[sacw] SACW (12 Sept. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire
12 September 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

[ SACW offers its condolences to families and communities affected by=20
the attacks
in NYC and Washington ! ]

----------------------------------------

[1.] Sri Lanka: Victim of 1983 violence gives evidence at Truth=20
Commission (News Report)
[2.] India: Leave the Babri Masjid site vacant : And build lasting=20
peace (Kuldip Nayar)
[3.] India: Secularism is a matter of conviction and not of=20
convenience (VB Rawat)
[4.] India: 'It's a man's war' ( A review article by Urvashi Butalia)
[5.] USA: A Poem by a New Yorker on 11 September 2001

-----------------------------------------

#1.

The Island (Sri Lanka)
11 September 2001

Victim of 1983 violence gives evidence at Truth Commission
by Dilanthi Jayamanne

Democratic values have to be reinforced and strictly adhered to if=20
conflicts are to be resolved through peaceful means, Additional=20
Secretary Ministry of Public Administration, Ethnic Affairs and=20
National Integration, Subramaniam Sivanathan told the Presidential=20
Truth Commission yesterday. The Commission was appointed to look into=20
the ethnic violence which took place from 1981 to 1984 with specific=20
reference to 1983.

"The usual practice in Sri Lanka has been to probe violence by=20
appointing a commission," Sivananthan who is also a retired=20
Government Agent for Galle and Matara said during his presentation.=20
"It is sad that the findings of these commissions are only confined=20
to reports. Owing to this people have lost faith in them."

"I am of the opinion that since this commission was appointed with a=20
new mandate, it would be a success," he added.

He stressed on the need of the Presidential Commission to get at the=20
truth. "Truth is indestructible and universal. What one sees or what=20
one hears is not the truth. What one discovers after due inquiry is=20
truth," Sivananthan quipped referring to religious teachings and=20
quoting Shakespeare and the Tamil text on morality.

The Additional Secretary who has also been a victim of the ethnic=20
conflict making a few suggestions for promoting national=20
reconciliation said that the press plays a major role in mobilising=20
public opinion against perpetrators of human rights.

"Fortunately we live in a time when there is a fund of new knowledge=20
emerging in fields such as emotional intelligence which throws new=20
light on management of human emotions," he said. "These have to be=20
incorporated into the school curriculum so that future generations=20
will imbibe those new values."

Sivananthan spoke of the need to promote national friendship=20
societies and encourage officers in administrative service to serve=20
in cross cultural environments for at least two years.
The Presidential Truth Commission comprises Retired Chief Justice=20
Suppiah Sharvananda, Mr. S. S. Sahabandu and Mohamed M. Zuhair.

______

#2.

The Indian Express
Tuesday, September 11, 2001=20=20
EDITORIALS & ANALYSIS

Leave the Babri Masjid site vacant : And build lasting peace
by Kuldip Nayar

THE Constitution Club is a worn-out building in the heart of Delhi=20
where meetings are held to discuss different problems, contentious or=20
otherwise. Many years ago, I attended one of them. It had been=20
convened to find an amicable way to settle three burning issues: the=20
Babri Masjid, and the temples and the mosques which stood on the same=20
premises in Mathura and Varanasi. The meeting was held long before=20
L.K. Advani's rath yatra.

The debate at the meeting, attended by Hindu and Muslim leaders, was=20
long and heated but without any acrimony. The Babri Masjid=20
controversy had not, as yet, assumed the proportions which it did=20
subsequently. All the three disputes were taken up together. Muslim=20
leaders wanted the status quo to prevail and did not want to go into=20
history about who owned which structure when. There was no agreement.

But before the meeting broke up, someone made a proposal which made=20
everybody stay behind. It was suggested that Muslims should=20
voluntarily hand over the Babri Masjid to Hindus since it was their=20
confirmed belief that Lord Ram was born at the place. In return, the=20
Hindus should withdraw their claim over the two mosques at Mathura=20
and Varanasi. Muslim leaders, although unhappy, looked like accepting=20
the proposal, presumably to win the goodwill of the Hindu community.=20
But Hindu leaders interrupted to say 'no'. A Hindu leader's plea was=20
that the Hindus would forgo claims on hundreds of mosques which had=20
been ''forcibly built by destroying temples'', provided the Muslims=20
handed them over the mosques at Ayodhya, Mathura and Varanasi.
------------------------------------------------------------------------

Both the temple and the mosque can be built in the adjoining areas.
If the two communities do this through shramdan, it will strengthen=20
our pluralistic society

------------------------------------------------------------------------

I was reminded of the meeting the other day when Prime Minister Atal=20
Bihari Vajpayee said at Lucknow that he hoped a solution to the Babri=20
Masjid-Ram temple dispute would be found by March. It was good news.=20
This is a delicate issue which requires all the secrecy until the two=20
communities have reached a settlement. It is not a secret there are=20
vested interests on both sides wanting to wreck the solution.

I do not know what will ultimately bring around Hindu and Muslim=20
leaders to accept something mutually agreeable. But the proposal is=20
doomed because of the destruction of the Babri Masjid. Even if Hindus=20
give an undertaking, a constitutional guarantee, that all the mosques=20
throughout the country will stay protected and the Sangh Parivar,=20
including the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal, submit to the=20
Supreme Court an affidavit to reaffirm the guarantee, Muslims will=20
generally be sceptical. They do not have the confidence which they=20
had before the demolition of the Masjid.

Most Muslims and many liberal Hindus will also feel hurt because the=20
proposal enables the chauvinists to get away with the crime of=20
destruction. This may look like paying the price for stopping further=20
vandalism. Hindu fundamentalists can do worse. They can whip up=20
frenzy all over again. With the BJP governments at the Centre and in=20
UP, the present uncertain atmosphere can be communalised through=20
official efforts as well. True, the proposal may mean a climb-down by=20
the fundamentalists because they will be giving up their claim on the=20
mosques at Mathura, Varanasi and elsewhere. Also the cases against=20
the leaders involved in the destruction of the Masjid will not be=20
withdrawn. Nor will the commission going into the whole gamut of=20
destruction be wound up. Still, accepting the fundamentalists' right=20
over the mosque will mean that a wrong has been legitimised. At=20
present, there is at least a hope that there may be a settlement one=20
day and it will not be one-sided. Probably, the ideal solution would=20
have been to keep the site vacant so as to remind the generations to=20
come that the ideology of secularism was murdered at that place on=20
December 6, 1992. The Japanese have kept an area in Hiroshima=20
'unbuilt' to recall how the atom bomb dropped on the city killed=20
hundreds of thousands of Japanese. The place serves as a catharsis=20
for their pent up emotions of anger against the destruction and those=20
who committed it. The vacant site of the demolished Babri Masjid=20
could serve a similar purpose.

When the Babri Masjid was intact, there were many possibilities for a=20
solution to satisfy both Hindus and Muslims. Many leaders, like=20
former prime ministers, V.P. Singh and Chandrashekhar, claim that=20
they had almost rescued a settlement from the jaws of failure. It is=20
no use recalling those attempts because they tell either a story of=20
sabotage or a cursory effort. The fact is that there is no Babri=20
Masjid today. Even the moderate Shankaracharya of Kanchi has changed=20
his stance to say that the makeshift temple from the Ayodhya site=20
cannot be removed. It is a tragedy that the then prime minister,=20
Narasimha Rao, connived at the building of the makeshift temple.=20
Between the night of December 6 and the morning of December 7, when=20
the temple was built, UP was under Centre's rule. The BJP government,=20
headed by Kalyan Singh, had been dismissed on the afternoon of=20
December 6. Rao did not take the matter seriously from the beginning.=20
History is a mute witness to such moments when the effect of a lapse=20
could last for centuries.

The Muslim Personal Law Board was being churlish when it said that=20
nobody had talked to it. Probably, the time has not yet come for=20
that. The solution Vajpayee has hinted at may yet be very tentative.=20
There are hardliners on both sides. It is not possible for Vajpayee=20
or anyone to tell more.

The law court, where the dispute is pending for years, could have=20
sorted out the matter long ago if it had pronounced its judgement.=20
But the parties concerned have not even gone beyond the=20
preliminaries. Even the Supreme Court has preferred to stay aloof=20
from the issue. Nonetheless, there is a silver lining in the public=20
statements by both Hindu and Muslim leaders that they will accept the=20
court verdict. This assurance should have hastened the process at the=20
court. Babri Masjid is a touchy issue. It evokes strong reactions=20
because no other issue since independence has polarised the nation as=20
much as this dispute has. The slightest disturbance can stir up a=20
hornets' nest as can be seen from the reaction to the Vajpayee's=20
statement. Yet the nation cannot live on the brink of a catastrophe.=20
The dispute should not be allowed to hold the future to ransom.

The way in which an unfrequented mosque and a dargah have been=20
destroyed in Rajasthan is tearing the fabric of secularism apart. Let=20
the two communities agree to keep the Babri Masjid site at Ayodhya=20
vacant. Both the temple and the mosque can be built in the adjoining=20
areas. If both communities do this through shramdan (voluntary work),=20
it will strengthen our pluralistic society. The settlement cannot be=20
left hanging. Otherwise, the nation will continue to be buffeted by=20
communal winds, and the real problems like poverty, hunger and=20
unemployment, will continue to go unaddressed.

=A9 2001: Indian Express Newspapers (Bombay) Lt

_________

#3.

Date: Tue, 11 Sep 2001 10:32:41 +0530

Secularism is a matter of conviction and not of convenience
BY V.B.Rawat

In the month of August, Delhi saw one of the biggest convention=20
against saffronisation of education by Sahmat. It was a grand show=20
and a number of reputed academics also participated in the convention=20
which was really on the issue of growing saffronisation of our=20
educational set up. I have the fortune to watch the activities of our=20
secular people very closely. We welcomed the seminar because we=20
considered that the issue was important for us and not the people=20
though it would be na=EFve to exonerate the Congress party, mother of=20
all the corruption and communal politics in the country.=20
Unfortunately, the entire proceeding looked like a Congress managed=20
show though a few leftist were also there to express solidarity. But=20
barring these there were no other people. There was no representation=20
from Dalit groups. Like any other secular programme this also did not=20
like to speak about them and the real issues facing the nation,=20
definitely we are therefore termed as either casteists or believing=20
in identity politics.

One is surprised to find likes of Arjun Singh and Mani Shankar Aiyer=20
getting space in the podium. In his attempt to attract the attention=20
of Sonia Gandhi and great Congress culture both leader highlighted=20
how their party was the only one who did not support BJP. Ofcourse,=20
it is true but then what is BJP at the moment? How is it getting=20
every bill passed in parliament, which is anti Indian and anti poor?=20
With whose help? Then minister after minister from Congress State=20
criticized anti Congress rhetorics of the left parties. Some of them=20
went on to scream loudly against Mr. V.P.Singh, who they thought, was=20
the only man in this country who destroyed our great cultural=20
heritage. The main aim of these congressmen was to send message to=20
Sonia Gandhi about their undying loyalty to the royal Indian family.

To get the maximum mileage, Mr. Ajit Jogi, Chief Minister of=20
Chattishgarh also joined the seminar and addressed the gathering in=20
which he hailed the great Indian culture of 'Vasudhaiv Kutumbkum' and=20
said how Indians, meaning Hindus, were the most liberal people in the=20
world and why he was there to support a great cause, though we all=20
know a majority of congressmen (other politicians are also included)=20
firmly believe in Karmakands and jyotish. All the ministers from 9=20
states including Mr Ajit Jogi signed a joint statement condemning the=20
BJP government for allowing the Jyotish to be taught in the=20
universities as an optional subject.

It is not one month since this 'great' 'secular' convention finished=20
that two chief ministers of the 'secular' congress party said that=20
they don't feel it shameful in studying 'Jyotish' as a subject in the=20
graduation and post graduation level. Mr Digvijay Singh, another hero=20
of the multinational companies who have done more retrenchment than=20
the BJP, in Madhya Pradesh, justified his action and said that we=20
must be proud of our 'great cultural' heritage. Another sober person=20
is Mr A.K.Antony who says we must not generalised every thing as=20
Saffronisation. Sahmat's representative Shabnam Hashmi wrote a letter=20
to Digvijay Singh, but the latter as usual justified his position.

The problem is not with congressmen but with those who believed in=20
their brand of secularism. Despite the well known fact that=20
congress's upper caste interest were well protected in its brand of=20
secularism and that it has been persistently playing the communal=20
card in the past and will continue to do so ( as it know that people=20
will cry again BJP and they have no alternative except to come back=20
to Congress Party, which itself is a foolish idea as those who think=20
people so na=EFve must introspect various anti congress formation in=20
the country), Sahmat provided its platform to be misused by the=20
Congress Party and its loudmouthed leaders who cannot say anything=20
against Hindudom. As the orignial brahmanical party of the Country,=20
Congress will never allow any effective formation against Brahmanism=20
to succeed and that seems to be the agenda of other mainstream=20
leftists. Can Congress party revive itself without taking care of the=20
marginalised, Dalits and minorities in the country? See its track=20
record. Not only Madhya Pradesh, but Maharastra, Kerala and Karnataka=20
are also in high priority list of the multinational thugs. Secondly,=20
the anti poor and anti minority and anti dalit postures in Congress=20
ruled states. Rajasthan is the biggest example where the atrocities=20
on Dalits are as high as any other part of the country, not even in=20
UP because in UP the Dalits can lodge complaint in the police thana=20
but that's not possible in Rajasthan. The secular Rajasthan where a=20
woman Dalit Magistrate resigns because she is not allowed to work=20
with dignity and where a judge give judgement that upper caste cannot=20
rape a Dalit women. The same Rajasthan where Muslims are targeted and=20
their mosque demolished but government rather than taking action=20
talks to those who razed it. It is the same government of Ashok=20
Gahlot which does not accept the backward classes commission's report=20
on reservation for them in the government jobs and which is against=20
the usage of SC-ST atrocities act. Let us come to Maharastra. Is the=20
government ready to take action against R.D.Tyagi , the man who=20
butchered so many Muslims in 1992? It was the Congress Party under=20
whose regime this happened. It is the same Congress government

which allowed Thane to be burnt by the hoodlums of Shivsena on the=20
death of one of their henchmen Anand Dighe. Can any responsible=20
government do this? But this is a typical Congress style of=20
functioning that first allow the hoodlums to destroy something and=20
then pretend the spread of communal forces in the country and a need=20
to check them? Did not Narsimha Rao have the same excuse when Babari=20
Masjid was allowed to be demolished? What happened to Graham Stains=20
and his two children in Orissa under the congress regime?

Question of secularism is not congress verses BJP. It is not just=20
political question. It is an ideological question and cannot be left=20
to the opportunistic politics of our political class. Definitely=20
there are good individuals every where in the political spectrum and=20
we must utilise their services but definitely it cannot happen that=20
those who don't speak English fluently be sidelined by the branded=20
'seculars'. We talk of desankritisation process a lot. There is a=20
great need for the so-called leftists to desanksritise themselves and=20
fight the people's battle. If Durga Puja could be good and a cultural=20
event in Bengal than why is it bad in UP. If jyotish is bad because=20
Murli Manohar Joshi is saying so than how can it be good if Antony or=20
Digvijay say so. Hence the war has to be fought at all level which is

Economic social and cultural subjugation of the marginalised have to=20
be fought with vigorously. And this war is of the have nots because=20
it is the brahmanical forces which have unleashed the process of=20
communalisation process and that of globalisation who are going hand=20
in hand. We should not forget that it was late Rajiv Gandhi who=20
promised Ram Rajya during his election campaign in 1989 and opened=20
India's economy during 1984-1989in India. So our secular friend must=20
ponder over this. Secularism cannot be a battle by the brahmins for=20
the brahmins as it used to be in past. You can't leave the huge=20
sections of minorities, Dalits and adivasies from this because it is=20
they who have been the victims of both communalisation process as=20
well as globalisation process. Hence this is their war. And in this=20
war, if the secular elite continue to hate the Dalits and other=20
marginalised because they question their motives, then no=20
secualrisation process will succeed in India. Secularism today not=20
only means rejection of every kind of fundamentalism but also=20
providing opportunities and platform to every religious, ethnic and=20
linguistic minority in India. So far the representation of these=20
section in the self proclaimed secular platform is either minimum or=20
just as show piece, and hence the fight against the so-called=20
communal forces cannot succeed. We have seen in Gujarat how the=20
so-called Gandhians were first to appreciate BJP's call for a debate=20
on conversion and how they ignored attack on Christian community.=20
Hence the marginalised people, the minorities in India cannot come=20
with anyone just because he/she claims to be secular or has a secular=20
jhanda(flag). All these people will only join any such formation=20
which will give them a fair representation. Formation of National=20
Democratic Alliance is a reality and no body can ignore how important=20
are these factors because one cannot say that no Dalit or backward=20
voted BJP. If BJP gives them representation they will definitely go=20
there. The alarming case is that BJP has the maximum number of=20
scheduled castes MPs in Parliament. Are we seculars ready to give=20
then a patient hearing and respect their language and culture?

Amidst all this Congress chaos, has happened another chaos of the=20
Christian community. I don't want to go into the details whether one=20
should talk with RSS, VHP or any other lumpen organisation. There has=20
been debate on this issue. Some people even suggested that Jesus said=20
that put your other cheek if some one slaps you on your face. It=20
seems either they are becoming too na=EFve or misunderstanding things.=20
The main point here is that RSS is an organisation created with the=20
sole aim to benefit the Brahmin and Banias, except for a few=20
exceptions. With the aim of strengthening the existing caste hegemony=20
of the Brahmins, RSS cannot play a caste role in the already=20
polarised Hindu society where it will be a minority and hence it is=20
donning the champion of the Hindu society. One should make a=20
difference here. If the Christian community feels that they must=20
support RSS and have a dialogue with them then I am sure they are=20
mistaken. First, let the RSS and its allies organisation apologize=20
for what they have done in the recent past. Let them ask the=20
government to order an independent inquiry on all the incident of=20
violence on Christians and let them ask the government to implement=20
the reports of all the commissions so far which have implicated them=20
for fanning communal passion through out the country. The votaries of=20
Hindutva would never do and in fact are more than happy when the=20
Christian community make a dialogue with them, because it certify=20
that the Christian think they are the sole representatives of Hindus.=20
That means Christian consider Dalits, backwards and large number of=20
upper castes as non Hindus who hates RSS. Let us assume Dalits don't=20
consider themselves as Hindus, but definitely a large number of them=20
despite all reservation from Ambedkarites still consider them Hindus=20
but they don't follow the Hindutva.

Fifty years have passed but the Christian Church refuses to=20
understand the complexity of caste system. It refuses to have a=20
dialogue with Dalits? Why cannot the Christian have a dialogue with=20
non-upper caste Hindus? Why cannot it open its door to non-upper=20
caste Hindus? On numerous occasions, I mentioned that the Christians=20
in India produced the best Brahmins who later on cried foul on them.=20
I need not to mention the names of a few English speaking Sangh elite=20
who came from the prestigious Christian institutions but there will=20
be very few Dalits and backward community people coming from these=20
prestigious institutions. I am sure the main work of missionary was=20
to enable the poor Dalits and tribal fight against oppression and=20
give them best available education. One is definitely proud of their=20
services to the poor of this country but we need to go beyond that.=20
Dalits need a helping hand from the Christian community not in terms=20
of sympathy but in terms of representation in Christian institutions=20
as well as every sphere of their life. One is surprised that if=20
Dalits face same kind of oppression in Christinaity which is not=20
divinely sanctioned then whose fault is it? If Christian institution=20
take care of Dalits, they won't require government reservation. But=20
we know how difficult it is to throw the Brahmins away from the=20
Christian institutions. We know despite all our efforts how powerful=20
are the upper castes in the Christian institutions? Is this lobby=20
interested in granting a certificate to RSS to lead the entire Hindu=20
society? It would be dangerous? It is dangerous also because the=20
Hindutva lunatics first commit a crime and than want a dialogue on=20
the issue. First, they demolished the mosque and later wanted a=20
dialogue with Muslims. Then they killed Graham Stains and his two=20
children and then wanted a debate on conversion. Similarly various=20
incidents in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and elsewhere proved that they=20
would take law in their hand, target Christians and then would like=20
to bring a dialogue. The main aim of the Sangh and their brand of=20
politician are to get a certificate from all of us that they lead the=20
entire Hindu society including non Brahmins and backward communities.=20
Should it be done given the pure brahmanical nature of Sangh Parivar=20
that it could not even tolerate a first timer non brahmin Rajendra=20
Singh for long.

Now that some friends in Christian have started negotiating with them=20
the moot question is whether they understand that whatever the RSS=20
and Hindutva forces are doing is targeted towards the Dalits and=20
marginalised and not exactly against the minorities. Because with=20
growing awareness among the Dalits and backwards have already reduced=20
the brahmins and banias to a miniscule minority and hence to retain=20
their brahmanic hegemony such anti minority rhetoric comes as the=20
biggest protectors for them. And ironically, the minorities are=20
easily trapped in their game plan.

Dialogue or no dialogue is not the question here. Can we demand that=20
let them face the judicial verdict on Ayodhya ? They are not ready=20
for that. They cannot keep silence with a mosque though I am sure=20
that they are not even interested in temple because once the temple=20
is built at Ayodhya they won't have any issue left with them.=20
Secondly, can we allow them go without facing any trial? Nobody deny=20
a dialogue. Let there be a dialogue with the government for=20
implementing their constitution in Gujarat and Maharastra and Orissa.=20
Nobody will deny them to do so but tomorrow if Bal Thackrey would=20
like to have them a dialogue then what should be the reaction of our=20
friends. Why should Christian community feel that they are aliens?=20
This insecurity in the minds of Christian and Muslims comes from the=20
fact that they consider themselves in terms of minority. Minority in=20
England where Indians and South Asian migrated not long back and=20
minority in India, where Christians, Muslims, Buddhists, Jains, Sikhs=20
are mostly indigenous people, are separate notion. It is like this:=20
If I convert to any other religion of my choice tomorrow, how can I=20
be termed as a minority. How can I be switched from being a majority=20
community to a minority community just because I like certain=20
religious values and converted myself to that. Will it be a right=20
definition of my being a minority. (I personally never believed in=20
religion at all but will always defend the right of a person to=20
convert or reject any religion as a matter of personal choice). How=20
can a person born and brought up here more than 500 hundred years=20
back be a minority in his own country? Can Sikhs be really termed as=20
a minority in India because they are numerically lessors? They belong=20
to this country and that's all. The biggest minority in India has=20
ruled on this country for the last fifty years but no body is=20
challenging them, not even the so-called minorities. And despite all=20
the fact and figures they dominate our bureaucracy, media and=20
political elite. Christians and Muslims and all other are the sons=20
and daughters of soils and they should get strength from that. If the=20
very notion of minority makes them helpless then reject this very=20
notion and fight for your right as indigenous people because it is=20
well established fact that those claiming to represent soul and heart=20
of India infact migrated from Iran and Persia. Aryan invasion theory=20
is not a myth but a reality and every one from Muslims to Christian=20
should throw this theory on the faces of those who champion the Hindu=20
Rastra. Let them say that the Christian and Muslims came from abroad.=20
Tell them that those who invaded India first should leave this=20
country first. We came later so we will do so later. And nobody on=20
earth can deny the fact that it was the Aryans who plundered this=20
nation, sucked its blood and doing it even at the moment. And all=20
those who were oppressed by the oppressive caste system embraced=20
whatever stream they found better whether it was Christianity, Islam,=20
Buddhism, Sikhism or Jainism. The time has come for all of to correct=20
ourselves and take on the brahmanical forces with our full might. Let=20
the champions of Hindutva apologize to the millions of Dalits in=20
India for what their 'unique' caste system have done to them and=20
force them to switch over to other religions, only then there could=20
be talk with them on any issue including conversion, otherwise any=20
talk with them will not only legitimise them but also strengthen them.

_______

#4.

The Little Magazine (India)
June 2000

It's a man's war
by Urvashi Butalia

Some weeks ago I was at Delhi airport waiting to board a=20
flight to Nepal. Seated next to me in the lounge was a group of=20
soldiers dressed in battle fatigues. Each one wore epaulettes on his=20
shoulders that said simply: INDIA. Both our flights were late and=20
after a while we got talking. Where were they going, I asked them. To=20
Africa, on a peace-keeping mission. One was from Bihar, another from=20
Punjab and a third was from Tamil Nadu. At some point I asked them=20
how they felt about being part of a peace-keeping force. Were they=20
proud to be part of such an 'honourable' activity? Did the fact that=20
they were representing India make them in any way feel nationalistic?=20
Did they feel they were doing something to serve the nation? I admit=20
that my questions were loaded. I knew what I wanted to find out. But=20
they replied readily enough. We're in the kind of job, they said,=20
where you have to follow orders and we've been ordered to go, so we=20
are going. They weren't particularly happy about being sent to=20
Africa. It was the land of 'habshis', it didn't have much to offer,=20
and who knew what fate awaited them there? (The next week I learnt=20
that 500 Indian soldiers were trapped in Sierra Leone and wondered if=20
my airport companions were among them).

One of the three, the man from Punjab, had fought in the Kargil war=20
(1998-99) with Pakistan. "We faced very tough conditions over there,"=20
he told me, "but even though we knew we were fighting the enemy, we=20
didn't really feel any sense of national honour. All we wanted was=20
warm clothes and reasonable food, and some strategising so that we=20
were not turned into guinea pigs for our two governments." Instead,=20
they said, it was their wives who felt more nationalistic back in=20
their villages - their homes were looked upon rather differently=20
because they were homes whose men were out fighting for the country.

As I left to board my flight two seemingly unconnected thoughts=20
passed through my mind: I realised that this was the second or third=20
time in recent months that I had seen soldiers on their way to or=20
from somewhere. They were getting to be a much more familiar sight in=20
our lives than before: evidence of the greater closeness of war and=20
conflict perhaps. I realised too that in the old days we believed=20
that wars and battles were the domain of men. They went out to fight,=20
to conquer or to protect the interests of the nation, and women=20
stayed home, looking after the family, taking care of the home and=20
hearth and occasionally providing backup services for the sick and=20
wounded. This rather simple picture has become much more complex=20
today. Unless they're really driven by some strong nationalistic=20
feeling - and this is increasingly difficult in this day and age,=20
except in rare cases - men don't really want to play the role of=20
fighting for the motherland. And women are much more deeply=20
implicated in wars and political conflicts than just as wives and=20
mothers and nurturers of the sick and wounded.

It was what the soldiers at the airport said about their wives that=20
set me thinking about this. Until now, the narratives of war and=20
conflict we have had construct all women as innocent civilians and=20
all men as combatants, with little exception. And yet, as we see all=20
around us today, between these two binaries lies a whole complex=20
reality, which shows how women and men are touched by war and=20
conflict in different ways.

War and conflict are everywhere: in the media, in films, in shops=20
which sell 'Kargil suits' for young boys

We don't need to look very far to see this: our own, supposedly=20
peaceable country provides enough examples. Traditionally, India has=20
not been seen as a region of conflict, and there is, of course, a=20
fair amount of truth in this for India has not been driven by=20
conflict in the way that Rwanda, Guatemela, Cambodia or Eritrea (to=20
name just a few) have. But you only need to scratch the surface and=20
this fa=E7ade of peacefulness very quickly disappears. In the last=20
several years we have seen the escalation of different kinds of=20
political conflict all over the country: war at one international=20
border, continuing tension at others, military, ethnic, communal,=20
caste and other sorts of conflicts within; the growth of militancy=20
and sub-nationalist movements, increases in weaponisation, the=20
greater visibility of the armed forces and, most recently, the=20
dangerous posturing over nuclear power. The danger signals are clear=20
to those who care to see.

War and conflict are everywhere: in newspapers and magazines, in=20
films, in shops which sell 'Kargil suits' for young boys, in books=20
and essays and even in weddings with thermocol cut-outs celebrating=20
the Kargil victory forming the setting for tent-house marriages and=20
even birthday parties! Not a day passes without reports of=20
insurgency, police 'encounters', violations of human rights,=20
abductions and rapes - all in the context of increasing conflict.=20
Films about conflict (e.g. Border) draw huge crowds. Even publishers=20
- usually a bit slow to rise to the occasion - have not lagged behind=20
and there are a number of new books that deal with war and conflict=20
in India in recent years. These are important in what they tell us,=20
and in the possible solutions they suggest. It's clear that conflicts=20
today are very modern conflicts, fought not only with an arsenal of=20
sophisticated weaponry, but also with words and pictures, using the=20
media, with arguments and discussions. They're battles over=20
territory, sovereignty, homeland, power and above all, control, not=20
only of resources, but also of that age-old thing, the mind.

These realities emerge very clearly in a recent spate of books on war=20
and conflict. The first of these, Guns and Yellow Roses, has=20
journalists reporting on the Kargil war, and we see here the terrible=20
pointlessness and waste that war brings. In a similar vein, On the=20
Abyss: Pakistan After the Coup, a collection of essays (once again=20
journalistic) examines the recent past and the possible future of=20
Pakistan, with one essay making a plea for India to be more tolerant=20
because of its larger size and strength. Then there is Raj=20
Chengappa's book, mysteriously called Weapons of Peace in which he=20
recreates the steps that led to India's nuclear tests in May 1999 and=20
you see how politics and political balancing acts enter the picture.=20
In a densely argued book George Perkovich makes an analysis of the=20
global impact of India's nuclearisation (India's Nuclear Bomb: The=20
Impact on Global Proliferation). These are supplemented by Praful=20
Bidwai and Achin Vanaik's masterly work, South Asia on a Short Fuse,=20
which makes an impassioned plea for sense, and lays bare the=20
dangerous consequences of nuclearisation not only for India and=20
Pakistan but for all of South Asia.

But, with a few exceptions (notably Bidwai and Vanaik's book, and=20
Muzamil Jaleel's work in Guns and Yellow Roses) there are things=20
about war and conflict that this body of writing has not addressed;=20
important things that remain hidden under the overwhelmingly=20
masculine and nationalistic rhetoric that always accompanies such=20
discussions, things we need to turn our attention to. How do war and=20
conflict affect the lives of women and children, for example? What do=20
they mean in terms of the increasing insecurity and violence that=20
they bring into society? How do people who have to live in situations=20
of continuing conflict cope with them? What happens to families in=20
such situations? What sort of system does the State have to deal with=20
the problems war and conflicts raise? What happens when the violence=20
of conflict enters the home? What is it about conflict, about war,=20
about the violence that they bring with them that some women are=20
drawn to? What can we do to prevent such violence?

Take Kashmir, for example. So many families have lost young children=20
to the continuing conflict in the state. As happens in such=20
situations, much of what we take to be 'normal' life is at a=20
standstill: educational institutions are barely functioning,=20
hospitals run at less than half strength, as do the courts, there are=20
virtually no jobs to be had. Young people are frustrated and have=20
little to do. For those who are out of work, or whose schools and=20
colleges have been shut down, militancy exercises a powerful=20
attraction. The moment they are able to hold a gun in their hands,=20
and to use it, they feel the heady pull of power and in this way, the=20
ranks of the militants continue to swell.

For their part, the Army and security forces are suspicious of every=20
male youngster who is in the likely age group to become a militant.=20
And there are thus false arrests, long periods of unjustified=20
detention, and a growing number of unexplained deaths. What we've=20
seldom asked, though, is how the parents of these young men (and now=20
increasingly, young women) cope with their loss and disappearance.=20
Parveen Ahangar runs an association called the Association of=20
Relatives of Disappeared Persons in Kashmir. In 1990, she lost her=20
son to the security forces. Under the aegis of an Oxfam related=20
project to collect testimonies of women in conflict situations,=20
Pamela Bhagat spoke to her.

"My problems started in 1990," Parveen said, "when there was a raid=20
on our house by the security forces. On 2 June my 14-year-old son,=20
Mohammed, was taken away. There was a curfew so we couldn't follow=20
him." When they could get out, Parveen and her husband ran from=20
pillar to post trying to find their son. It took them a year to get=20
him released. During this time, their other son, 16-year-old Javed,=20
got picked up, probably in a case of mistaken identity. Nine years=20
later Javed has still not appeared. As a result, Parveen's family has=20
fallen apart. Her husband is dogged by illness and is unable to work;=20
her daughter has been taken away by Parveen's parents, and most of=20
their relatives have abandoned the family because they do not want to=20
be associated with a family 'under a cloud'.

The 'compensation' she was given by the militants turned out to be a=20
bagful of paper with a few currency notes on top

And Parveen has not been able to mourn, to grieve for her lost son -=20
for she continues to believe (and how can she believe otherwise?)=20
that the boy is still alive somewhere, in detention. "Since Javed was=20
taken away nine years ago, I am obsessed with finding him. I have had=20
no time for the rest of the family or to be bothered about the house=20
which needs serious repair work. I just don't have the will to=20
involve myself in these things - they seem so unimportant and futile."

Parveen is not the only one to face such problems. Mahbooba Bhat lost=20
a young son to the militants. Two years after he left, they brought=20
his body home. Fearful of what this might do to her other children,=20
Mahbooba pulled them out of school and kept them at home. The son's=20
loss hit the father hard: gradually he stopped working and the entire=20
burden of running the home fell on Mahbooba. The 'compensation' she=20
was given by the militants turned out to be a bagful of paper with a=20
few currency notes on top. Thrown on her resources, she put her=20
children to work within the home, thereby adding to the numbers of=20
child labourers in the country.

Rajai Zameen's 18-year-old son Nazeer joined the militants because he=20
was upset when the security forces took away his uncle, Farooq.=20
Nazeer became a committed and hardcore militant and, when his parents=20
tried to advise him to turn away from the path of violence, he=20
threatened to kill them first. "It is commonly believed," Rajai says,=20
"that the families of militants have flourished because of huge=20
monetary compensation. No such thing happened in our case. Whatever=20
money he used to bring, he distributed it among locals to buy their=20
support or to convert youngsters." Some years after he had joined the=20
militants, Nazeer was killed in an 'encounter'. His mother said: "We=20
have never mourned his death. He was better dead than alive because=20
he brought only pain and suffering to the family."

Rajai may not have wanted to mourn her son's death, but many other=20
mothers who have lost their children, have been denied even this=20
'luxury' - for grief is a luxury in situations of war and conflict.=20
Some do not have the time to mourn or grieve, others like Parveen=20
Ahangar will not - cannot - do so. How do they put a closure on=20
something when they have no proof that it can be closed? To put it=20
more crudely, how can they mourn without a body?

A little over 278,000 people were displaced as a result of the Kargil=20
war. The majority of these were women and children. Forced to leave=20
their homes and their belongings, they had nowhere to go. The burden=20
of the displacement caused by conflict is usually borne by women. All=20
the Kashmiri pandits who have been forced to leave Kashmir now live=20
in small, tenement type, refugee camps in different places. The men=20
can at least have access to the public world - they may be able to go=20
out to work, to walk across to the local tea shop. But it's the women=20
and young girls who have to stay at home in tight, cramped spaces=20
leading constricted lives.

Wars and conflicts create their own myths. One of them is that the=20
violence is always located somewhere 'outside' because that is where=20
the 'enemy' or the 'other' is. The home, the family, for so many=20
women the site of continuing violence, cannot now be questioned for=20
it is the violence outside that must be fought. So, women not only=20
have to deal with losses of the kind described above, but they=20
continue to face violence at home, which they cannot now talk about.=20
Should the conflict end and things go back to 'normal', the normalcy=20
is seen as a state of peacefulness. Yet, what is normal when set=20
against the context of war and conflict, may be a situation of=20
considerable violence in less 'normal' times. The same logic applies=20
in the wider world: wars and battles are often fought over control of=20
homelands and territories. Yet, in protecting the 'homeland' or=20
fighting for it, we forget to pose the question: was the homeland=20
ever such a peaceful place? How do we address the lack of peace=20
within the home?

The violence of war and conflict creates a powerful iconography.=20
Kargil has already come to be known by the picture of the poor=20
soldier, freezing at inhospitable heights and it is forever marked by=20
that image. For many years feminists have argued that the pictures=20
they saw of war and conflict were purely male ones, pictures that=20
were not sex differentiated. Where were the women? Today, we can no=20
longer make such arguments: we do see both men and women, and also=20
children, when we see images of people affected by conflict. But not=20
only do we learn very little about women, but it's the kinds of=20
pictures of women that we see that are questionable. For example,=20
Kashmiri women, whether Muslim women or Kashmiri pandits, are known=20
to be strong, secular, outspoken, confident women. They've never=20
allowed themselves to be shut up inside the home, they've never=20
allowed the public space to be claimed only by men. How, we might=20
ask, do war and continuing conflict transform these women into the=20
weeping, oppressed victims clad in burkha or locked up inside refugee=20
tenements? Where did these strong, modern women go? And it takes time=20
to realise that it's in the interest of conflict to project women as=20
'out there' now and again (as fundamentalists and communalists,=20
particularly the proponents of the Hindu right do), but at the same=20
time reinforce their place within the home and family. It's in this=20
sense that wars and conflicts are also about male control over women.

The same iconography makes it impossible for those men who might want=20
to, to opt out of battle. Immediately, they are labelled 'cowards' or=20
'deserters' - yet why should we expect that men have some kind of=20
stake in war and battle and that they should be willing to go into=20
the battlefield, knowing that they might be killed, but happy that=20
they are doing so in the interests of the nation. Why should the=20
nation mean any more to men than it does to women? Indeed, the entire=20
rhetoric and vocabulary of war is a masculinist one. How far can you=20
penetrate into enemy territory? Don't allow yourself to be=20
emasculated by the enemy. Show your virility in conquest. No wonder=20
that raping women becomes so much a part of war and battle. And no=20
wonder that armies do not prosecute their men for this crime - for=20
after all, in their vocabulary, it is very much part of proving your=20
manhood.

For the most part, narratives of war and conflict represent
a rather one-sided reality - as if only men are affected or concerned

Yet, while we may be increasingly aware of the fact that men and=20
women are touched by war and conflict in different ways, what is=20
clear is that while women have to work hard to retain peace within=20
the home and family in times of conflict, when it actually comes to=20
peace making, they have little involvement in it. Political=20
organisations, no matter which side of the picture they represent,=20
never think of involving women in peace processes. Here's where they=20
don't count. But here's where they should count, for who builds and=20
sustains peace in the home? Clearly the women. They are the ones who=20
know how war and conflict enters and affects their daily lives, and=20
the lives of those close to them. They are the ones who need to be=20
brought in when discussions about a 'return to normalcy' are taking=20
place. Yet, hardly anywhere in the world has this been done.

This is not to say that women are always victims of war. We have=20
enough evidence to show that in certain situations of conflict, women=20
do participate in the violence of war and conflict. But, for the most=20
part, narratives of war and conflict represent a rather one-sided=20
reality - as if only men are affected or concerned, as if, because=20
the language of war is a male one, the reality of war touches only=20
men, and that too in very specific ways. But here, it might be worth=20
recalling a story that is sometimes told about war situations.
When a warring army goes into a village or a town to conquer, one of=20
the first things they do is to rape the women of that place. While we=20
recognise rape as a weapon of power and control perpetrated by men,=20
over other men through the bodies of 'their' women, we've never asked=20
why it is that invading armies rape women. The answer is simple:=20
because of course, once they know about the possibility of invasion,=20
the men run away. But the women stay, for they are the ones who have=20
to protect the children, the old and infirm, the wounded. While men=20
leave the battlefield to the 'other', the women stay to protect the=20
bedroom. And for this they are raped.

After such knowledge, what forgiveness?

Titles reviewed:

* Guns and Yellow Roses: Essays on the Kargil War;=20
HarperCollins; New Delhi: 1999
* On the Abyss: Pakistan After the Coup; HarperCollins; New Delhi: 2000
* Weapons of Peace: The Secret Story of India's Quest to be a=20
Nuclear Power , by Raj Chengappa; HarperCollins; New Delhi: 2000
* India's Nuclear Bomb: The Impact on Global Proliferation, by=20
George Perkovich; Oxford University Press; New Delhi: 2000
* South Asia on a Short Fuse: Nuclear Politics and the Future=20
of Global Disarmament, by Praful Bidwai and Achin Vanaik; Oxford=20
University Press; New Delhi: 2000

Urvashi Butalia is a writer and co-founder of Kali, India's first=20
feminist publishing house. She lives in New Delhi.

_______

[5.]

Date: Tue, 11 Sep 2001 16:42:12 -0400
From: Geeta Citygirl Chopra <citygirl@s...>

landmark in the big apple
it's 9/11 -- 911 -- emergency
for all of us
emergency...

warm and kinda sunny
it's a tuesday morning
like any other day
like any other day?

now it's almost 9am
everyone's racing to work
volcanic-like smoke and trembles
erupt as the first plane hits
round 8:45am

building one then building two
everyone's in a panic...

this was the primaries day -- 9/11
hundreds of thousands were gonna vote in the
elections today...

suddenly life just doesn't seem the same
and my tears don't wanna stop flowing...
my heart aches, my spirit mourns and
each second not-knowing kills...

and it's time to pray, pray, pray for our
new yorkers and folks affected in
d.c. and pennsylvania...

disbelief, tears and anger
explosion of emotions
and fear...
the twin towers are gone...
horror and chaos...

home at last to find my machine full, voicemail full
and finally spoke to my panic-striken family
since my cell wasn't working....

terrorists attacks?!
attacks on innocent people?!
kids at stuyvesant, folks at work
in the downtown area
never gonna 4get the
gigantic towers collapsing down...

so many rescue efforts have been
organized and still the buildings burn...

more than unreal -- 1300 feet tall -- built in 1973
amazed at how the nyc skyline has changed...
nervous i sit and wait to hear from loved ones
yells from my spirit to the powers that be...

from long island, california, maryland and india
relatives and family have called
only to shed tears to finally hear my voice --
my crackling and saddened voice...

unable to do anything, i'm gonna go over to donate
some blood at the red cross...

please send your prayers & strength to
rescue workers & fire fighters...
and just pray, pray, pray for
yourselves & each other...

<><><><><><><<><><>
Geeta Citygirl Chopra

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