=20
there was a need for secular forces to get their act together and=20
document every instance of nepotism

and attack on pluralism. He suggested that a White Book be brought=20
out on the saffronisation of education and the assault on educational=20
institutions.

Mincing no words, the former Vice-Chancellor of Lucknow University,=20
Ms. Rooprekha Verma, said already the Sangh Parivar had managed to=20
create an ``us and them divide''. A case in point, she said was the=20
manner in which the BJP Government in U.P. took preemptive action=20
against the SIMI while its partner in Orissa refused to take action=20
against the Dara Sena in Orissa on the premise that it had not broken=20
the law.

Though concerned about the saffronisation of education, Ms. Verma=20
said the biggest danger of the Hindutva agenda was not that it was=20
anti-minority but that it was anti- people and did not give any space=20
to the marginalised. About the assault on educational institutions in=20
U.P., she said all Vice- Chancellors appointed in universities in the=20
State after the BJP came to power were members of the Sangh Parivar.=20
``Those who were not appointed by the BJP are constantly harassed.''

Also, according to the former Vice-Chancellor of Lucknow University=20
who has drawn considerable flak from the Sangh Parivar, the number of=20
Saraswati Shishu Mandirs had increased in U.P. ever since the BJP had=20
acquired control over affairs of the State.

Though most of the speakers have been critics of the Sangh prior to=20
its first taste of power, Prof. Mushirul Hasan of Jamia Millia=20
Islamia spoke for all of them when he said that the consistency and=20
tenacity with which the BJP was pursuing its agenda had been rather=20
surprising.

Commenting on this ``remarkable consistency'' from an otherwise=20
``inconsistent'' political entity, Prof. Hasan said the enormity of=20
the danger to India's plural society and the magnitude of the threat=20
made it necessary for the ongoing debate to be taken to a wider=20
audience.

____________

4.

Rediff.com
4 August 2001

Hindu zealots altering history: Scholars

Deepshikha Ghosh in New Delhi

Did the human race originate in India? Did the Indians teach=20
Egyptians the art of building pyramids? Is the Taj Mahal a Hindu=20
monument?

Versions of history like these, with their dangerous emphasis on=20
Hindu nationalism, could soon worm their way into Indian schoolbooks,=20
warned leading Indian scholars who gathered for a three-day=20
conference that began on Saturday.

Historian K N Panikkar said: "The communal history being propagated=20
by the government is a concerted effort to create an alternate social=20
consciousness of the past and historically establish a Hindu nation."

The intellectuals decried the ongoing review of course content by the=20
National Council of Educational Research and Training, which is=20
funded by the government.

They felt the review would introduce ideas and interpretations=20
explicitly inclined towards Hindu fundamentalist beliefs under the=20
aegis of the Bharatiya Janata Party, which leads the coalition=20
government at the Centre.

They resolved to wage a counter-revolution against what they termed=20
an "assault on rational discourse" and "return to intellectual=20
backwardness and fundamentalism".

Panikkar said attempts to create a sense of "belonging" to India, as=20
proposed by NCERT's curriculum paper, were aimed at creating a Hindu=20
national identity, and could have serious long term social and=20
political implications.

He felt NCERT's value education scheme had explicit political=20
connotations and was a socially divisive attempt. "It will foster a=20
generation that will be incapable of critically examining the=20
problems of the society and will be inclined towards the kind of mass=20
conformism that breeds religious fundamentalism."

Former chairman of the Indian Council of Historical Research Irfan=20
Habib likened the attempts to distort history to Nazism.

He said: "The Sangh Parivar is trying to totally misread the entire=20
past of the Indian civilisation and culture in the name of=20
patriotism, and their mindset is being imposed on our education=20
system."

"They even say we taught the Egyptians to build the pyramids and that=20
the Vedas are the oldest scriptures that date back to 8000 BC."

The ICHR has in recent times sanctioned Rs 1.5 million to an=20
archaeologist to chart the course of the dried up ancient river=20
Saraswati establishing the "true origin of the Aryan race that went=20
from India" and another Rs 160,000 to prove that Dravidian languages=20
had no independent Indian roots, he said.

According to him, it was similar to how Nazi dictator Adolf Hitler=20
and his deputies spent exorbitant sums of money on research to=20
establish that German blood was racially superior.

"By selectively obscuring facts, Hindu ideologues are depriving India=20
of its heritage of great rulers and scientists who made genuine=20
contributions."

Habib expressed worry about the BJP government justifying the=20
destruction of mosques through NCERT textbooks that highlighted how=20
Muslims destroyed Hindu temples.

Attempts to establish Hindu origins of world-renowned monuments like=20
the Taj Mahal and Fatehpur Sikri were also criticised by the=20
gathering.

"The freedom of people is under threat, and all of us must start a=20
counter-revolution," proposed Prabhat Patnaik, professor of economics=20
at the Jawaharlal Nehru University.

Indo-Asian News Service

_________

5.

Deccan Chronicle
5 August 2001

Centre to alter history from '02

New Delhi, Aug. 4: In what academics fear to be a move to communalise=20
education, the BJP-led NDA government has decided to pull out the=20
existing NCERT history textbooks prescribed for the school curricula=20
over the next two academic years, that is from 2002-2004.

The process of bringing out the new textbooks, being kept completely=20
under wraps, is almost complete, sources say. The "rewritten"=20
textbooks will be included in the history syllabus from the new=20
academic year, starting March-April, 2002.

An eminent historian, on request of anonymity, said that he feared=20
that the BJP and RSS would make sure that the Hindutva agenda is=20
pushed further.

One would have to wait for March, 2002 to get to know what is in=20
store for the class XI and XII history students.

He added that the government cites the reason that history needs to=20
be presented in a more refreshing and cogent manner and that books,=20
which have been read for years on end, can always be changed.

There are several instances of distortions in history textbooks by=20
the present government, said Arjun Dev, who has retired from the post=20
of Head of the Social Sciences and Humanities Department, NCERT.

Whether it be the glorification of RSS leaders like Veer Sawarkar or=20
Chhatrapati Shivaji, the martyrdom of Guru Tegh Bahadur or the=20
history of Jainism, there are several instances of twisting=20
historical facts. A glaring example of this are the changes made in R=20
S Sharma's book "Ancient India". Some of the portions on Jainism were=20
deleted from this book without the author's permission, in violation=20
of copyright.

Now this book stands dropped from the class XI syllabus.=20

The books that have already been pulled out from the school=20
curriculum are Arjun Dev's book for class IX, "Story of=20
Civilisation", Romila Thapar's book for class VI, and Satish=20
Chandra's book for class XI, "Medieval India."

In the session starting in 2003, four more books for classes VII, X=20
and XII, by eminent historians are going to be dropped.

_________

6.

Rediff.com
24 July 2001

The Rediff US Special/Aseem Chhabra

United in Hatred

When the Bajrang Dal's official site in the US -- HinduUnity.org --=20
was shut down by its service provider, the group approached a most=20
unlikely ally -- Kahane.org, a radical Jewish group that is banned in=20
Israel and is on the State Department's list of terrorist=20
organizations. The common goal that brought the two groups and the=20
sites together -- their dislike and mistrust of Muslims and Islam.

As Michael Guzofsky, the director of Kahane.org and the=20
Brooklyn-based Hatikva Jewish Identity Center, said: "If someone is=20
coming to kill me and that same person wants to kill somebody else=20
and together we can defend ourselves, you have to be insane not to=20
band together against the common enemy that wants us all dead."

The Hindu Unity site first went on a server hosted by Addr.com, of=20
Greenwood Village, Colorado in February 2000. The Hindu Unity group=20
-- led by its elusive leader in New York, Rohit Vyasman, 30 -- was=20
responsible for the design and the content of the site, while=20
Addr.com would load the site on the Internet. The fee to host the=20
site was a mere $ 9.95 per month.

The Hindu Unity site would regularly post messages and editorial=20
content against Muslims in India and in Pakistan. Against the=20
backdrop of dripping blood each page contained interpretations of=20
Indian history, verses from the Koran and other anti-Muslim=20
statements, presented from the Hindutva point of view. Little wonder=20
Addr.com received complaints about the site. Addr.com does not keep=20
record of the number of complaints it receives.

Matt Johnson, an Addr.com representative, said even if the company=20
had received one complaint, it would have investigated the site. "If=20
you take a look at the Hindu Unity site now, there are several=20
features such as the hit list and the radical quotes that can be=20
offensive to some people, so we can't host a site like that," he said.

The hit list that Johnson mentions identifies 32 individuals as=20
enemies of Hindutva. Among them are Pakistan President Pervez=20
Musharraf (the top name on the list), Pope John Paul II, Osama Bin=20
Laden, evangelist Pat Robertson, Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke,=20
former West Bengal chief minister Jyoti Basu, painter M F Husain,=20
actress Shabana Azmi and director Deepa Mehta. There are a few Indian=20
journalists on the list -- Asian Age editor in chief M J Akbar,=20
Kuldip Nayar (who is referred to as a resident of Pakistan) and=20
rediff.com columnist Dilip D'Souza. A surprise name on the list is=20
Kanwal Rekhi, since the group he founded -- The Indus Entrepreneurs=20
-- has decided to invest in Pakistan.

The list also includes two 'anti-Hindutva pseudo-scholars' -- Amitava=20
Kumar, associate professor of English at Pennsylvania State=20
University and Vijay Prashad, assistant professor of international=20
studies at Trinity College at Hartford, CT. Prashad is referred to as=20
a 'pretend to be Hindu bastard' and the site warns him to beware=20
since the Soldiers of Hindutva are watching him.

Johnson said Addr.com tried to negotiate with Vyasman and his group.

"Eventually we realized they were not going to change the content or=20
the approach of the site," he said.

Vyasman, who initially agreed to be interviewed for this article,=20
later changed his position. In emails to this reporter he said he was=20
too busy. An interview was arranged with another Hindu Unity member,=20
but this individual is based in Mumbai and does not have first hand=20
knowledge about the relationship between the HinduUnity.org and the=20
Kahane.org sites.

When Addr.com dropped HinduUnity.org as one of its clients, Vyasman=20
called Guzofsky's office in Brooklyn.

Guzofsky is a follower of Rabbi Meir David Kahane, a Brooklyn-born,=20
former member of the Israeli Knesset, who called for the expulsion of=20
Arabs from Israel. Kahane was assassinated in Manhattan in 1990, by=20
an Islamic militant. Late last year Kahane's 34-year-old son and=20
political heir, Binyamin, was killed in an ambush in the West Bank.=20
Binyamin's wife, Talia, 31, was also killed in the same ambush.

Guzofsky was in Israel when he received the call from Vyasman, but=20
called back in a couple of hours. Soon an alternative arrangement was=20
made. Guzofsky connected Vyasman to Gary Wardell, a businessman in=20
Annandale, VA. Wardell's web service business now hosts both the=20
HinduUnity.org and Kahane.org sites. The two sites also have a mutual=20
link.

"We heard the site was taken down because of Muslim pressure and that=20
is something we have ourselves experienced," Guzofsky said. "The=20
Hindu group was taken down for its views in America and especially on=20
the Internet which is the ultimate vehicle for free speech.=20
Regardless of their views they have the right to preach them. It is=20
clear that certain Muslim groups in America will do everything in=20
their power to silence Jews or Hindus or anyone."

Guzofsky said the Kahane.org practiced the principle of free speech=20
and allowed people to post anti-Muslim or anti-Jewish messages.=20
"Sometimes there is nasty language and we do not approve of it, but=20
we are not there to censor it," he said.

HinduUnity.org also maintains a message board, but with a very=20
different approach to free speech. The top section of the message=20
board clearly states: 'All anti-Hindu posts and propaganda will be=20
deleted. All messages that contain threats, promote harm/violence=20
will be deleted.'

Since the strengthening of the relationship between the two sites=20
earlier this summer, the two groups have joined in supporting each=20
other's causes. Guzofsky and some of his supporters recently attended=20
a rally outside the United Nations protesting the Taleban's edict=20
that all Hindus in Afghanistan must wear a symbol which would=20
distinguish them from the rest of the Afghan population. The rally=20
was called by several Hindu groups in the New York area, and Hindu=20
Unity and Vyasman were among the sponsors. The Hindu Unity groups=20
have marched in a couple of anti-Palestinian and pro-Israel rallies.

Guzofsky said in the past the two groups had not met as often as he=20
would have liked to. "I think this is the beginning of what will=20
hopefully be a fruitful and mutually beneficial relationship for both=20
Hindus and Jews," he added.

_________

7.

>Date: Thu, 2 Aug 2001 12:38:35 -0700 (PDT)
>From: owner-narmada-river@n...
>Subject: [NBA] An Appeal to your Conscience

>
>Dear friends,
>
>We have received news about deportation and denying visas to foreign
>nationals, who were visiting the monsoon Satyagraha of Narmada Bachao
>Andolan. Like many others, we too are shocked by this move of the governme=
nt.
>
>Ms.Ali Sauer, the Canadian citizen, who was deported from the country
>[within 1.30 hours] was in the Narmada valley last year. The only 'crime'
>she had done was to write an article in the Economic and Political Weekly,
>on the Environmental Aspects of Sardar Sarovar Dam. She was told that she
>is a 'threat to the national security'.
>
>Ms.Nikki Warwick, the Australian citizen was denied visa. She was a
>Satyagrahi during the 1999 Satyagraha. Her presence during the time of pea=
k
>submergence had given immense strength to the people in the valley. Due to
>her involvement, then she was served notice by the district authorities
>'not to indulge in anti-state activities'. She replied to the same and the=
n
>her visa was extended by a week, on her request.
>
>Ms.Annie Leonard, an American activist fighting against the toxic wastes,
>has never visited the Narmada Valley. But she was repeatedly asked during
>the visa interview about her links with 'Narmada' and denied the visa.
>
>This is not just in the case of Narmada. Many anti-nuke and human rights
>activists, scholars and others were denied entry to the country since the
>new government has taken power at the centre. Before this, only during the
>Emergency that similar paranoid steps were taken by the rulers, to see tha=
t
>the dubious human rights record of the country is not exposed to the
>outside world.
>
>Not only the foreign companies are welcomed to plunder the wealth of the
>country, they even dictate terms on the Governments, like in the case of
>Enron. The ones who come from across the boarders, to extend support and
>solidarity with struggles for justice, peace and communal harmony, are
>branded 'threats' and try to suppress the flow of information and freedom
>of expression.
>
>We wonder whether the knee-jerk appeal of some seasoned politicians to ban
>the people's movement, Narmada Bachao Andolan, already implemented by the
>Government. We warn that such a move will prove disastrous for any democra=
cy.
>
>We feel that if this is not opposed now, this largest democracy will soon
>turn to be a fascist State. As conscientious citizens we appeal to you to
>rise to the occasion and take a stand with the people of this country. Sen=
d
>your protest letters to the editors of newspapers, President, Prime
>Minister, Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Home and whomever you feel.
>
>The people in power should know that only dialogue could be a way out for
>the conflicts, and not hand-twisting tactics, which suppress the rights of
>the people.
>
>In solidarity,
>
>Kuldip Nayar (Member of Parliament, Human Rights Activist)
>
>Swami Agnivesh (Human Rights Campaigner)
>
>Asghar Ali Engineer (Social Reformer)
>
>Sukumar Azhikode (Gandhian, Ex-Chairman National Book Trust)
>
>U.R.Ananthamurthy (Litterateur)
>
>Anand Patwardhan (Documentary Film Maker)
>
>Praful Bidwai (Columnist, Anit Nuke Activist)

_________

8.

The Hindustan Times
5 August 2001

When she rose to conquer
Usha Rai

Razia Bhatti, editor of the Herald and subsequently her own=20
publication, Newsline, was a courageous journalist. Though=20
soft-spoken and extremely warm and friendly, when it came to writing=20
edits, she was the tough talking professional who fired from the hip.=20
She never spared anyone, whether it was Zia-ul-Haq, Benazir Bhutto or=20
Nawaz Sharif. In a country where a large section of women are=20
illiterate or veiled from the mainstream of society, Razia rose to be=20
one of the most respected journalists of Pakistan.

Razia had a special bond with India. She was a friend of several=20
senior journalists of the country and networked with them, both at=20
international conferences and in India.

A warrior to the end, her death on March 13 1996 shocked journalists=20
across the sub-continent. In a fitting tribute to Razia, Dr Eqbal=20
Ahmed wrote "weep Pakistan, weep. Thy finest daughter is dead." It is=20
only fitting that Oxford University Press should bring out a=20
collection of Razia Bhatti's Newline editorials in a book titled A=20
Profile in Courage.

Not only does the book make excellent reading with a foreward by Mr I=20
A Rehman, Director of the Human Rights Commission in Pakistan, and an=20
introduction by Zahid Hussain, senior editor at Newsline, but it is=20
excellent reading material for students of journalism and Institutes=20
running media courses.

In many ways, Razia was the equivalent of human rights activist Asma=20
Jahangir in journalism. Beginning her career in journalism with a=20
Master's degree from the university of Karachi, she joined the=20
Illustrated Weekly of Pakistan, which was converted into the monthly=20
Herald in 1970. In 1977, she took over as the editor of the Herald=20
and through the dark days of Zia-ul Haq's regime, the publication=20
became a beacon of independent thought and integrity. In fact, she=20
trained a whole breed of journalists who went for the story with no=20
holds barred. As Zahid Husain recounts she provoked the wrath of Gen=20
Zia's regime by challenging his discriminatory laws. As press=20
censorship tightened she voiced her protest by leaving blank spaces=20
in the Herald. The readers got the message and so did the government.=20
Soon, even the blank spaces were officially banned.

In January 1984, Herald got a facelift and investigative reporting=20
and analysis got a new thrust. The explosive reports ranged from=20
political persecution in Sindh to the involvement of security=20
agencies in drug trafficking. With an uncanny knack for smelling out=20
stories, Razia would push reporters to dig out more facts and clarify=20
the minutest details.

Razia fiercely guarded her editorial independence. Her conflict with=20
the Herald management surfaced in mid-1986. Benazir Bhutto's return=20
after a long period of exile made newspaper headlines the world over,=20
but Herald's management was adamant that Bhutto should not make it to=20
the cover of the magazine. A compromise was reached by putting her as=20
a shadow image. In 1988 there was open confrontation when she was=20
asked to write a favourable report on Zia's budget. She preferred to=20
quit rather than compromise her editorial independence. Almost the=20
entire editorial staff walked out with her.

Without any financial resources, Razia and her team decided to bring=20
out a new independent magazine. With a band of committed and talented=20
journalists and a fountain of goodwill, the first issue of Newsline=20
came out in July 1989. We want to serve the nation in the best way we=20
know, wrote Razia. "To seek the truth, to spotlight injustice and=20
fight for redressal." Like the Independent newspaper of Britain,=20
Newsline was a journalists cooperative venture with complete=20
editorial freedom.

Over the next seven years, Newsline published trail-blazing stories=20
including exposes on corruption at the highest political level,=20
plunder of the country's financial institutions, the role of=20
intelligence agencies, the drug mafia and state and street terrorism.=20
At the height of MQM's power, Newsline boldly exposed its facism. A=20
few years later when the party was victimised by the army, it exposed=20
that too. It took on Irfanullah Khan Marwat, the powerful son-in-law=20
of the former President Ghulam Ishaq Khan as he unleashed a reign of=20
terror in Sindh during the Chief Ministership of Sadiq Ali in early=20
nineties.

It exposed the misuse of political power under both Benazir Bhutto=20
and Nawaf Sharif. It raised a voice against extra-judicial killings=20
in Karachi by the security forces. Razia's journalistic integrity and=20
services were recognised by the International Women's Media=20
Foundation by awarding her Courage in Journalism Award in 1994. The=20
other awardees were Katharine Graham of the Washington Post and=20
Christiane Amanpour of CNN.

At home, however, the hard-hitting editorials and exposes of Newsline=20
were not tolerated by those in power. When there was criticism of=20
Benazir Bhutto's Karachi policy, Newsline was banned on PIA flights.=20
In August 1995, a critical profile of Kamal Azfar, the newly=20
appointed governor of the troubled Sindh province, led to a raid on=20
Razia's house at 2 a.m. and later the Newsline office. The incident=20
shattered Razia. The brutal invasion of the sanctity of her home=20
seriously affected her health. With the solid support of the=20
journalist community, she was back to crusading through her columns=20
in Newsline. Her blood pressure soared and though she was asked to=20
take it easy by the doctors, she did not heed their advice. Working=20
till the last day, Razia died like a warrior with pen in hand.

Reading Newsline edits gives an insight into the political and social=20
history of troubled Pakistan from the late eighties to mid-nineties.=20
In December 1992, Razia wrote "on that fateful afternoon of December=20
6, the kar sevaks of Ayodhya reduced more than a mosque to rubble:=20
sanity and Indian secularism lay amidst the ruins of Babri Masjid.=20
=8A=8A. There is a lesson in Ayodhya for us in Pakistan. When we allow=20
fanatics to delineate the kind of society we are to live in, when we=20
allow the whipping up of sectarian hatred, the destruction of mandirs=20
and churches, the persecution of the Ahmedis and other minorities,=20
and their segragation first through separate electorates and now=20
through the religion column on the ID card, we are laying the=20
foundation of another Ayodhya. Can Pakistan fight the battle for=20
Indian Muslims when it is fighting its own?

In fact each edit is worth reading. To quote a line or even a=20
paragraph or two from Razia's scintillating essays would not do=20
justice to that dynamic journalist who died while she was in full=20
flow. However, I wish the book had a chapter on Razia's personal life=20
- her children and her family. I know that she was a loving and=20
caring mother. In the Indian sub-continent, especially in Pakistan,=20
which is still quite feudal, without the support of husband/family it=20
is virtually impossible for a woman to do well in her career. In=20
Razia's life, I am sure her personal life complemented her official=20
one.

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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