[sacw] SACW (24 July 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire
24 July 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

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[1.] Pakistan - India: The hour of the hawk
[2.] India: The call for a ban on the Narmada Bachao Andolan is an=20
attempt to stifle the right to protest
[3.] Musharraf in India: Microphone mightier than the gun?
[4.] Sri Lanka: Current Political situation attributed to lost majority
[5.] Sri Lanka: UNICEF Says Child Recruitment By Rebels Increasing
[6.] India: Gay Rights-Signature Campaign

-----------------------------------------

#1.

Indian Express
July 22, 2001

Straight Face
The hour of the hawk

Pamela Philipose

IF there is a certain species of wildlife on the subcontinent that is=20
proliferating faster than rabbits, it is the hawk. Watch these winged=20
creatures as they circle the skies, their cries piercing the air from=20
Pune to Peshawar. Observe them call out from their perches of power=20
as word gets round that the peace process is now formally ripe for=20
the picking. Watch them dive into its twitching carcass and emerge=20
triumphant with bloodied beaks and talons. Watch them cross the great=20
expanse of the Indo-Gangetic plain with several rapid wing strokes=20
followed by a powerful glide as they ride the hot winds of=20
vituperation.

As is the case with other bird species, there are several types of=20
hawks that can be spotted in the windswept hollows of this great land=20
mass. They may vary in size, but they are all characterised by=20
prehensile talons that pick up prey in a smooth action. Their hooked=20
beaks are designed to tear apart any creature that defies their=20
dominance. And, yes, they will do everything they can to ensure that=20
India and Pakistan will forever remain the happy hunting ground for=20
their predatory swoops.

The Hindu Hawk (Trishuler trivirgatus): This is a broad category that=20
includes sub-species like the Shivsena trivirgatus and the=20
Vishwahinduparishad trivirgatus. SIZE: Varies, depending on=20
geographical location and access to power. FIELD CHARACTERS:=20
Excitable and, on occasion, furious creatures, known to swoop down on=20
cinema halls and cricket pitches, and claw and scratch at the work of=20
harmless life forms like artists and actors. In other words, they=20
believe that community honour demands pecking furiously at any one=20
who is not of their kind and national honour demands the destruction=20
of the nation across the border. DISTRIBUTION: Throughout the Indian=20
land mass. Both resident as well as migratory. HABITS: Usually=20
obstreperous with a loud, harsh challenging cry. Some of them, having=20
eased themselves into ministerial positions, wield exceptional=20
influence.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
Watch them dive into its twitching carcass and emerge triumphant
------------------------------------------------------------------------

The Islamic Hawk (Jehadi badius): This has various sub-species like=20
the Lashkar-e-toiba badius or the Jamaat-e-Islami badius.=20
SIZE:Varies, depending on funding from state and foreign sources.=20
FIELD CHARACTERS: Very devout, prays five times a day, and follows up=20
such moments of calm by pulling out AK-47s and mowing down the=20
unsuspecting. In other words, they believe that community honour=20
demands waging an endless jehad against the infidels. National=20
honour, to their mind, demands the absolute destruction of the nation=20
across the border. DISTRIBUTION: Scattered throughout the Pakistan=20
land mass. Both resident and migratory, closely linked with groups in=20
the Central Asian region. Their numbers are often augmented by=20
extralimital migrants. HABITS: Usually obstreperous, they takes pains=20
to sponsor armed batches of their kind to hunt amidst the=20
unsuspecting across the border, wreaking carnage in calibrated doses.

Military Hawk (Generalum virgatus): This is a species that is=20
inordinately fond of the medals pinned on their puffed up breasts and=20
believes that the only conversation worth having is through the=20
exchange of gunfire. SIZE: Fattened on huge defence budgets, they are=20
presently thriving thanks to the fact that they have a firm hand on=20
the levers of power. FIELD CHARACTERS: Very chauvinistic would=20
ideally like to have a free hand to destroy the nation across the=20
border once and for all. Impatient with any namby-pamby moves to make=20
peace.

Foreign policy Hawk (Diplomatis virgatus): A very sophisticated and=20
ambitious breed which can, when required, resort to verbal=20
calisthenics with telling effect. Fond of vague and meaningless=20
verbal constructions such as: ''the talks were held in a cordial,=20
frank and constructive manner'', they desire nothing more than to=20
shape the foreign policy thinking within their respective=20
establishments since they perceive themselves as keepers of the=20
nation's honour. SIZE: Modest, but wields an influence far beyond=20
their actual numbers. FIELD CHARACTERS: Very chauvinist, very=20
jingoist, they perceive hostility between India and Pakistan as a=20
personal vocation, realising that they themselves would be rendered=20
redundant if peace were to descend. Once retired, very fond of=20
appearing on TV talk shows. DISTRIBUTION: Located largely in=20
decision-making centres of both nations.

=20
______

2.

Frontline
Volume 18 - Issue 15, Jul. 21 - Aug. 03, 2001
CONTROVERSY

Against a people's movement

The call for a ban on the Narmada Bachao Andolan is an attempt to=20
stifle the right to protest against unjust deprivation.

ASHISH KOTHARI

IN an act that would be laughable if it was not so full of tragic=20
implications for freedom and democracy, several prominent politicians=20
of Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh have call for a ban on the Narmada=20
Bachao Andolan (NBA). There is a new penchant for self-styled=20
champions of public order and morality to demand "bans"... ban this=20
film or that play, ban unions, ban this organisation or that. And now=20
this brigade has targeted what is arguably one of independent India's=20
most refreshing and inspiring people's movements, one that has not=20
only acquired a mass base in the Narmada Valley but touched a chord=20
across the world. Ironically, this demand has come at the behest of=20
an organisation that claims to be fighting for human rights, the=20
National Council for Civil Liberties (NCCL).

Former Chief Ministers of Gujarat Amarsinh Choudhary, Shankarsinh=20
Vaghela, Dilip Parikh, Chhabildas Mehta and Suresh Mehta, as also=20
Deputy Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh Jamuna Devi and MPCC=20
president Radhakishan Malviya, a confidant of Chief Minister Digvijay=20
Singh, were among those who signed the memorandum submitted by the=20
Ahmedabad-based NCCL to Union Home Minister L.K. Advani.

The memorandum demanded that the NBA be banned under the Unlawful=20
Activities (Prevention) Act, 1957, and was reportedly submitted with=20
details of NBA's alleged subversive activities: foreign funding,=20
passing on confidential reports related to important projects of the=20
country to foreign agencies, human rights violations in the Narmada=20
Valley, evasion of income tax, and letting loose a reign of violence=20
against the project-affected persons and even government officials=20
engaged in survey and rehabilitation work in the valley. NCCL=20
president V.K. Saxena was also quoted as threatening to move the High=20
Court if the Central government delayed imposing the ban on the NBA.

The demand, of course, is patently ridiculous. The NBA has been=20
fighting for the rights of lakhs of people who are to be=20
unceremoniously displaced and dispossessed of their lands and=20
resources, by a project whose viability and desirability are under a=20
cloud. Regardless of one's position on the Sardar Sarovar Project=20
(SSP), anyone who agrees with human rights principles would accept=20
that people have a right to protest against what they consider to be=20
unjust deprivation. A demand to ban such assertion, that too from a=20
civil liberties organisation, is absurd and untenable.

It is not only absurd, it is dangerous. For implicit in this demand=20
is the standpoint that civil dissent against the decisions of the=20
state is inherently "anti-national" (as per the letter and spirit of=20
the Unlawful Activities Act). There is an unwritten assumption that=20
the state can do no wrong, and that anything it does must be in the=20
"national" interest. Such faith in the Indian state is indeed=20
touching. If the interests of those behind such demands were not=20
clear, one would even be driven to tears by such blind faith.

The Sardar Sarovar Project is not about providing water to the=20
thirsty lakhs in Kutch and Saurashtra, as its proponents have been=20
arguing for decades. It is not about providing a life-line to the=20
drought-hit regions of Gujarat. It is more about facilitating the=20
unending thirst for water and electricity of the big farmers, the=20
industries, and the cities of central Gujarat, more about satiating=20
the greed of contractors and politicians and "experts" who are ready=20
to sell their souls to the nearest bidder, and more about repeating a=20
failed model of 'development'.

Time and again, dispassionate and truly expert assessment of the=20
project plans and other available data has shown that the water from=20
the project will hardly ever reach the drought-hit areas of Kutch and=20
Saurashtra. Well before that, it would have been guzzled up by the=20
already prosperous and greedy to become even more prosperous elites=20
of central Gujarat. What is still more disheartening is the fact that=20
the self-styled saviours of the drought-hit populations of Gujarat=20
are not even willing to listen to simple and much cheaper=20
alternatives that experts and activists have been advocating.=20
Decentralised water harvesting is the key to eradicate drought and=20
water shortages in Kutch and Saurashtra. Such schemes, when=20
implemented by villagers themselves, have proven to be extremely=20
effective drought-proofing strategies, as shown in a number of=20
villages of the region. But the proponents of the Sardar Sarovar=20
Project are not interested. Some of them are blinded by the 50-year=20
old myth that only a Narmada dam can bring succour to the thirsty=20
regions. Other people are interested in the power politics that can=20
be indulged in with a big project, which are simply not to be availed=20
of in decentralised development strategies.

The demand for the ban is also dangerous because of its implications=20
for democracy and freedom. The freedom to express oneself, and resort=20
to constitutionally valid means of dissent, are inherent in the=20
democracy that India prides itself for. The NBA has distinguished=20
itself in being, for 16 long years, a consistently non-violent=20
movement. There have been stray incidents of violence, usually under=20
severe provocation, but the leaders of the movement have=20
disassociated themselves from these acts of violence and explicitly=20
advocated only non-violent means to all those who participate in the=20
movement. If indeed violence and subversion of national interests=20
were the NBA's motives, India would have witnessed the kind of=20
bloodshed that Punjab had at one point, and Kashmir and some=20
northeastern States today do. Blood has in fact been shed in the=20
Narmada Valley, but it has almost always been that of the victims of=20
the SSP, who have been beaten, shot, tortured, and imprisoned by=20
state forces. Where was the NCCL when an Adivasi woman in Taloda=20
(Maharashtra) was shot dead by the police in a move to evict her=20
community from lands to be given to the SSP oustees? Or where was it=20
when 15-year old Rahmal Punya Vasave of Surung village was killed, in=20
police action, at Akrani, during a peaceful protest against=20
displacement? Or when Adivasi girls were raped by the police,=20
peaceful protestors fired upon, and so on?

Indeed, it is ironical that at a time when the NCCL is calling for=20
this ban, several thousand people in the Narmada valley are faced=20
with the prospect of being drowned, if they stay on in their current=20
settlements, as a result of the unjustified increase in dam height in=20
recent months. They are on satyagraha, pointing out that such=20
submergence was happening without proper rehabilitation being made=20
possible, and without any valid justification for the project. This,=20
if anything, is a gross violation of human rights; but does the NCCL=20
recognise it as such?

The NCCL's allegation that the NBA has passed on "confidential"=20
reports to foreign agencies exposes the real nature of this group.=20
Any civil liberties group worth its name would argue that documents=20
pertaining to development are not "confidential", that, in fact, the=20
public has a right of access to all such documents. The NBA and=20
dozens of other people's movements have always demanded such a right=20
to information. What is so confidential about SSP documents? What=20
confidential documents have been passed on, and to whom, in a way=20
that threatens national security? If anything, it is the SSP=20
authorities, and the State and Central governments responsible for=20
SSP and other such projects, that are always ready to part with=20
internal documents of the state to agencies such as the World Bank,=20
the International Monetary Fund, external donor agencies, and=20
multinational corporations, hoping that these institutions would=20
support the projects. It is the state that goes with a begging bowl=20
to foreign agencies, and which is willing to bend civil rights and=20
environmental laws to suit the interests of foreign capital. And it=20
is this state that has consistently denied the right to information,=20
including to those whose lives are going to be so massively disrupted=20
by the dam. This indeed is criminal behaviour, but it does not catch=20
the NCCL's eye. Indeed, the NCCL's missile is hopelessly misguided.

THEN there is the charge of violating financial and income=20
regulations. The NBA has laid its accounts open to external scrutiny,=20
but has also demanded that the SSP authorities and the Gujarat=20
government do the same. This reciprocal challenge has not been=20
accepted by the dam builders. So who is really behaving suspiciously?=20
How much of the money meant for the development of Gujarat actually=20
goes to the people who need it? These are the questions that the=20
NCCL, if it is truly concerned about human rights, financial=20
irregularities, and "anti-national" activities, should ask.

What is ironic about the latest demand for a "ban" is that it has=20
been supported by former Chief Ministers of Gujarat who have for=20
decades been unable to provide relief to the drought-hit regions of=20
the State, unable (unwilling?) to curb the truly anti-national=20
communal forces that terrorise the minorities, and who have been=20
incapable of reining in the incredibly destructive industrial forces=20
that have rendered fresh water and air amongst the rarest commodities=20
of Gujarat.

That drinking and irrigation could have been made available within=20
one decade, to both Kutch and Saurashtra, through decentralised=20
means, is now established by the successful experiments that=20
innovative panchayats and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have=20
carried out. That alternative, decentralised, peaceful means of=20
development of agriculture, industries, and energy, is possible and=20
feasible has also been demonstrated by village communities and NGOs=20
time and again. Several sensitive government officers too have shown=20
that this is possible. It does not require grandiose and unviable=20
projects such as the SSP to bring the people of Kutch and Saurashtra=20
out of their misery. It requires innovative, participatory=20
development processes. It does not require huge amounts of foreign=20
funds, tying the country into ever-tighter knots of debt. To bring=20
about true development it only requires small amounts, provided the=20
people are truly involved in decentralised planning and=20
implementation. Look at the change that villagers and one NGO, Tarun=20
Bharat Sangh, have brought about in 600 villages of arid Rajasthan=20
through a network of small johads (check dams). That is the kind of=20
development that the NBA advocates.

The NCCL's demand must also be seen in the context of the increasing=20
attacks on legitimate people's movements across the country. It is=20
perhaps not a coincidence that these have significantly increased=20
since the early 1990s, when the government embarked on the path to=20
'globalisation'. Such a path requires easy access to natural=20
resources and cheap labour for the global forces of industry and=20
capital. The price is paid by those people who are mostly dependent=20
on such resources, and those who live closest to the land. The firing=20
on Adivasis at Kashipur (Orissa), who were trying to protect their=20
lands and forests against multinational mining interests supported by=20
the state (Frontline, January 19, 2001); the killing of Col. Pratap=20
Save who was leading local people against an unjustified port at=20
Umbergaon (Gujarat) (Frontline, July 7, 2000); the shooting of=20
several activists who resisted displacement by the proposed Koel Karo=20
Dam in Jharkhand (Frontline, March 16, 2001); the enactment of the=20
Madhya Pradesh Special Areas Security Act to ban all public protests=20
and people's groups that the state considers a threat; all point to a=20
tendency for the state to favour the elite industrial and urban=20
sections that benefit from globalisation, against those millions who=20
lose their livelihoods from it.

Finally, the NCCL demand shows a certain desperation. It is an=20
outcome of the realisation that the NBA has people's power behind it.=20
If not, why would anyone bother to ask for a ban on an organisation=20
that the State governments, the Central government, and even the=20
Supreme Court, have turned a deaf ear to... and which has not turned=20
to the gun to make itself heard?

Ban the NBA. Ban the National Fishworkers Forum, comprising millions=20
of fisherfolk asking for a halt to the commercialisation and=20
privatisation of India's marine areas. Ban the National Alliance of=20
People's Movements. Ban these and all other such people's movements,=20
the true voices of the people at the grassroots. But if indeed the=20
Indian government heeds voices like the NCCL's, it does so at the=20
peril of being called another colonial state, over half a century=20
after the sceptre of colonialism was supposedly vanquished from the=20
country. And at the inevitable peril of being overthrown, as was the=20
earlier colonial power. If on the other hand the government has an=20
iota of wisdom and prudence left, it will ask NCCL and its supporters=20
to go packing.

The NBA has filed a criminal suit against V.K. Saxena of the NCCL and=20
served a legal notice to Jamuna Devi. One hopes that the courts will=20
have the honesty and courage to prosecute these self-styled upholders=20
of morality and expose them.

Ashish Kothari is a founder-member of Kalpavriksh, and currently=20
coordinating the technical core group formulating India's National=20
Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan.

Copyrights =A9 2001, Frontline.

________

3.

Asia Times Online (atimes.com)
24 July 2001

Microphone mightier than the gun?

By Sultan Shahin

NEW DELHI - Democratic India is learning from dictatorial Pakistan=20
the need for openness with the media and accountability to the people.

"What kind of a democracy is this that does not allow a visiting head=20
of state to call a press conference?" a Pakistani journalist asked an=20
Indian foreign ministry spokesperson as she was leaving a conference=20
hall after making a brief statement on the final day of the summit=20
meeting at Agra last week between the Pakistani President General=20
Pervez Musharraf and Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee.

However, It was mainly due to the telecast of his unscheduled meeting=20
with about 30 leading Indian editors on his second day in Agra that=20
Musharraf showed how to play the media game. The person who was for=20
Indians the "villain" of the Kargil war only two years ago has become=20
something of a hero in India - not to mention at home - after=20
perpetrating against India what is being widely characterized in the=20
Indian media as "Kargil II" or "Media Kargil". In 1999, India and=20
Pakistan fought for four months at Kargil,on the Line of Control that=20
runs through divided Kashmir.

"Why can't India produce a leader like him?" is a question being=20
asked wistfully, even in government offices at lower levels. And some=20
of the comments in the Indian press on Musharraf are instructive. The=20
largest-circulated newspaper, The Times of India, wrote, "That the=20
Pakistani president cast a spell on the Indian editors was all too=20
apparent from the televised screening of the big event. He came=20
across as frank, even if at times brutally so, and certainly very=20
focused. So much so, many of our distinguished editors could barely=20
conceal their admiration for the general; some were clearly won over=20
to his point of view. Contrast this with Atalji's minimalist style.

"With his long pauses and stretched Urdu poetry, the biggest of=20
crowds are admittedly no challenge for our prime minister. But that=20
is not the stuff diplomatic PR is made of. It demands quick=20
reactions, a friendly manner and an ability to appear convincing.=20
Which, needless to say, is not an Indian strong point. Far worse is=20
our politicians' insistence that diplomacy is synonymous with=20
secrecy. Little wonder that Tuesday's edition of New York Times=20
quoted only Pakistani sources for its story on the failure of=20
Indo-Pak talks."

Even more interesting is the assessment of Musharraf presented in an=20
article by Chandan Mitra, who edits and publishes the daily Pioneer=20
that generally reflects the views of the hard-line L K Advani (Home=20
Minister) faction of the ruling Hindu fundamentalist Bhartiya Janata=20
Party (BJP). Advani is believed to have scuttled the draft of the=20
Agra Declaration agreed to by the two heads of government and their=20
foreign ministers. "Let's make no mistake," wrote Mitra, "General=20
Pervez Musharraf will get the better of us each time we negotiate=20
with him ... in Pervez Musharraf we have one of the toughest problems=20
on our hands. He is logical, transparent, focused, candid,=20
articulate, belligerent, media-savvy and fearfully self-confident. He=20
is also possessed with a powerful sense of history as indicated=20
earlier. He has learnt from the past. That's why he constantly runs=20
history down. I am afraid we shall have to deal with this=20
Kashmir-focussed general for a long, long time.

"I was also frightfully impressed," says Mitra, "with the general's=20
command over the English language, his choice of words and phrases=20
and grasp of semantics. For instance, he digressed briefly during the=20
breakfast chat to explain the difference between a problem and a=20
dispute, pointing out why India was comfortable calling Kashmir a=20
problem while Pakistan was not. A problem, he said, could be resolved=20
internally. But a dispute involves more than one party. 'Kashmir=20
cannot be resolved internally by India. That's why I call it a=20
dispute and I don't understand why India is so sensitive to the word=20
dispute'," Mitra quoted Musharraf as saying. He could almost have=20
added QED to clinch the point.

Somebody asked him, continues Mitra, if he repudiated historical=20
realities altogether, such as the fact that the British had empowered=20
the princely states to choose between the two successor dominions,=20
and the ruler of Kashmir had opted for India. The general's quick wit=20
won the day. He reminded the questioner that in 1948, India had=20
accepted a plebiscite in accordance with a UN resolution and until=20
1958 actually recognized Kashmir as a "dispute." The general went on=20
to say: "Therefore, let's not talk about history. That's why I say=20
forget history, think of the future."

"Charming, but alarming," commented foreign policy expert Ashutosh=20
Bajpai. His contention was that the general did not have even a small=20
piece of paper, let alone a detailed draft of his policy position=20
when he held forth before the media. Describing this as unique in the=20
annals of international diplomatic history, Bajpai contended that the=20
general's unconventional approach to diplomacy had alarmed world=20
capitals, even as he charmed his audience with his brilliance and=20
articulation.

Having attended that controversial media interaction at Amar Vilas=20
Palace seven days ago, Mitra adds, "I found Bajpai's assessment=20
uncannily accurate. In the course of the breakfast, the self-assured=20
general was clearly contemptuous not only of politicians but also of=20
diplomats. For instance, asserting he was not a diplomat, he pointed=20
to the men flanking him, Foreign Minister Abdus Sattar and High=20
Commissioner to India Ashraf Jahangir Qazi, to say that the diplomats=20
had told him never to close a door in negotiations, and he would bow=20
to their superior wisdom.

"What he meant was that he had no qualms about shutting diplomatic=20
doors and picking up the gun once again, but would wait for his=20
subordinates to be proved wrong. The general again demonstrated his=20
disdain for politicians at the Islamabad Press conference when in a=20
prickly rejoinder to a question, he rubbished his politician=20
predecessors for signing the Shimla and Lahore agreements without=20
focusing on Kashmir," said Mitra.

The 776-kilomter-long ceasefire line between India and Pakistan from=20
Jammu in the south to the international border with China to the=20
north was agreed as the Line of Control in the Shimla Agreement in=20
1971. In 1999 in the Lahore Declaration the countries agreed, among=20
other things, to renew talks on Kashmir and to alert each other of=20
further nuclear arms tests.

Musharraf has not only impressed the media in India with his=20
articulation, but also with his arguments, and seems to have brought=20
to the fore some of the latent misgivings in the Indian mind. The=20
following excerpt is typical of this, "For the general, the summit=20
was a chance to contrast plain-speaking and, by implication, honest=20
Pakistan with devious double-speaking India. In the circumstances, it=20
was hard to fault him. The exasperation he expressed about an=20
attitude to the peace process characterized by the refusal to use the=20
word 'dispute' in relation to Kashmir is also shared by many Indians.=20
He saw this as a flight from reality and claimed to be genuinely=20
concerned that Indian leaders were unable to tell their own people=20
exactly what was going on. Of course he exaggerates, but the semantic=20
difficulties Indian governments have in describing the Kashmir=20
situation and communicating changing concepts are obvious and worry=20
Indians as well."

If the Indian media is so effusive about Musharraf, Pakistanis are=20
bound to celebrate. As Seema Guha of The Times of India reports from=20
Islamabad, Musharraf is topping the popularity charts in Pakistan.=20
"What the Agra Summit did for India-Pakistan relations is open to=20
question, however, it has been a personal triumph for the general. He=20
should be ever grateful to Vajpayee for giving him and his military=20
regime the legitimacy it had long been denied. Apart from the two=20
major political parties, who for the moment do not count in Pakistan,=20
the rest of the population are more or less agreed on one point:=20
Musharraf went into the lion's den and returned home unscathed."

M Ziauddin of Dawn, one of the most respected dailies in Pakistan,=20
wrote, "The villain of Kargil, as India has long perceived him, was=20
given a red carpet welcome by the Indian government and the media=20
made a hero of him. The greatest gain for Musharraf, who belongs to=20
the ethnic minority Muhajir [immigrants from India following=20
partition in 1947] community is that the Pakistan army has fully=20
endorsed his efforts. The point for them is not whether=20
India-Pakistan ties have taken a step forward since Agra. For the=20
Pakistan army it is a question of one-upmanship. Musharraf had said=20
at his news conference on Friday that India-Pakistan ties were too=20
important to become an issue for scoring brownie points. However,=20
this is exactly why the army is so pleased with him," Ziauddin wrote.

Former Pakistani army chief, General Aslam Beg, said, "He has brought=20
back Kashmir to international focus once again. His soldier's=20
forthrightness helped him to talk straight to the point, not just to=20
the Indian leaders, but also to the public. He communicated directly=20
through the press with the people of India, and gave them our side of=20
the picture," said Beg, adding no other Pakistani leader before=20
Musharraf had been able to present his case so cogently to the=20
Indians.

Another retired general and former chief of the powerful=20
Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), Hamid Gul, added, "Pakistan and=20
Kashmir gained the limelight at India's expense, on Indian soil."=20
Gul, however, admitted that it was unrealistic to expect=20
India-Pakistan ties to move forward on the basis of one meeting=20
between the two leaders. He said the position of the two countries=20
was intractable: "It is a question of changing people's mindset, and=20
the only way of doing this is to start a debate and go directly to=20
the people of both countries. Musharraf is trying to do just this,"=20
Beg said.

Most surprisingly, Musharraf has brought out from the closet those in=20
India who think Kashmir is a bad asset and needs to be "disinvested".=20
And surprisingly, many of these people come from the Rashtriya=20
Swayamewak Sangh (RSS), the fountainhead of Hindu fundamentalism in=20
India, which takes the toughest line on Kashmir and which has for a=20
long time been clamoring for the abrogation of Article 370 of the=20
Indian constitution which gives Kashmir a special status in the=20
Indian Union as per the conditions in the accession document signed=20
by the former Hindu ruler of the Muslim-majority state which gives=20
India its legitimacy in Kashmir.

A widely read column in The Sunday Times of India, Swaminomics,=20
written by economist Swaminathan S Ankleshariya Aiyyar and headlined=20
"Should India disinvest Kashmir?" calls for a new paradigm or mindset=20
and quotes approvingly "a brilliant article written by Shubhrangshu=20
Roy in the Economic Times [July 14]". Roy, he points out, is a=20
sophisticated, unashamed believer in the Hindu raj (empire). But he=20
sees Kashmir as a liability, not an asset, to Hindus. He notes that=20
300,000 Hindus and Sikhs have been rendered homeless by bullets.=20
Hindu India will be forking out around US$3.5 billion to Kashmir in=20
2000-05, the equivalent of $70 per year to each Kashmiri. "Believe=20
me", he says, "Kashmir is a bad investment. The Sunnis [Muslims] of=20
the valley simply do not want to be Indians, and it is not worth=20
spending money and lives hanging onto the valley. Let us get rid of=20
it for as high a price as we can get."

"Now, RSS diehards will agree with Roy," Aiyyer continues, "many=20
Kashmiri Muslims do not view themselves as Indians. But the diehards=20
condemn this as treason, and want to punish the traitors. They see=20
Kashmir as an asset that should not be given up at the instance of=20
secular or Muslim traitors. Now Roy has come forward with a novel=20
paradigm - get rid of Kashmir in order to promote Hindu interests. He=20
has met Hindu soldiers in the valley who do not want to fight=20
indefinitely, and are worried whether they will return home alive."

Roy agrees with disinvestment minister Arun Shourie that there is no=20
point in retaining assets that do not yield returns. He sees Kashmir=20
as a poor asset that yields no returns to India, yet is viewed as=20
valuable by foreign bidders. So, he says, let us disinvest Kashmir.=20
"Often, a government strips assets from an unproductive company=20
before disinvestment. So let us strip off Ladakh and Jammu, which=20
would like to continue to be with India. Let us then auction the=20
valley."

Roy's article is very funny, comments Aiyyer, but it should not be=20
dismissed as a joke. It is written in a lighter vein, but has a=20
serious underlying strain. "This is the first time I have seen such a=20
succinct formulation by a Hindu nationalist on the need to dispose of=20
Kashmir in the interests of Hindus. Starting from very different=20
premises, it is nevertheless compatible with a Muslim nationalist=20
view or a libertarian view on self-determination for Kashmiris. I do=20
not think the RSS or other Hindu nationalist organizations will=20
accept it anytime soon. But in the long run, peace requires a=20
formulation that can be sold to Hindu nationalists, and this looks a=20
good candidate," concludes Aiyyer.

The failure at Agra to sign a declaration or communique of any sort=20
and the Indian assessment of Musharraf's personality as a tough=20
customer has also strengthened the hardliners. Bal Thackeray, the=20
head of the ruling BJP's key ally Shiv Sena (the Army of Shiva), who=20
for five years ruled the western Indian state of Maharashtra which=20
contains India's financial capital Mumbai, has demanded that his=20
party be given charge of Kashmir, claiming that he can sort out the=20
problem in a "few hours" - hinting strongly at a nuclear option.

More worrisome for India, however, is that Musharraf's media coup and=20
the assessment of him in New Delhi as someone who cannot be duped has=20
strengthened those who believe that India should solve the Kashmir=20
issue in the same way it solved Punjab, using strong-arm tactics, as=20
if it has not been tried in Kashmir before or is not being tried now.=20
Read Chandan Mitra's conclusion, "So, where do we go from here? Not=20
very far, I am afraid. Unwittingly, it appears, we have helped the=20
general to legitimize and consolidate his position inside Pakistan=20
and also given him an opening to the world. A vastly strengthened=20
Pervez Musharraf is under no compulsion to concede anything in the=20
foreseeable future. In effect, we are back to square one. No domestic=20
insurgency can be brought to an end by negotiating with a third party.

"As in Punjab", Mitra continues, "we have to break the back of=20
terrorism and secession in Kashmir through the force of arms. It is=20
more difficult than Punjab because of the potent mix of religion in=20
the Valley. But there is no other way out. Hopefully, this is the one=20
solution that we shall never agree to 'negate'. We have to defeat=20
President Musharraf's Mission Kashmir. Then and only then can we talk=20
meaningfully with Pakistan again."

(c)2001 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved.

________

4.

The Island (Colombo)
Monday 23 July 2001

Current Political situation attributed to lost majority

CMU, CBEU, COPSITUA joint statement issued by the Ceylon Mercantile,
Industrial and General Workers' Union (CMU), the Ceylon Bank Employees Unio=
n
(CBEU) and the Confederation of Public Service Independent Unions (COPSITU)
on the current political situation in the country, takes the view that the
political crisis has arisen because the PA government has lost its majority
in Parliament, the prorogation of Parliament by the President, and the
decision of the President to hold a national referendum.
The statement laments that the most important outcome of the government's
loss of majority in parliament, is "the fact that the President allowed the
State of Emergency to come to an end on 4th July". This, according to the
union leadership is not because she had decided to restore the democratic
rights and civil liberties of the people that had been severely suppressed
under the Emergency regulations, but because she feared a government motion
to extend it would have been defeated in Parliament.
"The highly significant fact for the masses to realise is that the war
against the LTTE and the maintenance of 'security measures' by the armed
forces does not and never did require the invocation of 'emergency powers'
to make regulations under the Public Security Ordinance, for the maintenanc=
e
of 'public security,'" the statement said.
The unions denounce the move to have a referendum as being "utterly
fraudulent" and claim that it neither indicates what are the changes
envisaged, or by whom and by what means any change is to be effected for
whatever reason. "We have no reason to believe that the constitutional
changes made under the present system will be for the benefit of the workin=
g
class or the masses of the people. What we need is the organised and
independent power of the people, and especially the working people, outside
Parliament, for the defence of their interests in the current crisis of
global capitalism, in which this country is trapped."

________

5.

UN Wire
Monday, 23 July 2001

SRI LANKA: UNICEF Says Child Recruitment By Rebels Increasing
Sri Lanka's Tamil Tigers rebel group has increased its recruitment of=20
child soldiers, breaking a promise made three years ago, UNICEF said=20
Friday.=20

In a 1998 agreement made with the UN special representative for=20
children and armed conflict, Olara Otunnu, the rebel group promised=20
not to recruit children under the age of 17 and not to deploy as=20
combatants anyone under 18.

UNICEF Executive Director Carol Bellamy said in a statement, however,=20
that "in the years since Mr. Otunnu's visit, the UN has observed=20
increasing recruitment activity in and near schools and has received=20
an increasing number of complaints from parents."

UNICEF Deputy Executive Director Andre Roberfroid met with senior=20
Tamil Tiger representatives in February to express the United=20
Nations' concern about the growing problem of child soldiers. In=20
March, Amnesty International highlighted the case of three children=20
under the age of 12 reportedly enlisted by the rebel group, though=20
the Tamil Tigers deny having recruited them (Agence France-Presse, 20=20
Jul).

________

6.

Gay Rights-Signature Campaign

-----Forwarded message-----

Date: Sat, 7 Jul 2001 08:15:57-1000
From: sherry <sherry21@s...>
Subject: Gay Rights-Signature Campaign

Dear Friends
I am enclosing below an important message related to a signature=20
campaign being carried out by Humrahi, New Delhi, to put pressure on=20
the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) to recognise "subjecting=20
homosexuals to shock treatment or aversion therapy in order to cure=20
them of their sexualities" as a human rights violation. The=20
campaign was triggered off after an individual who had experienced=20
similar "treatment" at the hands of a psychiatrist in New Delhi=20
approached Humrahi for help. Please participate in the campaign,=20
either by posting letters of support over e-mail or by snail mail.=20
One copy of the letter should go to the NHRC and the other to=20
Humrahi for their records. You can send letters individually or in=20
groups.
Regards
Sherry Joseph

This is the original message posted by Shaleen Rakesh of Humrahi, New Delh=
i.

--------------

Dear Friends,

Two months back, a young guy from Delhi's gay community approached us=20
in a state of emotional chaos. He was seeing a doctor at The All=20
India Institute of Medical sciences (AIIMS) who had been=20
administering drugs to him to curb his `homosexual fantasies'.
Only after going through counseling, he realized it was okay to feel=20
attracted sexually to other guys. He felt a loss of innocence and at=20
what the doctor had been doing and a sense of being violated. On=20
his behalf, the Milan Project approached the National Human Rights=20
Commission (NHRC) who asked us to file a complaint, which we did. Of=20
course, that's all that NHRC does most of the time, file complaints=20
without doing anything. Friends of mine in NHRC told me that this=20
was too much of a political hot potato for NHRC to touch and that=20
off the record, NHRC will not do anything (which is not surprising,=20
since they rarely do anything).
Consequently, a journalist friend of mine at the Indian Express=20
Newspaper decided to pick up this case. She started pressurizing=20
NHRC and the Delhi Psychiatric Association to make an official=20
statement. NHRC seems to feel this is not a human rights violation=20
but a social issue (as if these are mutually exclusive entities) so=20
a civil case needs to be pursued in the Delhi high court. The=20
President of the Delhi Psychiatric Association (DPA), on Friday, told=20
the journalist that DPA's official position is that homosexuality is=20
not a mental sickness. On being pressed by the journalist to give=20
this in writing or publish this in their journal, he said that it=20
was not`important' enough for them to publish when compared to more=20
serious matters like schizophrenia and depression. The journalist=20
is filing this story in tomorrow's Newsline edition of the Indian=20
Express. This will probably appear in the Delhi edition tomorrow and=20
will subsequently be picked up by other city editions I feel what's=20
good is that DPA has atleast made the first official announcement of=20
their position, which will be published in the story. Of course, the=20
rest is dismayingly homophobic.
We plan to highlight this case in the symposium in Delhi on Friday=20
and in the press releases thereafter. Regards, Shaleen.

----

The following is the standard format for a letter that can be sent to=20
NHRC. You can edit it according to your desire, keeping the focus.=20
The postal and e-mail addresses of NHRC and Humrahi are given after=20
the letter.
--------------------

Date

Justice J.S. Verma Chairman NHRC New Delhi

Respected Sir,

This refers to the complaint lodged by Shaleen Rakesh of Naz=20
Foundation with the NHRC on May 29th, 2001. The complaint diary=20
number is 3920 and it deals with the human rights violation of=20
India's Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) community due=20
to the Indian psychiatric community's silence on its position on=20
homosexuality.

As detailed in the complaint, the issue impinges the very basic=20
ingredients of individual dignity and freedom of LGBT people in our=20
country. The psychiatric community's reinforcement that=20
homosexuality is not a mental sickness requiring a cure can not only=20
address these human concerns, it can also indirectly offer=20
protection to these people whose human rights are being violated on=20
a continuous basis.

Many of us who are writing to you are a part of this community and=20
have personal experiences of our own to relate. Others are working=20
closely with this community and have seen many cases in which LGBT=20
people are reduced to helpless `victims' of a system that refuses to=20
see the issue as part of a broader human rights framework.

We therefore urge you to consider this complaint with the=20
seriousness it deserves and act keeping in mind the highest=20
principles of human spirit and dignity that NHRC strives to uphold.

Regards,

XXXXX ----------------

* Postal address of NHRC :
Justice J.S,Verma Chairman National Human Rights Comission
Sardar Patel Bhavan
Sansad Marg New Delhi-110 001

* E-mail addresses of NHRC :
nhrc@r...
nhrc.del@x...
murthyyadavalli@h...

* Postal address of Humrahi (for posting copy of your letter for=20
Humrahi's records) : Shaleen Rakesh The Milan Project C/0 Naz=20
Foundation India Trust D-45, Gulmohar Park, New Delhi-110049. *=20
E-mail address of Shaleen Rakesh : rakesh98@h...

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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