[sacw] SACW #1 (29 August 01)

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Wed, 29 Aug 2001 00:02:33 +0100


South Asia Citizens Wire / Dispatch No.1
29 August 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

[ Interruption Notice: The SACW Posts will be interrupted between the=20
period 31st August to 7th of September 2001]

----------------------------------------

[1.] Religious clash in Pakistani town ( BBC News)
[2.] Pakistan / India: Islamabad-New Delhi peace walk planned (Dawn report)
[3.] India: When extraordinary levels of violence are systematically=20
inflicted on the same people, it makes them more visible ( Arvind=20
Rajagopal)
[4.] India: Signature campaign against curbing a book by Prof. Jha
[5.] India: Politics of voodoo ( Amulya Ganguli)
[6.] India: A two-day meeting for secularism
[7.] India: students & activists today organised a campaign to end=20
violence against women
[8.] India: Statement on Shiv Sena violence (Ram Punyani)
[9.] Book review: 'Same-Sex Love in India - Readings From Literature=20
and History'

-----------------------------------------

#1.

BBC News Online: World: South Asia
Monday, 27 August, 2001, 15:28 GMT 16:28 UK

RELIGIOUS CLASH IN PAKISTANI TOWN
AHMADI PLACES OF WORSHIP HAVE BEEN TARGETED BEFORE

By Shahid Malik in Lahore

Tension is running high in the Pakistani province of Punjab after a=20
place of worship belonging to the Ahmedi sect was set on fire late on=20
Sunday night.

The place of worship in Syedwallah about 100 kilometres (62 miles)=20
west of Lahore was attacked while dozens of Ahmedis - including women=20
and children - were listening to a religious sermon broadcast on=20
foreign television.

An Ahmedi spokesman said those inside had to be moved to two private=20
homes because the police warned them that mainstream Sunni Muslims=20
were unhappy about the gathering.

The spokesman said the crowd set fire to the place of worship,=20
completely destroying it.

The crowd then surrounded the houses where the Ahmedi worshippers had=20
gone, staying there for almost four hours chanting slogans.

Arrests

Additional Superintendent of Police Chaudri Ashraf told the BBC that=20
he broadly agreed with the Ahmedi version of events.

But he said Sunni Muslims in the town had complained that they had=20
been verbally abused by the Ahmedis at the place of worship.

The police official said over two dozen Ahmedis had been arrested for=20
their own protection during the incident.

None of the attackers has been taken into custody.

The attack comes less than a year after a series of violent incidents=20
in the Sialkot and Sargodha districts of Pakistan's Punjab province=20
in which at least 10 Ahmedis were killed.

The Pakistani parliament declared Ahmedis heretics more than 25 years=20
ago on the grounds that they believe that the Prophet Muhammad may=20
not be the last prophet.

Ahmedis say they have suffered violence and discriminatory treatment=20
at the hands of mainstream Sunni Muslims ever since.

_________

#2.

DAWN
28 August 2001

ISLAMABAD-NEW DELHI PEACE WALK PLANNED
By Our Staff Reporter

KARACHI, Aug 27: Artist and social worker, Jimmy Engineer, will begin=20
"Solo Peace Walk" between Islamabad and New Delhi to promote friendly=20
relations between the two neighbouring countries on Nov 30.
Speaking at a press conference on Monday, he said that he would begin=20
his over 900 km-long walk from Parliament Building, Islamabad and=20
after travelling on the Grand Trunk Road, enter India through the=20
Wagah Border.
He said that normally he walked between 30 and 40 kilometres a day=20
and during this particular walk, which he was undertaking to spread=20
the message of peace and harmony, he planned to make stopovers at=20
numerous villages and towns to deliver talks on peace, so the entire=20
walk would take around three months.
He said that during his talks, he would stress that rapid economic=20
progress would not come to the region unless both the neighbours=20
lived in peace and harmony.
He said that through this walk he would also pay homage to the=20
millions of people who undertook migration at the time of Partition,=20
many of whom also died along the way.
He said that initially he wanted to undertake this peace walk in=20
1997, but it could not materialize then. He said that he had started=20
a series of paintings on the subject of peace and had also painted=20
various paintings depicting scenes of violence, as experienced by=20
people at the time of Partition.
Responding to a question regarding violent reactions or attacks by=20
extremists who did not want relations between the two neighbouring=20
countries to improve, he said that he was not afraid of anybody=20
except God.
Citing an example, he said that he had undertaken a walk from=20
Peshawar to Karachi to generate funds for hospitals when kidnappings=20
for ransom were rampant in the interior of Sindh.

_________

#3.

Outlook
20 August 2001

VISUALISING POLITICS
WHEN EXTRAORDINARY LEVELS OF VIOLENCE ARE SYSTEMATICALLY INFLICTED ON=20
THE SAME PEOPLE, IT MAKES THEM MORE VISIBLE, WHERE PREVIOUSLY THEY=20
WERE NOT NOTICED
ARVIND RAJAGOPAL

Alongside liberalisation and market-oriented reforms, during the '80s=20
and early '90s, India witnessed unprecedented levels of political=20
mobilisation and communal violence. What is the significance of this=20
violence? Does it mean that economic liberalisation and political=20
violence have been so intertwined? Nehruvian secularism, sacrosanct=20
for decades, has been vilified. If with globalisation, the Indian=20
state has tacitly withdrawn its guarantee of equal protection to all=20
citizens, what is its new equation with the people?
The Nehruvian state exercised controls over the economy on behalf of=20
Indian society as a whole. A regime of economic austerity made it=20
more plausible that the poor too could eventually prosper. Secularism=20
was its culture, that is, neutrality with respect to the different=20
communities. With liberalisation, these efforts have been attacked as=20
a failure.
With liberalisation, elites nurtured by decades of state subsidies=20
have rejected the Nehruvian social compact. The cultural counterpart=20
to this attack is Hindu nationalism. Just as state controls crippled=20
the economy, secularism (its critics claimed) suppressed the genius=20
of Indian civilisation. By restoring Hindu culture to its rightful=20
place of power, India could become great again, L.K. Advani and=20
others argued.
But amidst so much change, what place of power?
To understand this, a glimpse of the different stages of Hindu=20
nationalism's growth is useful. Initially there were organisations=20
like the Arya Samaj, that were social reformist and anti-colonial. As=20
Hindutva developed through the rss, issues of social reform were left=20
behind. The rss subordinated itself to the Congress as a social and=20
political force, but without entirely identifying with it. After=20
independence, the rss focused on cultivating its cadre, with only=20
faint hopes of capturing state power. After the Emergency, however,=20
and the taste of power in the Janata government, this changed. Using=20
Hindu ritual and symbols, the rss began to stage new public=20
spectacles where religious and cultural issues acquired a political=20
identity.
The 'media publics' created in the process are designed to generate=20
cultural influence, but not for devotional or social reform purposes.=20
Rather, they signal the growth of an emergent governmental form, of=20
authoritarian populism. Popular consent is critical here, not as a=20
sign of democracy but of party might.
During the rise of Hindutva, its critics usually aimed at the state,=20
assuming that Hindutva was mainly a law and order problem. But Hindu=20
nationalism succeeded by locating itself in the private, not the=20
public sphere. It is defined in cultural terms, and consumed through=20
spectacular images and brands. This illuminates why the politics of=20
identity has now become so important.
Earlier, Indian nationalism was based on identifying with a secular,=20
developmental state. At present, however, the state inspires no=20
trust. Nor does the economy provoke optimism. National sentiment is=20
therefore expressed chiefly in hostile forms. What it wants for=20
modern India, besides being against its "enemies", is less clear.=20
That is the crisis of Indian nationalism now. Violence is the=20
expression of this crisis. It is an announcement that the state will=20
not protect all citizens at all times. Not that it had ever done so.=20
For instance, the poor have always had a different dispensation, more=20
arbitrary and unfair, and less protected. What is new is the=20
spectacular ways in which people's rights are violated, based on=20
creed or caste, and social class as well.That they often happen in=20
the metropolitan cities, and get major publicity through television=20
and the print media, is not accidental. Even elites are thereby=20
reminded how near violence is, and how large is their own privilege.=20
Not only do victims get a lesson, others may realise that this fate=20
could be theirs too. This signals the more "risk-sensitive"=20
environment of privatisation and liberalisation.
When extraordinary levels of violence are systematically inflicted on=20
the same people, it makes them more visible, where previously they=20
were not noticed. This is the most important effect of riots. "We"=20
now notice Muslims as Muslims rather than as ordinary persons. The=20
implied demand is to cease being visible as Muslims, and to renounce=20
evidence of their religious identity, at the risk of more violence.
Hindutva is no viable basis for nation-building. As even the bjp now=20
tacitly acknowledges, nation is coalition. But a coalition is more=20
than a consortium in pursuit of power. It requires the willingness to=20
examine ourselves and come to terms with our doings. Until then, the=20
past is a powderkeg waiting to explode.
(Arvind Rajagopal teaches at New York University and is the author of=20
Politics After Television: Hindu Nationalism and the Reshaping of the=20
Public in India, Cambridge)

_________

#4.

Date: Tue, 28 Aug 2001 12:43:13 +0530 (IST)
From: "R.R.Punyani" <bmrrpia@c...>

Subject: SIGNATURE CAMPAIGN AGAINST CURBING A BOOK

Signature drive in support of historian, Professor D. N. Jha's, right to
freedom of expression. His recent book "Holy Cow: Beef in Indian Dietary
Traditions", has been banned by a Hyderabad court and he is facing the
threat of arrest.

Professor D. N. Jha, a historian at Delhi University, is facing the
threat of arrest and possible bodily harm. What has a scholar of his
repute done to face such a situation? He has written a book titled "Holy
Cow: Beef in Indian Dietary Traditions", where he has provided historical
evidence to show that beef eating was rather widely engaged by various
Indian, including many Hindu, communities before its recent
discouragement. The book is indeed a bold initiative given the attempts
at cultural and political policing of India by the Hindutva forces. These
forces led by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad do not want this book to see the
light of the day.

It is precisely at such times of attack at our precious liberties that we
need to vigorously debate new ideas and systematically challenge old
mythologies. "Holy Cow" seeks precisely to do this by researching a
diverse range of ancient Indian scriptures. We find that beef eating had
been sanctioned and widely practiced much before the advent of Islam in
India. In fact even the gods such as Indra and Agni appeared to have had
special liking for different types of flesh like those of bull and cow.
The Manusmriti too did not prohibit the consumption of beef. The book
does help to establish that dietary habits cannot be held as rigid makers
of community identity.

D. N. Jha briefly explains in a recent interview, (The Week, August 26)
"I am for protection of the cow, but why this privilege only to the cow?
Why not the buffalo? It is not my intention to hurt anybody's religious
sensibilities." The point is that the book should be a source for further
enriching and understanding our complex historical legacy rather than be
seen by the Hindutva brigade as a symbol of cultural insult or the
demeaning of our religious sensibilities. Attempts at curtailing our
right to express difficult and bold issues has been tried before by many
fundamentalist forces. However to pay "the price of liberty" we must show
"eternal vigilance" and resoundingly defeat these forces.

In order to combat such communal forces we are starting a signature drive
in support of Professor D. N. Jha's right to express his particular
historical views.

Please see the following sites for more information.

http://www.the-week.com/21aug26/daily.htm
http://www.tehelka.com/literary.htm

Please send your responses to me under the subject heading of
"Endorsement of support". Also please provide your institutional
affiliation and address.

---------------------------------------------------------------

Name Institutional Affiliation Address

_________

#5.

The Hindustan Times
20 August 2001

POLITICS OF VOODOO
Amulya Ganguli

THE UNIVERSITY Grants Commission's Chairman, Hari Gautam, must have=20
been born under a lucky star. In saner times, a man with such weird=20
ideas about the 'science' of astrology would not have climbed so high=20
up the greasy pole. The same is true of Union education secretary=20
M.K. Kaw. He went so far in his castigation of religions with a=20
single holy book that he earned the ire of the National Commission=20
for Minorities.

A man's views are his own. Suspicions arise, however, when they=20
coincide with those of his superiors. And the misgivings deepen when=20
the professed opinion is recognised to be unconventional. To take=20
Kaw's thesis, he believes that the "greatest damage to our=20
intellectual freedom has been caused by traditional religions,=20
especially by those which have a single holy book from which they=20
derive their authority."

It may well be that his stint in various positions in the civil=20
service along with an interest in religions based on a single holy=20
book have made him come to this conclusion. But would he have aired=20
this view if, say, the Congress or the Leftists were in power? Or has=20
he done so simply because he expects that this curious assertion -=20
which probably makes him belong to a minuscule minority - will bring=20
a smile to the face of his minister, Dr (of astrology?) Murli Manohar=20
Joshi?

The saffron lobby is not the first to demand "commitment" from its=20
bureaucrats. Indira Gandhi, too, wanted them to cultivate a mindset=20
in tune with her "socialism". She even wanted the judiciary to follow=20
suit.

Such attempts are, of course, examples of a "developing" democracy,=20
where the institutions of State are still not strong enough to resist=20
the whims of powerful and unscrupulous politicians. In our=20
neighbouring dictatorships, they are evidently in an even weaker=20
condition, as the behaviour of the judiciary, not to mention the=20
bureaucrats, in Pakistan shows.

What is worrying in India at the moment, however, is the role of a=20
party in power which is driven by various facets of medievalism. One=20
of these is animosity towards the followers of "alien" religions,=20
meaning those to which the majority do not subscribe. It recalls the=20
natural fear of the dark ages when a community tried to maintain its=20
cohesion in an uncertain and dangerous world. Hence, the distrust of=20
strangers following unknown customs.

The Sangh parivar still uses such tactics to keep its flock together=20
by spouting venom against the minorities. The attacks on Christians=20
and mosques are, therefore, not isolated incidents. Nor is it=20
surprising that the two men - Hari Gautam and M.K. Kaw - are part of=20
the only ministry which has been most enthusiastic in its pursuit of=20
the saffron agenda - the one under Murli Manohar Joshi.

But while Kaw's focus is on denigrating the religions of the=20
minorities - a relatively simple task which is not too difficult to=20
counter, as the National Commission for Minorities has done - the UGC=20
chief's endeavour is a more insidious one. He wants to darken the=20
mind. His, therefore, is a far more dangerous venture. By trying to=20
dignify the "study" of astrology, he is trying to bring into the=20
academic world a set of practitioners of voodoo who will make a=20
mockery of the entire educational system.

It will be a grievous mistake to dismiss this attempt as a mere fad,=20
worthy of being dismissed with a laugh. There is a clear and=20
unambiguous plan behind it, the essence of which is to reject=20
modernity. The Taliban do it by banning the study of everything=20
except the Quran. Since the Sangh parivar cannot emulate the Taliban=20
in a functioning democracy, it is trying the next best thing by=20
introducing irrationality into the educational stream via astrology,=20
vaastu shastra, yogic karmakand, etc.

Why are fundamentalists against the modern world? Because it is based=20
on science which represents the zenith of rationality. It has taken=20
the western world centuries to meander through the dark ages of=20
religious wars to arrive at the present where liberalism has=20
triumphed, except in pockets like the Balkans and Northern Ireland.

The Muslim world, bound by dogma, replicates the conditions of=20
Afghanistan in virtually all the Islamic States. In India, the=20
political purpose behind the Sangh parivar's anti-modern outlook is=20
evident enough. After all, mosques cannot be demolished in Ayodhya,=20
Asind or elsewhere in an atmosphere of scientific and cosmopolitan=20
enlightenment. A healthy dose of medieval hate and obscurantism is=20
necessary.

Astrology belongs to that twilight world of human development when=20
natural phenomenon like fire or wind were identified with the gods=20
because they seemed beyond human control and understanding. Stars and=20
planets, too, seemed to represent an inexplicable, divine world=20
capable of exercising a benign, or what was deemed more likely in a=20
fearful age, a malign influence. Considering how even Newton believed=20
in alchemy, it is easy to understand how susceptible to superstition=20
the ordinary people were. Gradually, with the development of science,=20
such beliefs faded away. It is a wonder, however, how the department=20
of physics in Allahabad University has still managed to produce a=20
student like Murli Manohar Joshi in the present century.

The saffron preference for astrology, which has been described in a=20
UGC circular as a "discipline which lets us know the events happening=20
in human life and in the universe on time scale" (sic), is in tune=20
with the Sangh parivar's habit of making unproven assertions, as in=20
the UGC handout. Some of them can be found in the booklet, Hindutva -=20
a view and a way of life, published by the parivar. In it, virtually=20
everything from the art of the Aztecs to the theories of Pythagoras=20
has been ascribed to Indians, apart from such gems as the belief that=20
houses smeared with cowdung can deflect atomic radiation and that a=20
cow's mooing cures mental disability. It is a wonder why the UGC=20
hasn't considered starting courses on these "subjects".

Indeed, the entire politics of the Sangh parivar is based on unproven=20
claims - from the birthplace of avatars to the Aryan homeland theory,=20
not to mention its assertion that the caste system developed after=20
the arrival of Muslims in India and that the "alien" concept of the=20
honeymoon has led to the break-up of the Hindu joint family. In such=20
a bizarre world, there can be no adherence to any academic rigour=20
calling for close attention to verifiable facts and experimental=20
data. Astrology, vaastu shastra, etc, therefore, fit the bill=20
admirably.

It is the deviation from rationality under the present dispensation=20
which made the department of science and technology (which should=20
perhaps be renamed as department for the occult) to send a child=20
"prodigy" to Germany who is said to have modified Einstein's theories=20
and "discovered" a new "conscious" particle.

Not surprisingly, the prodigy's father claims that he is the=20
practitioner of an ancient science which enables parents to give=20
births to geniuses! More subjects for Hari Gautam's UGC.

_______

#6

Date: Tue, 28 Aug 2001 12:01:57 +0530 (IST)
From: "R.R.Punyani"
Subject: Invitation for Hydrabad seminar

Sub: A TWO-DAY ACTIVISTS' MEETING FOR SECULARISM

Dear Friends,

A three-day meeting of Activists for secularism from Northern India was
held at Pachmadi from 11th - 13th May 2001, and it was decided to form an
All India Secular Forum. A draft Manifesto was also adopted tentatively.
It was decided at Pachmadi that a convention of Activists for secularism
be convened for south zone i.e. from four Southern states.

It has, therefore, been decided to hold two-day convention of Activists on
secularism from Karnataka, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu on 29 -
30 September 2001 in Hyderabad. COVA, an Activists' organisation from
Hyderabad has taken responsibility for local arrangements. The address and
Phone number of COVA are given below.

COVA
20-4-10, Near Bus Stand, Charminar, Hyderabad:- 500 002, A.P.
Ph: 4574527,4572984, Fax: 4567087, E-mail: covahyd@h...

May we request you to kindly to make it a point to attend the convention
at Hyderabad on 29 - 30 September. This convention will give final shape
to the All India Secular Forum and will adopt a manifesto drafted at
Pachmadi. Please do make it a point to attend the convention at Hyderabad
as there is the great need for such an All India Forum, in view of grave
communal challenge to secularism in India. Please intimate to us about
attending this convention at your earliest convenience.

Yours sincerely,

Asghar Ali Engineer L.S. Hardenia
(Patron) (Convener)

_______

# 7.

The Telegraph
28 August 2001

SHABANA JOINS BURQA PROTEST=20

FROM AMBEREEN ALI SHAH

New Delhi, Aug. 27:=20
College students and activists today organised a campaign to end=20
violence against women. The campaign comes in the wake of the=20
Lashkar-e-Jabbar threat to attack those who flout their diktat that=20
women should wear burqas outside their homes.

Those present at the campaign included Shabana Azmi and Nafisa Ali.=20
Azmi read Eve Ensler's poem Under the Burqa.

"It is necessary to change the mindset of people who for thousands of=20
years have come to believe that women are inferior to men. This=20
change can be implemented through legislation and the civil society,"=20
the writer-activist said.

"Women of Kashmir should come together and not accept the dress code.=20
The Kashmiri women have the backing of all the women in India," she=20
added.

"It is not only the Lashkar-e-Jabbar that is trying to curtail the=20
independence of women. Goons of the Bajrang Dal and the Shiv Sena are=20
also attacking women in Kanpur over dress code," said Megha, a second=20
year student of Sri Venkateswara College, who has written a=20
prize-winning essay on strategies to curtail atrocities on women.

Megha is the only person from South and South-East Asia whose essay=20
has been selected by an international selection committee in a=20
contest organised by V-Day, a movement that began in the US in 1998.=20
"My essay incorporates strategies to solve the problems faced by=20
women.

They are immediate solutions that can be implemented by an individual=20
without banking on funds. For instance, instead of greeting a person=20
by saying good morning, you can begin the day by saying end violence=20
on women," she said.

The campaign began with a street play, Touch the Sky, written and=20
directed by Gauhar Raza. The play, enacted by both male and female=20
students, opened with harrowing statistics of atrocities committed on=20
women in South Asia - 6,000 women are set ablaze every year in India,=20
5,000 get raped in Bangladesh, while in Pakistan 2,500 women are=20
raped.

The play also dealt with how the role of a women is restricted to=20
that of mother, wife and daughter. The campaign voiced its protest=20
against dowry deaths, sexual abuse and gender discrimination. The=20
play will be enacted in various schools, colleges and slums of Delhi.

Television soaps like Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi and Ghar Ghar Ki=20
Kahani, where the role of a good daughter-in-law is limited to=20
looking after the husband and mother-in-law and where falling in love=20
before marriage is considered wrong, were presented in the play as=20
examples.

Ali said: "Violence against women is a fundamental issue in India and=20
the government should play an important role in combating this=20
violence."

"Girls and boys should be given equal opportunity. Even educated=20
people are ignorant about gender equality," she added.

_______

#8.

Date: Tue, 28 Aug 2001 16:54:03 +0530 (IST)
Subject: STATEMENT ON SHIV SENA VIOLENCE

From

Dr. Ram Puniyani
B-64, IIT Qutrs, Powai, Mumbai 400076
Ph.5723522(R) 5767763(O)

------
The vandalism indulged in by Shiv Sainiks after the death of Mr. Anand
Dighe, at one level was not a surprise, as these believers of Thokshahi
(dictatorship) and Hindutva, who are fed on the ideology of contempt for
Lokshahi (democracy), have indulged in these terror tactics too often in
the past. What was surprising this time around was that even in the period
of grief they could indulge in their 'favorite' techniques and damage, of
all the places a hospital where many patients were under treatment, what
was shocking that they damaged an ambulance and break the equipment of
journalists with impunity. While attacking the whole hospital they spared
only the ICU where another Shiv Sainik's father was under treatment. All
other patients did not merit any sympathy and consideration from these
Shiv Sainiks. As per all the reports the doctors had given due and
adequate care in handling the medical aspects of treatment of Mr. Dighe.
Can the leadership of the Sena, which has occupied the highest seats of
power in the state in the past, not rein in their followers? Can we
imagine that in a democracy the followers of any politics attack hospital,
ambulances, and journalists? What an incalculable damage it does to our
civic norms, to our democratic ethos? If Shiv Sainiks believed that their
leader was not treated properly they could have protested against the
negligent medical personnel? What was the top brass of Shiv Sena doing
when their followers were burring and attacking? Is it that since it is a
'normal' culture for the followers of this politics that no anticipation
or control mechanisms were brought into play? Is it not that the ideology
of Shiv Sena is responsible for all this? Now what will be the condition
of medical personnel be while treating the VIPs of the mould of Shiv Sena?
The terror writ in their psyche will not be easy to erase. Can a civic
society let the followers of Thokshahi put the life of 'ordinary patients'
on lower pedestal then the VIPs? Can we let such a gross hooliganism pass
as a 'normal hurt reaction' of the followers of a great leader?

We have to get up and take notice of these terror tactics, these are
against the interest of the Nation. This is anti-National terrorism. This
violates all the values, which we should be nurturing and promoting. The
minimum we can do now is to bring all the guilty to the book and due
punishment as per law should be meted out to them irrespective of their
stature and the alibi that it was a spontaneous hurt reaction due to the
sad demise of our beloved leader.

Ram Puniyani

_______

#9.

28 Aug 2001 09:40:36 +0000

BOOK REVIEW
Mame of the Book: Same-Sex Love in India - Readings From Literature and His=
tory
Editors: Ruth Vanita and Saleem Kidwai
Publisher: Macmillan Press, Basingstoke, UK
Year: 2000
Pages: 370
ISBN: 0-333-80033-8
Reviewed by: Yoginder Sikand

If you thought that homoeroticism was some queer western=20
import that has invaded India along with Coca-Cola, Levis and Michael=20
Jackson, then think again. As this pioneering work on the subject so=20
brilliantly illustrates, same-sex love has had a long tradition of=20
its own, going so far back as Puranic times or even before. This book=20
could hardly have come at a more appropriate time, with the=20
mushrooming of gay and lesbian groups in the country, and with=20
homosexuality no longer the taboo that it once was, the love, as a=20
prominent gay activist put it, that dare not speak its name.
In their introduction, Vanita and Kidwai point out that a=20
clear distinction needs to be made between 'homoeroticism' or=20
same-sex love, on the one hand, and homosexuality on the other. The=20
two often overlap but that need not always be the case. It is not=20
necessary that same-sex bonding be expressed in physical or sexual=20
terms, and nor is it the case that all homosexual relations are=20
necessarily homoerotic. With this clarification, the editors argue=20
that records of same-sex bonding, which may or may not have also=20
involved homosexual relations, are to be found from the earliest=20
period of Indian history. This should be enough to silence=20
irrepressable homophobes who see homosexuality as an 'un-Indian'=20
disease, or, as some see it, a vestige of western colonialism. The=20
editors point out that, in fact, a critical examination of available=20
historical evidence clearly shows that despite stern disapproval by=20
the religious orthodoxy, homoerotic and homosexual relations were=20
treated with a far greater leniency and indulgence in pre-colonial=20
India than in the West at any time before the rise of gay liberation.=20
They go so far as to suggest that hostility towards homosexuality in=20
India can be traced not to India's indigenous traditions but to the=20
imposition and inculcation of a repressive Victorian sexual morality=20
that came along with British colonialism. It is homophobia, not=20
homoeroticism, they seem to suggest, which is alien to the traditions=20
of India .
This book consists of translated excerpts of varying lengths=20
from almost sixty different texts written in various languages,=20
starting from the earliest period of recorded Indian history and=20
carrying down to the present day, providing the reader a panoramic=20
view of the diverse ways in which Indian men and women have sought to=20
express their feelings and longings for friends and lovers of their=20
own sex. The book is divided into four sections. The first consists=20
of extracts from ancient Sanskrit and Pali texts, such as the=20
Panchantantra, the Kamasutra, the Mahabharata and the Manikantha=20
Jataka, and describe how third gender people and homosexuals were=20
sometimes treated with a marked degree of acceptance beyond mere=20
tolerance, though this may have been the exception rather than the=20
rule. The second section looks at Sanskrit texts, mainly the Puranic=20
legends, from the medieval period, and presents an interesting=20
picture of how, despite general disapproval, homoeroticism was often=20
sought to be legitimised in spiritual terms. This is something that=20
the medieval Sanskritic tradition seems to share with the medieval=20
Persian-Urdu tradition, which forms the third section of the book. A=20
number of Sufistic texts as well as Persian poems on "boy-love" the=20
memoirs of the Mughal Emperor Babur where he recounts fondly his love=20
for a "beardless youth" the story of the Persian mystic Sarmad, whose=20
love for a Hindu lad was one of the reasons for his murder by=20
Aurangzeb, and the torrid love affair between Shah Hussain, one of=20
the greatest names in Punjabi poetry, and his lover Madho Lal, the=20
one a Muslim and the other a Hindu, bring out the fact that=20
acceptance of same-sex love in India at this time was, even by=20
today=92s standards, remarkable.
Excerpts from books, poetry and private memoirs from=20
twentieth century writers take up the fourth and concluding section=20
of the book. The reader is treated to a wide selection of Indian=20
authors writing in a variety of languages, including Urdu, Hindi,=20
Bengali, Marathi, Rajasthani, Gujarati, Oriya, Tamil and Malayalam,=20
besides English. Not all the writers included here seem to approve of=20
homoeroticism or homosexuality but all see the need to discuss the=20
matter dispassionately. On the whole, most seem to see homosexuality=20
as a perfectly legitimate choice and about as normal as is being=20
left-handed or blond-haired, or heterosexual, for that matter.

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