[sacw] SACW #2. (21 Oct. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #2.
21 October 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. The Talibanisation of Kashmiri nationalism (Shabir Choudhry)
#2. Blood, face paint and tears: Sheema Kirmani's crusade for=20
cultural acceptance (Razeshta Sethna)
#3. The spies among us (Ayesha Khan)
#4. India: Fundamentalist Danger
#5. For The Right Reason (Mukul Kesavan)
#6. Osho Ahead of Osama (K.P. Nayar)

________________________

#1.

Tehelka.com
20 October 2001

The Talibanisation of Kashmiri nationalism

Shabir Choudhry explains why he resents
the politicisation of Islam by the jehadis
and how they harm the true cause of the Kashmiri people - self-determinatio=
n
London, October 20

Last year I wrote a series of articles criticising acts of senseless=20
violence that resulted in loss of innocent human life. I tried to=20
differentiate between violence and freedom struggle. I argued that=20
acts of violence, targeting innocent citizens, should not be carried=20
out under the noble name of jehad . The teachings of Islam, and the=20
rules of engagement in jehad , do not allow the killing of innocent=20
people.

At that time, jehadi forces were at a peak, and few people dared to=20
criticise them, fearing reprisals. One might call it imprudence, but=20
I was one of the few who spoke out against them. As a result, I was=20
accused of being anti-jehad , anti-Islam, anti-movement and=20
pro-India. My crime was to oppose "Islamisation" or "Talibanisation"=20
of the Kashmiri struggle for independence. In my view, this changed=20
the character of our freedom struggle, and was not in the best=20
interest of the freedom movement. Our struggle was for a united and=20
independent Kashmir, where all Kashmiris, irrespective of religion or=20
social background, could live in peace and harmony.

Maybe I said these things prematurely, and consequently, I was=20
severely criticised by jehadi groups. There was also criticism=20
forthcoming from within the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front=20
(JKLF), because my articles were causing embarrassment in many=20
quarters. Friends and family advised that I keep a low profile for=20
sometime, for fear of bodily harm.

No doubt Allah is great, and truth always prevails. September 11, and=20
the subsequent international reaction, has changed the attitude of=20
the world to many things, especially towards the use of religion to=20
promote political agenda. This change is also reflected in the=20
writings of Pakistani writers.

Imtiaz Alam, a known columnist of The News notes it like this, "He=20
(President Musharraf) has to be aware of not only extremists, who are=20
preparing for small mutinies and forming a joint front with the=20
Taliban in the frontier regions, in particular, but also those=20
jehadis who have an international agenda and are not loyal to the=20
cause of Kashmiris. Before we go to the UN with a clean chit in 90=20
days, and before India succeeds in converting the political issue of=20
the right of self-determination of the Kashmiris into 'terrorism', we=20
have some time to help the Kashmiri resistance isolate foreign=20
elements who want to defame their liberation movement by targeting=20
civilians and resorting to individual terrorism." (The News , London,=20
October 10)

It is unlikely that Alam would have written this piece before=20
September 11. His assessment - that the presence of non-Kashmiri=20
militants creates the impression that it is not a Kashmiri struggle -=20
is correct. Also, it hands India a propaganda stick - that outside=20
interference is responsible for the problem in Kashmir. It has always=20
been our endeavour that the struggle remains a "Kashmiri" struggle.=20
However, forces beyond our control worked to change the character of=20
the movement. In spite of this, we have done our best to maintain the=20
true face of the movement - one of a Kashmiri struggle for=20
independence.

This aside, the jehadis do not share common cause with the=20
freedom-loving people of Kashmir. We want to determine our future,=20
and once we attain that goal, we would be keen on friendly relations=20
with both India and Pakistan. The jehadis, on the other hand, are=20
working towards hoisting their flag on Red Fort in New Delhi, then on=20
the White House in Washington. The strange thing is that, in their=20
view, the route to New Delhi and Washington goes through Srinagar. In=20
other words, until their mission is accomplished, we must bear the=20
brunt of their actions.

It is said that a freedom fighter is a terrorist if you look at the=20
flipside of the situation. This debate has been going on for decades,=20
and it is unlikely there will ever be a consensus opinion on this=20
terminology. Although there is no agreed definition of a freedom=20
fighter, one can say that a freedom fighter does not wage a war on=20
people. Besides morality, there are also strategic reasons for this=20
rule - a freedom fighter has to earn the goodwill of the people. S/he=20
cannot survive without their sincere support.

The aim of the freedom fighter is to fight against colonial rule,=20
oppression of the State and injustice. The target, therefore, is=20
necessarily non-civilian, and the attempt is to create awareness=20
against the injustice. A terrorist, on the other hand, kills people=20
indiscriminately to achieve his goal, whatever that may be. This=20
policy or strategy of indiscriminate killing clearly distinguishes a=20
terrorist from a freedom fighter. The ruthless actions of terrorists=20
alienate them from the people.

Similarly, some governments also resort to indiscriminate killings of=20
ordinary people in order to generate fear and prevent them from=20
cooperating with freedom fighters. But more often than not, this=20
policy backfires - it generates hate and opposition against the=20
government, as has happened in Kashmir. The gross human rights=20
violations, and there is ample evidence of it, perpetrated by various=20
governments in Kashmir resulted in further alienation and anger.=20
Indian policy planners and officers of the paramilitary forces=20
wrongly assumed that by their heavy-handedness, they would be able to=20
control the situation. Killing of innocent civilians, crackdowns,=20
custodial deaths and imprisonment without trial only served to=20
strengthen the resolve to fight for freedom.

It is high time India and Pakistan realise that they have tried=20
everything - full-scale wars, border clashes, Kargil expedition,=20
Simla, Lahore Declaration and Agra - to settle the Kashmir dispute.=20
The dispute, however, continues, threatening peace and stability of=20
the region. Events in Afghanistan have overshadowed other disputes=20
temporarily, but it must be remembered that the Kashmir dispute and=20
Palestine pose a grave threat to world peace. There could be no peace=20
without resolving these disputes amicably, and according to wishes of=20
the people.

Pakistan and India have clashed over everything since 1947, but=20
strangely have agreed to keep the Kashmiri people away from the=20
negotiating table. This, in spite of the fact that many rounds of=20
bilateral talks have not helped in approaching a solution. This is=20
the first time in the troubled history of India and Pakistan that=20
they are on the same side of the divide, supporting the fight against=20
"international terrorism". That has, though, not inhibited their=20
constant bickering and criticism of each other. There have even been=20
some border clashes, and there is a serious danger it could escalate=20
into a war between them, adding a new dimension to the problems of=20
the region.

Both India and Pakistan need to realise that the international=20
political environment has changed dramatically, resulting in new=20
alignments. In this changed environment, the international community=20
has little or no tolerance for violence, and does not subscribe to=20
any policy that could possibly lead to disputes settled by use of=20
force. It is, therefore, imperative that they learn from their past=20
mistakes, carefully analyse the situation around them, and find a way=20
to resolve the Kashmir dispute.

Even before September 11, there was no military solution to the=20
Kashmir dispute, and this is why I have been urging India and=20
Pakistan to resolve the dispute by a process of dialogue between all=20
the parties to the dispute. It must be remembered that the situation=20
in Kashmir is not a simple law and order problem, as some sections of=20
the Indian establishment think. Nor is it a religious war or problem=20
related to the "two nation" theory, as projected by the Pakistan. It=20
is an issue of the Kashmiri right to self-determination. And any=20
attempts to crush the freedom movement by use of force or to divide=20
the state, would lead to more trouble in the region, and possibly a=20
war.

In its editorial, Kashmir Times advises the Indian government, "New=20
Delhi has not learnt any lesson from its past mistakes, and is=20
looking at the problem of terrorism or violence in Kashmir in=20
isolation and purely as a law and order problem to be dealt with by=20
using of maximum force and repressive measures. Such a policy has=20
proved counter-productive in the past, and the consequences of=20
fighting militancy with use of excessive force in vacuum can be even=20
more disastrous. The violence in Kashmir is not the cause, but the=20
consequence of New Delhi's failure to solve the basic political=20
problem of Kashmir. Stepping up military action, without taking steps=20
to find a solution to the basic Kashmir problem, will only lead to=20
further alienation of the people. Any kind of terrorism has to be=20
eliminated, but more important and crucial in the fight against=20
terrorism is to win the hearts and minds of the estranged people."=20
(Kashmir Times, October 13)

(The author is a JKLF leader, and director, Institute of Kashmir=20
Affairs, London)

______

#2.

Samwonline.com

Blood, face paint and tears: Sheema Kirmani's crusade for cultural acceptan=
ce

By Razeshta Sethna

Saturday, September 29, 2001 10:55:39 AM EST

Outside Pakistan's Mohatta Palace Museum.

Dressed in magnificent traditional costume during a Bharat Natyam performan=
ce.
KARACHI: Sheema Kirmani remembers when she gave out fifty invites for=20
her debut solo classical dance performance in 1984 and was=20
overwhelmed when more than three hundred enthusiasts attended. It was=20
when General Zia-ul-Haq's Islamization drive had destroyed the link=20
between the dance communities of India and Pakistan, compelling=20
Pakistani artists to work around a virtual ban on cultural pursuits.
"In the '80s, people were thirsty for culture and I was overwhelmed=20
to see so many come and support this art form," muses Kirmani,=20
Pakistan's exponent of the Odissi and Bharata Natyam style of=20
classical dance.
For Kirmani and her contemporaries, it has been an upward struggle to=20
reinvent dance as an acceptable art form and cultural practice in=20
Pakistan where government support and recognition has remained=20
negligible.
But, she explains the cultural climate has altered since 1993, with a=20
modest comeback of classical musicians and dance troupes actively=20
performing in commercial and experimental houses.
Her perseverance as a dancer and teacher of Odissi and Bharata Natyam=20
in Pakistan is testimony to the fact that classical dance once banned=20
and exiled to the private salons of the rich, has returned to the=20
public sphere.
Recalling with nostalgia her early days when she was inducted into=20
dance as a student at the Ghanshyam's Rhythmic Art Center in Karachi,=20
Kirmani explains why the Ghanshyams fled the country in the early=20
'80s after persistent targeting by fundamental elements that=20
proclaimed they were anti-Islam.
With a 20-year career that has survived virulent societal repression,=20
she recalls when at times no-objection certificates, obtained prior=20
to a performance were suddenly cancelled without explanation.
"The issue of religion attached to dance emerged when General=20
Zia-ul-Haq announced that dance was against Islamic values without=20
delving deeper into the fact that dance, being a part of culture and=20
the legacy of the subcontinent, should be equated with lifestyle.=20
Dance has existed pre-religion. The whirling Sufis danced. Shah Abdul=20
Latif Bhittai was a dancer and a musician himself. How, then, is=20
dance associated with immorality and decadence?" she retorts.
Kirmani studied classical dance forms in India with Leela Samson of=20
the Kalakshetra, Mayadhar Raut at the Bhartiya Kala Kendra in Delhi=20
and returned in 1990 on a one-year scholarship to train under Guru=20
Aloka Pannikar at Art Kendra also in Delhi.
Her interest in artistic expression also allowed for exploration into=20
other art forms as theater. "It's been a while since I have begun to=20
examine the concept of being an artist in a holistic way. And in the=20
subcontinent, the idea of being an artist does not mean to=20
compartmentalize. Acting is a part of dance," she explains. Also, her=20
family's creative endeavors further lent a keen insight into the=20
arts, which became an integral part of her education. Regrettably=20
cultural pursuits are no longer important in contemporary homes and=20
children growing up miss out on what we experienced, she notes.
Nostalgia meanders through her thoughts, as Kirmani plays delicately=20
with the folds of her white sari, saying, "I had music in my ears as=20
a child. Those memories always remain. Unconsciously, the=20
appreciation of all things beautiful lingers on in the memory."
Involved with the Leftist movement of the early 80s, Kirmani was=20
instrumental in the formation of Tehrik-e-Niswan (the Women's=20
Movement) in 1981, which was a group opposed to Zia's martial law=20
regime. The first All-Women's Conference on International Women's Day=20
in 1981 was organized by the Tehrik and the same year witnessed an=20
all women's mushaira -- a poetry gathering.
Activists with the Tehrik were all too aware of the limitations that=20
women labor under and decided to use novel and effective devices such=20
as street theater to communicate with the disempowered.
"The development of street theater allows women from deprived=20
communities to come forth and express emotions like joy and pain=20
which are ordinarily denied to them. These plays don't require sets=20
and are minimum in terms of production. We have repertories of six to=20
eight plays performed every Saturday," she says.
Performed in the low-income areas of Karachi such as the Lyari and=20
Orangi townships, the plays generate dialogue alongside=20
entertainment. "We've had some meaningful moments but we are=20
presently in need of renewed funding, which was given to the Tehrik=20
by a donor agency in the Netherlands. Culture is not what donor=20
agencies want to fund," she says, but clearly Kirmani's group has=20
reaped results.
Living in squatter settlements where the average income is less that=20
Rs. 1,000 (approximately $16) per month, and with no opportunity for=20
entertainment, the under-privileged have played host to productions=20
performed by Tehrik-e-Niswan.
Kirmani and Khalid Ahmed, her playwright and director husband, say=20
that the young generation is ready for change. "They are waiting for=20
that change to come but there is no leadership nor movement in sight.=20
I feel men hold back change. If there is any sign of positive change=20
in this society, then it will be brought on by women. Thirty-three=20
per cent won seats in local government elections, which goes to prove=20
that social taboos hold them back. When they find it within them to=20
break these taboos, the ball will start rolling."
Although her efforts at amassing funding for a performance space for=20
classical dance and theater have temporarily been thwarted along with=20
plans for a performing arts academy, Kirmani remains confident and=20
soldiers on with concerts, where not being content with experimenting=20
with traditional compositions, her repertoire includes selections=20
from poets and feminists like Tagore and Ismat Chughtai.
"A woman who dances in a public space is anathema to conservative=20
Muslims associating classical dance forms with Hindu mythology.=20
Today, young minds are closed and not rebellious. Unlike the bohemian=20
curious-minded lot of the '60s, complacency has set in the younger=20
generation."
Yet, for women like Kirmani, all crusaders have to hope against hope,=20
otherwise they would not struggle in a hostile environment. They=20
would opt out and perform for appreciating audiences in the West.=20
Unlike Kirmani, they would not pin their hopes on the magic of art,=20
which has the power to unite a disintegrating nation-state. -SADA

______

#3.

The News on Sunday / The News International (Pakistan)
21 October 2001

The spies among us

During the Iranian Revolution and Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, CIA=20
people were all over the place. Ayesha Khan looks back at those=20
fateful years and asks if it is going to happen again
The events in Pakistan and neighboring Afghanistan over the past=20
month are an uncanny throwback to 20 years ago, when Islamic=20
revolution was on the world agenda as it is now and Afghanistan was=20
invaded by the Soviets. It might be good for us to indulge in some=20
effort to give a historical perspective to what is unfolding today,=20
because it will help us to understand our present with more clarity=20
and depth than the US and Pakistan governments have thus far=20
encouraged. I, for one, was a child in the late 1970s, but my=20
memories are powerful and shaped my understanding of world politics=20
for the rest of my life.

It was 1979, and Ayatollah Khomeini's name had become a household=20
word. I had a dear classmate called Reza, who studied with me at the=20
International School of Islamabad, and who kept me briefed on the=20
reasons for an Islamic revolution in his home country. He was=20
frightened at the reports of violence on the streets of Teheran, but=20
reminded me as we rode the school bus to ISI (yes, that was the=20
school's name) every day that the Shah of Iran had brought terror to=20
his people and all of this with the support of the Americans. Reza=20
and his family survived the changes wrought by the new government,=20
and stayed on in Pakistan for a few more years.

But Leily did not stay on. She and I were part of an inseparable=20
group of four in our class known as the Mini Mafia, that included two=20
American girls. Leily spoke to me, all of age 13, about the wonders=20
the Shah's government had brought to the people of her country. She=20
said every home in her country had central air-conditioning and I=20
believed it. Her father worked in the Iranian Embassy in Islamabad,=20
and they lived in a beautiful bungalow in F-6/3. I thought her family=20
the gentlest, kindest people I had ever known.

One day, February 24, 1979 to be exact, my friend Jennifer from the=20
Mini Mafia phoned to say that Leily and her family had fled the=20
country during the night, to America, for fear of their lives. In the=20
morning Jennifer and I went to Leily's house, completely intact but=20
for the two suitcases of belongings they had been permitted to take=20
away with them. We cleared out her bedroom, going through photographs=20
and school notebooks, trying to keep what we could in case Leily=20
would come back. I couldn't stop my tears of disbelief and sadness at=20
my own loss. I began to understand something about the way in which=20
political justice can co-exist with personal devastation.

Jennifer's father had helped Leily's father to escape, with no small=20
cooperation from General Zia's government, a powerful new ally of the=20
United States. I learned that Leily's father had been head of the=20
dreaded Savak, Iranian intelligence agency, in Pakistan with a=20
mission to track down Iranian dissident students operating from=20
Pakistan against the Shah's government. After the Revolution, his=20
days were numbered. Jennifer's father, possibly through his own role=20
as a CIA agent operating undercover while working with the USAID=20
malaria control programme, got him out of the country and installed=20
in Virginia close to the CIA headquarters in Langley. They took on=20
Leily's father as a consultant for a little while. They still live in=20
America, bitter about the Revolution that shattered their lives, and=20
grateful to the US government for shielding them from what would have=20
been a violent end.

Islamabad never changed its tranquil idyllic facade in all the years=20
of covert war and the brutal government of General Zia. Its residents=20
knew little to nothing then about what was happening in Afghanistan=20
and the swelling refugee camps near Peshawar. Most people just agreed=20
that jehad against the Soviets was a good idea, US money was coming=20
in, and that somehow this was also linked to keeping our mouths shut=20
about Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. We had a sense that many Americans in our=20
midst were linked to the CIA, but that the pact our government had=20
made to stay alive meant that no one talked openly about it.

My school, though, was caught in the bizarre undercurrents of the=20
time. In the fall of 1979 Pakistani students attacked the US Embassy=20
in response to an Iranian allegation that the US had been involved in=20
an effort to seize the holy places at Mecca and Medina. The Embassy=20
was burnt and American citizens evacuated in one fell swoop. My class=20
size went from 25 to 6, with myself and Reza wondering why and how=20
our teachers and mentors had left us in the cold. A new headmaster,=20
Mr Keough, appeared, only to take himself off to Teheran, where he=20
had been headmaster before the Revolution, for a visit and find=20
himself one of a few hundred American hostages at the Embassy there.=20
Was he an agent of the CIA? If not, why would he visit Iran in the=20
throes of a Revolution whose fury was directed mainly at the likes of=20
him? We did not know the answers.

One day my new physics teacher, an American recruited after the=20
evacuation who came as part of the re-installation of US citizens two=20
years later in Pakistan, also vanished from the scene. He had sent a=20
school officer to pick up a cargo air freight for him at the airport.=20
When customs examined the air freight, it found arms instead of=20
personal belongings. The arms were part of the covert supply for=20
Afghan mujahideen, facilitated by no less than a physics teacher in=20
our midst. We heard later that the Pakistan government released him=20
back to the US in exchange for one of the Saifullahs caught smuggling=20
drugs in the US. By that time, we had a sense that conspiracy=20
theories were not so far-fetched after all and that some rumours are=20
quite likely to be true.

All this was years ago, but I find myself remembering the mood of my=20
childhood in Islamabad, and noticing that similar patterns are=20
emerging today. We have a general in charge again, whose political=20
life was uncertain before the new war and now seems underwritten if=20
not confirmed by a surge of support from the US. The reason and link=20
is the same this time, too -- military and intelligence cooperation=20
with the US to meet its objectives in Afghanistan. With the rush of=20
aid that is promised, USAID and a host of other American=20
organisations will sure come back to Islamabad. Intelligence is the=20
linch-pin of the war against terrorism, and no doubt Islamabad will=20
become the center of CIA and domestic intelligence collaboration all=20
over again.

With this new, or should I say old but revitalised, partnership will=20
come much aid. So too, will our plans for democracy probably be=20
written off -- at least for the time being. And Islamabad will become=20
the seat for covert operations of another jehad, this time a Crusade=20
by the West against "evil-doers" who "do not share our values". In=20
the name of the good, plenty of dirty, murky, covert operations will=20
take place with the collaboration of our government, that has little=20
choice but to choose the road to most likely survival.

Certainly there are some differences between this and the last Afghan=20
jehad, most important of which is that this war does not enjoy=20
overwhelming public support. But an ideology is being constructed in=20
Islamabad, new parameters within which political discourse will be=20
allowed to take place. Once again, there will be plenty of US spooks=20
in our midst, not to be acknowledged overtly, and their work will be=20
facilitated by another military government.

Once again, Islamabad will whisper about the changes, but not=20
challenge the new order lest the big bucks vanish all over again.=20
Once again, the excuse for all this activity and the cover-up of=20
political dissent will be the so-called welfare of the Afghan people.=20
Since Islamabadis, and indeed most Pakistanis, know little about=20
their neighbors across the borders and are loathe to think of the=20
horrors in the new refugee camps, they can continue in their absurd=20
assumptions about the rugged Afghans and their thirst for war.

As long as they are doing the fighting, we will think, we need not=20
look too closely. But we must remember, as journalist Robert Fisk has=20
pointed out, how many new Osamas will be fostered in the name of=20
winning this new war? And, I would add, in Pakistan how many new=20
US-supported 'crusaders' will be fostered in our backyards in the=20
name of keeping US hegemony intact? What kind of silent deals with=20
the US will Pakistan make in the exchange of prisoners, political=20
favours, arms, and suppression of truth about the war? Do we have a=20
right to know? Do we want to know?

______

#4.

The Telegraph
21 October 2001

EDITORIAL/
FUNDAMENTALIST DANGER

It is a measure of the desperation being perceived by the sangh=20
parivar in Uttar Pradesh that it has chosen to rake up the Ayodhya=20
issue in the run-up to the assembly polls. The sangh parivar knows=20
from past experience that in UP there is nothing better than=20
religious passion to canvass votes in India's biggest province. At=20
the forefront of the act of trespass in the Babri=20
Masjid-Ramjanmabhoomi compound was the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. A first=20
information report has been filed against some of the VHP leaders.=20
But the wording of the VHP is striking in its inadequacy. The report=20
charges the accused of "obstructing government officials while on=20
public duty". It thus glosses over the simple fact that the accused=20
were also violating a Supreme Court order. The court had ordered that=20
status quo ante should be maintained on the site. But the VHP leaders=20
made it clear that they did not care too much about niceties of the=20
law. They were exercising, what they claimed, was their right of=20
worship. The very fact that the VHP leaders chose this particular=20
site, already riven with controversy, to exercise the right to=20
worship is enough to cast suspicion on their motives.

The VHP's action puts the prime minister, Mr Atal Bihari Vajpayee, in=20
a somewhat ticklish position. Mr Vajpayee has been trying since he=20
assumed office to distance his government from the policies and=20
actions of the more extreme Hindutva elements like the VHP, the=20
Bajrang Dal and even the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Distance has=20
not yet led to a confrontation between a Bharatiya Janata Party-led=20
government and a member of the extended Hindutva family. The act of=20
trespass perpetrated by the VHP pushes Mr Vajpayee's government close=20
to the brink of such a confrontation. The government, especially as=20
it is a coalition one, can ill afford to sit idle while a Supreme=20
Court order is violated. Mr Vajpayee cannot risk earning a reprimand=20
from the apex court. Neither can he risk the disapproval of his=20
coalition partners. This is one side of the tricky equation that Mr=20
Vajpayee will have to solve. On the other side, he cannot ignore that=20
he is the BJP's principal leader and he has an election to win in UP.=20
He and his party have no cards to play. Under the circumstances, the=20
VHP's attempts to whip up majority religious passions, at a time when=20
the most gross anti-Muslim sentiments are already in the air, might=20
appear to the BJP as a kind of godsend. Between Mr Vajpayee, the=20
prime minister of India, and Mr Vajpayee, the BJP leader, falls the=20
shadow of the challenge thrown out by the VHP. It will need all of Mr=20
Vajpayee's legendary political skills and more to balance both sides=20
of the equation.

Beyond the world of electoral politics and the cynical manipulation=20
of religious feelings, there are other issues that the action of the=20
VHP highlights. The world's opinion and intense condemnation has been=20
directed towards terrorism driven by religious fundamentalism. It=20
cannot be overlooked that the VHP and the Bajrang Dal also represent=20
religious fundamentalism and are not averse to using violence to=20
secure their ends. When Mr Vajpayee and Mr L.K. Advani speak against=20
terrorism in international fora, they should not forget their own=20
backyard.

______

#5.

The Telegraph
21 October 2001

FOR THE RIGHT REASON

BY MUKUL KESAVAN

The acres of critical writing about September 11 seems to have=20
produced an anti-alliance stance that is actually the welding=20
together of two separate arguments. I think the two arguments need to=20
be prised apart because one makes sense and the other doesn't.=20
Keeping the two together also circumscribes the effort against the=20
war because many people who agree with the first argument are put off=20
by the second one.

The first argument opposes the bullying free world rhetoric of the=20
allies and the assault on Afghanistan that this rhetoric is designed=20
to legitimize. Anti-war intellectuals argue that intensive=20
bombardment will kill the non-combatant Afghan as surely as it will=20
damage the taliban. They point to American policies that helped kill=20
innocent civilians in Japan, Vietnam, Chile, Cambodia and Iraq and=20
argue that America's warlike self-righteousness is born of hypocrisy=20
and a selective amnesia. They warn that prolonged bombardment is=20
dangerous because it will tip Afghanistan further into famine, as the=20
war destroys an already rudimentary infrastructure and makes=20
organized aid impossible.

The American response has understandably been more about that=20
country's own grief and anger and suffering than the fate of Afghans=20
in a bombed-out country. Seven thousand lives in an hour is death on=20
a truly industrial scale, but Americans need to be reminded that in=20
the event of a famine, the Afghan body count would make September 11=20
seem like a peacetime accident.

This is a good, consistent position. To those who would challenge it=20
by asking, "What would you do if you were in Bush's position?" the=20
short answer is that America's critics are not in Bush's position.=20
Bush's vigilante idiom, his daft posturing about "smoking them out of=20
their holes", of getting bin Laden "dead or alive" is designed to=20
conjure up a sheriff administering frontier justice at the head of a=20
posse. It generally doesn't come out right; he ends up sounding like=20
a bounty hunter at the head of a lynch mob.

Even if you believe that the coalition is right to do what it does, a=20
writer's business is to anticipate how things might go tragically=20
wrong, to be sceptical of mass-produced rhetoric (and here Bush and=20
his cabinet are in a class of their own) and to challenge it by=20
citing duplicity and inconsistency. Most of all, any sane person is=20
entitled to ask what the human cost in Afghan lives will be, and how=20
much "collateral damage" is "acceptable".

The editor of a national daily, The Pioneer, said during a discussion=20
on Star News, that civilian casualties were inevitable in the course=20
of any bombardment, and that collateral damage was the price we had=20
to pay to extinguish terrorism. He declared, solemnly, that we had to=20
be willing to pay this price. He made it sound like a sacrifice which=20
was odd, given that the tab was being picked up by the Afghans, and=20
not by him in particular or the studio audience in general. It was=20
like a call to grit our teeth and duck each time a bomb fell on=20
Afghanistan.

But he raised an important question: if the Americans bombed=20
Afghanistan flat before sending their soldiers in (to avoid military=20
casualties), was that morally acceptable? How many dead Afghan=20
civilians, to rephrase Arundhati Roy's brutal comparison, equalled=20
one dead G.I.? It's worth remembering that the nuclear bombing of=20
Hiroshima and Nagasaki was justified on the grounds that it hastened=20
Japan's surrender, shortened the war and saved American men in=20
uniform from dying.

The second argument that seems to be a necessary part of the=20
anti-coalition, anti-war stance goes like this: the events of=20
September 11 are a consequence of American policy in west Asia in=20
particular and the Arab world in general. This is a very dodgy=20
argument and it weighs down the peace movement with baggage that it=20
doesn't need. When the anti-war intellectual turns historian and=20
tries to explain September 11 (as distinct from opposing its military=20
consequences), the argument becomes too eagerly accusatory and too=20
reflexively anti-American. The quick causal connection between=20
American skulduggery and greed in the Muslim world and the murdering=20
psychopaths who drove planes into the World Trade Center comes much=20
too easily.

How many of us looked for social/political/historical explanations=20
when the taliban shelled the two Bamiyan Buddhas into rubble? None of=20
us. We just said to ourselves, "It's the work of madmen or fanatics."=20
Why then, do we look for historicizing explanations when murderers of=20
the same stripe, knock down the twin towers of the WTC? Perhaps this=20
inconsistency has something to do with our need to tell Americans,=20
"Look, you had it coming." Maybe they did but that isn't why those=20
suicidal hijackers killed themselves and thousands of others.

I don't think those eager martyrs drove into the WTC because they=20
cared about babies dying in Iraq, or Palestine not being independent.=20
I think those hijackers were paid-up members of the cult of Arab=20
victimhood and they used legitimate Arab and Muslim grievances like=20
athletes use adrenalin. If those grievances hadn't existed, they=20
would have invented them.

It is wholly legitimate to use America's sponsorship of Israel to=20
explain, even to mitigate, the callousness of those Palestinians who=20
rejoiced when September 11 happened. And it is reasonable for critics=20
of American policy in west Asia or the Arab world, to list policies=20
that provoke people to loathe America. It's quite another thing to=20
say that those policies are why September 11 happened. That isn't why=20
those towers full of people were destroyed. To believe that is to=20
believe that the kar sevaks who felled the Babri Masjid did it=20
because they were driven by the wounds inflicted by medieval Muslim=20
vandalism. It is a dangerous, double-edged argument and one that we=20
should refuse. The allied bombardment of Afghanistan can be=20
eloquently and honorably opposed without pretending that the=20
murderers of September 11 were messengers from the Muslim world.

______

#6.

The Telegraph
21 October 2001

OSHO AHEAD OF OSAMA

FROM K.P. NAYAR

Washington, Oct. 20:
With the fear of anthrax stalking the US from coast to coast, health=20
researchers and biological-weapons experts have discovered that the=20
first germ attack on American soil was conducted by an Indian not=20
long ago.

With the wisdom of hindsight, investigators into the incidents of=20
anthrax this month are citing the attack, allegedly organised by=20
Bhagwan Rajneesh, later christened Osho by his followers, in Oregon=20
in 1984.

A case study on the attack was undertaken by the highly respected=20
Journal of the American Medical Association (Jama) in 1997. The=20
attack in Oregon, now reconstructed by various sources, was targeted=20
at voters in a small town where Osho was setting up base after he=20
briefly abandoned his headquarters in Pune.

The small town, Dalles, tucked away in eastern Oregon's desert=20
landscape, was transformed between 1981 and 1986 by Osho who brought=20
in 3,000 to 4,000 of his followers, built a 4,500-ft paved airstrip,=20
a 44-acre reservoir, an 88,000-sq. ft. meeting hall and 90 of his 365=20
Rolls Royce cars. A ranch was bought by the Rajneesh Foundation=20
International for $5.75 million and a further $120 million was spent=20
on making it livable.

All these changes were met with stiff resistance from the local=20
people, but learning from booth capturing experiences in Indian=20
elections, Osho's followers are said to have bought local votes. They=20
renamed their town "Rajneeshpuram".

Before one such crucial election to decide the town's future, Osho's=20
followers launched a bio-terrorist attack on voters opposed to the=20
presence of the Hindu cult in Dalles, according to Pulitzer=20
prize-winning science writer for The New York Times, William Broad.

Broad has recounted details of Osho's alleged germ attack on Dalles=20
in the opening chapter of his authoritative book Germs: Biological=20
Weapons And America's Secret War, which he co-authored with two=20
others.

Broad has said after this month's incidence of anthrax that Osho's=20
followers "did this biological attack as a test whether they were=20
able to sicken a lot of people, to knock them out on election day.=20
They were going to pack the polls and get their candidates elected.=20
It was successful. It wasn't a lethal germ, but salmonella, a common=20
food poisoning".

Their tactic was to contaminate salad bars in 10 restaurants with=20
salmonella just before election day. A total of 751 persons who ate=20
at those salad bars were taken ill. But it was not until more than a=20
year after the outbreak that sufficient evidence was accumulated to=20
link the religious cult with the outbreak.

"This intentional outbreak of salmonella gastroenteritis may have=20
occurred (17) years ago, but... the outbreak in Oregon represents a=20
timely cause for concern," wrote Annette Flanagin, senior editor of=20
Jama.

With fear of anthrax sweeping the US, investigators now regret that=20
the warning by the medical community's voice was ignored. The issue=20
of the medical journal, devoted to the use of biological agents as=20
weapons was produced in association with Nobel Laureate and=20
microbiologist Joshua Lederberg of Rockefeller University in New York.

Lederberg warned four years ago that although the incident studied by=20
Jama was "small-scale... amateurish in design and ending with limited=20
malefaction ... [they] touch on a set of timeliest concerns that=20
unite national security and public health".

In words which seem prophetic after today's anthrax scare, Lederberg=20
and Flanagin wrote: "It is hoped that wider dissemination today of=20
the epidemiologic findings from the Dalles outbreak will lead to=20
greater awareness of the possibility of other incidents and earlier=20
recognition, when or if a similar incident occurs. This potential=20
benefit should outweigh the risk of a copycat incident".

When US attorney Charles Turner began investigating charges against=20
Osho's followers, members of the group allegedly conspired to murder=20
him. Two persons were tried on the charge and sentenced to five years=20
in prison in 1995 for conspiracy to commit murder.

Other followers who took part in the conspiracy were granted leniency=20
for cooperating with the prosecution. Osho himself was convicted of=20
immigration fraud and deported back to Pune a year after the germ=20
attack in Dalles. A mysterious fire subsequently destroyed the huge=20
house and indoor pool built by Osho.

In 1991, the ranch was purchased for $3.65 million by Dennis=20
Washington, a Montana rancher who also owns the famous Anaconda=20
Copper Mine.

But in Oregon, even today, rumours circulate about underground=20
tunnels, toxic waste and still-hidden weapons stockpiles in the=20
former Osho property.

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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