[sacw] SACW #1| 21 Dec. 00

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Wed, 20 Dec 2000 21:53:52 +0100


SOUTH ASIA CITIZENS WIRE - Dispatch #1
21 December 2000
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex)

#1. India-Pakistan War possible in 15 years says CIA report
#2. Bush Administration and South Asia
#3. Peace Processes
#4. Pakistan: Editorial in response to General Musharaf's speech broadcast
#5. Pakistan: Fallout of Sharif release
#6. The deadly Diaspora & its funding ethnic - religious strife in the
countries of their origin
#7. Latest issue of India Pakistan Arms Race & Militarisation Watch (No.29)

--------

#1.

The threat of major conflict between India and Pakistan will overshadow all
other regional issues during the next 15 years. say CIA report

"Global Trends 2015:
A Dialogue About the Future With Nongovernment Experts

NIC 2000-02, December 2000

This paper was approved for publication by the National Foreign
Intelligence Board under the authority of the Director of
Central Intelligence.

See the section on S. Asia:
http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/globaltrends2015/index.html#link13b

_____

#2.

Foreign Policy In Focus Commentary, December 15, 2000

"Bush Administration and South Asia"
By John Gershman, Asia-Pacific Editor, Foreign Policy In Focus

http://www.foreignpolicy-infocus.org/commentary/0012southasia.html

_____

#3.

The Times of India
Wednesday 20 December 2000
Op- Ed.

Peace Processes

By ANURADHA M CHENOY

IN Asia, there is an arc of conflicts from Afghanistan, through Central,
South and South East Asia. Causes for these include ethno-nationalism,
militant secessionism, militarism, fundamentalism, territorial disputes,
national chauvinism and economic deprivation. There are hundreds of
thousands of victims of these conflicts, including women and children. All
these conflicts have been perceived as threats to national security of the
states involved and tackled through the use of force. None of these are
resolved.

Should we, then, continue to retain the traditional notion of national
security or think of an alternative?

National security is the paramount concern of the modern state that
creates and maintains political and other structures to ensure state
security. It combines force through military power and consent in this
exercise. Neo-realist (and realist) theories that provide the theoretical
foundation for this argue that the security of the individual is
inextricably linked with the state that preserves the social order and
protects individuals from invasion by foreigners and from injuries to one
another.

Taken from Thomas Hobbes who showed the importance of regulatory force in
an anarchic state of nature, neo-realists advocate that international
politics must be understood predominantly as a realm of anarchic
interaction between sovereign authorities. This state is characterised by
conditions of anarchy and the ruthless pursuit of divergent national
interests. This anarchy, in the absence of any regulating authority, leads
to a generic relation between states based on a balance of power.

Since the nature of man is the base for theorising on international
relations (IR), power is seen as a hierarchy dominated by men who influence
others, if necessary, by force. These foundational theories and practices
of IR have excluded women. Conceptualised by the West, the neo-realist
doctrines of national security have been adopted by Asian states.

Though neo-realists imbued the state with rationality and capabilities,
women were kept outside the public sphere of rationality. Through history,
the very construction of the concept of the masculine has been linked with
the notion of power. Concepts and institutions reflect historically and
culturally conditioned ideas about knowing the world identified with a
markedly masculine experience validated as a universal experience. This
preserves masculine privilege and social practices in the private and
public realms. Women accept this ideology as value neutral and practice it
as given or natural in private and public realms.

Feminists argue that IR does not constitute just the study of structures
and processes but is also a critical reflection of how this knowledge is
constructed and sustained to maintain the status quo. Neo-realism denies
how events are inter-connected and prevents us from seeing all of reality.
For instance, social justice, ethnic race or gender equity are not treated
as issues of IR. Once these are bypassed, conflict resolution becomes
essentially conflict management by force. The real issues behind the
conflict remain unaddressed.

In the national security discourse, the state is shown to be virile and
masculine only when it has adequate force and nuclear capacity and is seen
as emasculated and categorised as a eunuch without it. The enemy state is
asked to wear bangles because it is not capable of a response since it is
relegated to a lowly female.

National security doctrines often rely on and justify the ideology of
militarism that brings militarist values into civil society, justifying
violence by both state and civil society. Militarism is entwined with
patriarchy and both sustain and reinforce each other. Militarisation exists
during peace and war and can occur in any part of society, that may or may
not be controlled by the military, thus virtually anything can be
militarised from toys, scientific research, motherhood or curriculum.

Democratic states can use militarism in dealings with other states and
with internal dissent. Movements associated with racism, fundamentalism and
secessionism, invariably advocate militarism, as do sections of nationalist
movements. All these build hierarchies that privilege the masculine and
have contempt for the feminine.

The danger of nationalism comes when it slides into xenophobia. It then
constructs an enemy other as disintegrative to internal unity, and internal
resistance is taken as a surrogate for the foreign other. This helps
construct a homogenous nation so that local communities attack the other.
This has been the experience in South Asia where Pakistan killed three
million of its own citizens as the other in Bangladesh. Sri Lanka,
Bangladesh, Bhutan, Pakistan and India all have their internal others as
agent of an outside power.

It is through the messages of xenophobic nationalism that civil society
can be militarised. The most essential site for militarism is the state.
Institutions of civil society like political parties or media are also
sources for militarism. The family, community, schools, can all be agencies
for militarisation. For instance, children were militarised with Kargil's
symbols.

Women are an unrecognised resource for war and militarism: they prepare
for the conflict; socialise children in it; encourage sons and husbands to
go to war and narrate stories of heroic men. During conflict, women play
different roles as healers, supporters, victims, and negotiators. The
nation itself is metaphorically cast as the woman and interchanges with her
in victory and defeat. Women are thus critical for peace processes.

The concept of human security has entered the dialogue of policy-makers
and international organisations. Security analysts consider it vague and
impractical since it is a sharp contrast to the national security concept.
Human security primarily seeks security for the individual and values
personal safety and individual freedom. The threats for human security
include those from non-state actors and indirect threats. And instead of
force it would rely on representative institutions.

A gendered human security would go further and broaden the value of
security to privilege the marginalised communities, women, minorities and
others. If the parameters of conflicts were indexed they would reveal that
conflicts arise and most affect these sections. Gendered human security
would emphasise on the interconnections of IR with social justice, equity
and human rights in understanding and resolving a conflict. Democratic
institutions rather than force would be its means. Women see peace not just
as an absence of war but a process that gives them justice and enables them
to control their choices. This is because women have experienced that
conflicts and wars are not isolated events, but processes that begin and
continue long after the event is over. Given women's location, they have a
vested interest in peace and look to a gendered human security.

Copyright =A9 2000 Times Internet Limited. All rights reserved.

_____

#4.

[The below editorial is an immediate reaction to General Musharaf's speech
broadcast on Wednesday 20 Dec. 2000, where he defends the exile and pardon
of Nawaz Sharif...]

The News International
21 December 2000

Forceful empty talk

The people of Pakistan have heard
such fustian talk so many times in the past that it takes much more than
just verbal assurances to regain their confidence in the government of the
day

The much-awaited speech of chief executive General Pervez Musharraf was
neither here nor there. As expected he held out a strong defense of his
government's hugely controversial decision to send the deposed prime
minister Nawaz Sharif and his family into exile in Saudi Arabia. He
justified the move on the grounds of pragmatism and in the hope that Mr
Sharif's absence will usher in a new era of clean, corruption-and
conflict-free politics in the country. It may also earn some economic
benefits, he hinted, though it is hard to believe that the complex Hubco
issue resolution was awaiting exile of a fallen, convicted politician.
There was nothing by way of an explanation as to why this result could
only be achieved by packing the whole Nawaz tribe off to another country
and not by enforcing the writ of law.

General Musharraf also failed to convincingly argue the legal rational for
Mr. Sharif and family's exile because neither the constitution nor the law
of the land has any provision for the punishment. It is also a matter of
legal discourse whether the president of Pakistan can substitute a
sentence of a court. Article 45 of the constitution is unequivocal on the
score and empowers the president to only grant pardon, reprieve and
respite, and to remit, suspend or commute a sentence. Moreover, even after
the 52-minute long speech the nation is still in the dark about the
process through which the decision was taken. Except for an oblique
admission by General Musharraf that the Saudi Crown prince did have a role
in the whole affair, the public is not any better-informed than before.

The upbeat mood of the speech, which delivered the usual fulminations
against the politicians and was vocal in detailing their misdeeds, too did
not carry much conviction. Its portion about the local bodies elections
and the devolution of power was packed with the familiar promises of a
blissful tomorrow and did not answer the many questions that different
circles of public opinion are raising. Obviously the ruling junta thinks
that either these doubts are totally unfounded, or motivated with malicious
intent or are too insubstantial to merit any response or rejoinder. The
speech, on the whole, leaves no room for doubt that General Musharraf
believes that he is still popular enough in the people for them to blindly
put their faith in his words and in his personal guarantees that he will
not let them down.

This self-assessment however could well turn out to be misleading. The
people of Pakistan have heard such fustian talk so many times in the past,
and have been betrayed so consistently, that it takes much more than just
verbal assurances for them to regain their confidence in the government of
the day. Unfortunately both the issues he addressed were those on which
the vast majority of the Pakistani public were shut out from the decision
making process. Such hush hush dealings hardly generate the confidence
General Musharraf is asking the people to repose in him. He has to do more
to earn the people's trust.

_____

#5.

[The below article was written before the speech to the Nation by the Chief
Executive of Pakistan delivered on Wednedsay night]

DAWN
20 December 2000
Op-Ed.

Fallout of Sharif release

By Kaiser Bengali

NAWAZ SHARIF's flight to freedom amounts to a "Great Escape" and is a
major defeat for the military government. The defeat is political and
moral. That negotiations between the military and the Sharif camp were
under way for some time is now apparent. However, Nawaz Sharif's
master-stroke in joining hands with the PPP-dominated ARD panicked the
generals into surrendering to the pressures for his release. It has exposed
the military's feet of clay and it is a matter of time before the political
forces move in for the kill.

The release has also shattered the moral position of the military. Nawaz
Sharif had been painted as the arch criminal, who had hijacked a plane and
endangered the lives of hundreds of passengers, including the army chief of
staff. The case was the basis of the military's takeover of Oct 12, 1999
and the suspension of the Constitution and parliament. Nawaz Sharif, along
with Benazir Bhutto and Asif Zardari, were also characterized as epitomes
of corruption and the military justified its continuing hold on power on
the grounds of cleansing the country's politics. Now that the principal
culprit of the Oct 12 drama and of corruption has been pardoned, what
justification is there for the Constitution and parliament to remain
suspended?

The deal also raises a larger question of morality. All previous military
administrations have been unconstitutional. Yet, martial law had been
invoked in place of civil law. By contrast, the military administration of
General Musharraf has adopted a novel modus operandi. Civil law has been
revoked but military law has not been invoked. The country has been run
over the last one year on the whims of the generals; represented by the
PCO, which has been amended from time to time as deemed opportune and
expedient.

A government established by law is morally and legally duty bound to
enforce the law. And that includes punishing those who violate the law. By
contrast, however, an element of studied indifference in this respect is
apparent in the approach of the National Accountability Bureau. The
accountability czars, not bound by any oath of loyalty to any Constitution
or law, have acted more as mafia dons, resorting to "kidnapping, blackmail
and extortion". Scores of civil servants, businessmen and politicians have
been "arrested" on loan default or sundry corruption charges. In a lawful
regime, they would have been tried in a court of law and, if found guilty,
punished. In the dispensation now in place, they have been forced to make a
large payment under duress and released. Some civil servants have even been
reinstated and promoted.

The deal with Nawaz Sharif is typical of this approach, where the sanctity
of law is trampled by back-room deals. Then again, an administration that
has assumed power in disregard of the Basic Law cannot be expected to
behave differently. The precedent that is being set is ominous. In a lawful
society, criminals do not get away by making a deal with the authorities.
But the message being sent out to would-be criminals today is that they can
get away with their crime if they manage to strike a deal with those in
control of the state. The very moral basis of civilized society is being
undermined. This factor alone should be a strong reason for the military to
get out of the political arena.

The immediate political impact of the deal is one of all-round dismay.
Nawaz Sharif's loyalists in the Muslim League feel justifiably betrayed.
Undoubtedly, his act is one of unqualified cowardice. His departure is,
however, likely to impact positively on national politics in the medium and
long run. Nawaz Sharif was a political aberration. He was a product of the
military establishment. Essentially, he had the calibre of a district
council chairman, but was elevated to the national stage by the military
establishment. A national political party to lead and a two-thirds majority
in parliament to savour were all "goodies" handed to him on a platter. That
he crumpled like a paper tiger that he always was is thus not at all
surprising.

However, he has managed to cause considerable harm to the development of
the national political process. He played the civilian field, but
represented the basic interests of the Bonapartists. That he was removed
was because he over-stepped his brief delineated by his sponsors. His exit
removes the aberration and marks the final end of the odious Ziaist era. It
paves the way for political forces, genuinely representing the people, to
emerge.

Considerable responsibility now lies on the shoulders of the political
forces representing the people. In this respect, the alignment of forces on
the civilian front is crucial. There are three elements in this regard.
One, those who joined or openly supported and collaborated with the
military regime, without due regard to the basic principles of political
morality. They are destined for the dustbin of history and have no role to
play, except, perhaps, as spoilers for personal gain. Two, those who became
apologists for the military regime on the grounds that the democracy it
replaced was not perfect, thereby, implicitly supporting the military. They
have a historic choice to make: to join the movement for democracy or
persist in supporting the military intervention by default. And three,
those who opposed the military takeover in varying degrees. The third
element is grouped in the Alliance for Restoration of Democracy (ARD).

The ARD needs to make a principled demand for the restoration of the
status quo ante as it existed on Oct 12, 1999. This implies the restoration
of the Constitution and the assemblies and is of critical importance to
establishing the principle that the military cannot have the right to do
away with a national assembly that is not to its liking and hold fresh
elections, even if under a civilian interim set-up. Given the disarray in
the Muslim League on account of Nawaz Sharif's unceremonious exit, the
national assembly is unlikely to survive for long and elections will have
to be ordered. However, these elections will be held under the Constitution
and asserting the supremacy and sanctity of the Constitution is important
enough for ARD to sacrifice immediate political gains.

The party or parties that win the next elections and form the government
will not, however, have the luxury of starting from status quo ante and
continuing business as usual. Public opinion is more alert than at any time
before and politicians will be under constant scrutiny as to their conduct.
A future political government will have to be doubly careful about public
perceptions about their corruptibility. Mere statements and denials will
not be enough. Such care is also important to ensure that future
adventurers are not enabled to use the corruption card to overthrow
constitutional governments.

Institutions will have to be put in place to guarantee transparency in
public transactions. In this respect, constitutional provisions should be
incorporated to establish a permanent and independent Accountability
Commission with authority over all public officials, including the
military, judiciary and the ulema. The commission should possess powers to
access all files and documents required to investigate corruption cases and
prosecute the culprits in the courts. Any citizen should have the power to
file a case with the commission.

Apart from confidence in the financial integrity of the government, urgent
measures will also be required to halt the economic haemorrhage the country
is suffering and provide relief to the common people. A future political
government will of course have legal and moral legitimacy, given that it
would have been elected by the people. However, its political authority
will only be established on the basis of its performance on the economic
front. Less urgent perhaps, but more important than even the stabilization
of the economy, is the imperative to reduce the gross injustices in the
economic system. There is a sizable section of the population now living in
abject poverty. In the event of the death of a loved one, they do not have
the luxury of crying over their loss as they have to set about trying to
arrange the necessary money to obtain three yards of land in a graveyard.

All governments since 1988, including the one now in the saddle, have
hammered hard at the objective of resource mobilization through additional
taxation and surcharges. Needless to say, all such additional revenues have
been obtained through regressive indirect taxes, the burden of which has
fallen on the poor and the middle class. The time has now come to shift
tracks altogether. Thanks to the IMF diktat, the sole objective to date has
been budget deficit reduction alone. Henceforth, there should be a twofold
objective. One, budget deficit reduction and, two, a substantial increase
in the development budget.

These twin objectives should be achieved through, one, cuts in indirect
taxes, utility surcharges and administered prices and, two, cuts in current
expenditure. The cuts in excise and sales taxes, surcharges and
administered prices are essential to reduce production costs in agriculture
and manufacturing and render these sectors competitive. This measure, along
with a significant growth in development expenditure, is critical to
expanding employment opportunities and restraining inflation. The cuts in
current expenditure are essential to balance the budget.

There are three avenues to cutting current expenditure: debt servicing,
defence, and civil government. Taken in reverse order, civil government
expenditure can be reduced by abolishing all ministries, divisions, and
allied departments relating to the Concurrent List. Defence expenditure has
to date been treated as a one line budget item, outside the purview of even
parliament. The nation has continued to make sacrifices and the poor have
denied milk to their children for the sake of national security and fed the
military establishment.

The time has come for the military to make public their non-combat
expenditure and to reduce it by at least half. Debt servicing can be
reduced by retiring outstanding debt. Privatization proceeds are being
earmarked for this purpose. Consideration must also be given to the
privatization of industrial and financial enterprises of military
foundations and using their proceeds to retire the national debt. The sum
of these measures will serve to strengthen the economy and contribute far
more meaningfully to national security.

_____

#6.

Tehelka.com

The deadly Diaspora

by Kajal Basu

As the Sangh Parivar speeds up its finance-from-the-Indian-Diaspora
campaign, there is no hiding the fact that Diaspora of all nomenclature the
world over play a major role in funding ethnic and religious tensions in
the countries of their origin

December 19, 2000

"It was two days ago that someone told me that in the thick of the Sangh
Parivar's latest campaign to attract more money and support from the Indian
Diaspora in the USA and the European Union (EU) is the daughter of a late,
lamented, eminently respected Old Guard editor of one of India's leading
dailies who had never made any bones of his majoritarian political
affiliation. Or, in her incoherent fashion, she of hers. Her duty it is now
to be in a constant state of amphetamined jetlag hopping from Parivar
community centre to centre, London one day, Frankfurt the next, honeypot in
hand. She is home a week in a month, her young son is going wild with the
juvenile rage of the unmonitored - but that=92s hardly germane to the issue
at hand.

What is is the fact that, following Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee=92s
studied gaffe in Washington in front of a Diaspora gathering early this
year when he asserted his invincible identity as a swayamsevak, the Sangh
Parivar has kicked its excavate-the-pockets-of-the domiciled machinery into
high gear. It=92s not as devious as it sounds, though: the domiciled abroad
have always been able and willing - able to pay and willing to make the
effort to get others in the community to cough up as well.

Not all of the Diasporas=92 rooting for a foggily remembered history and an
unlikely future can be blamed on the proselytising of fundraisers from
"back home"
It's all of a kind with an innate but remarkably downplayed characteristic
of Diaspora of every ethnicity anywhere in the world - that, even as they
invest in development "back home", they bankroll ethnic and religious
malignancy in the countries of their origin. No Diaspora - Indian, Irish,
Jewish, Palestinian, East European, Eritrean, Southeast Asian, Iranian,
Chinese et al - since the beginning of the previous
century has shown wisdom or self-control enough to see through those evil
evangelising homebodies who play upon their sense of lost belonging and
anachronistic nostalgia andpass the hat around to be filled with the silver
of guilt and yearning.

Silver that is often but not always ignorant of the use it is
going to be put to, but coinage that seeks to recreate in the country of
its givers=92 origin imagined paradises that never were, and never will be.
More prosaically put, these are the dreamworlds: the Sri Lanka Tamil
Diaspora funds the Tamil Tiger-vs-government brutal standoff, the Jewish
Diaspora funds a great deal of Zionist territorial expansionism, the
Palestine Diaspora funds the Hamas and the Fatah, the Sikh Diaspora once
funded the doomed cause of Khalistan, the Indian Diaspora now funds a
substantial part of the Sangh Parivar=92s fascism, the African Diaspora fun=
ds
everything from Eritrean self-demolition to Ethiopian depression and both
against each other, the Iranian Diaspora still funds the perpetuation of
chadorisation, the Tibetan Diaspora cajoles entire governments into funding
anti-Beijing irruptions, the East European Diaspora variously funded
separatism and genocide right across the continent (the Serbian Diaspora
funded Milosevic), and a telling but decreasing part of the Irish Diaspora
still funds the internecinekillings in Ireland.

Not all of the Diasporas=92 rooting for a foggily remembered
history and an unlikely future can be blamed on the proselytising of
fundraisers from "back home" - a lot of the work of seduction is done by
the inability of the Diasporas to remember the ethnic heterogeneity that
defines them. "How are we to characterise the Indian diasporic community
as 'Indian' given that it is constituted for such diverse elements as Asian
Hong Kong Muslims, Canadian Sikhs (or shall we say Sikh Canadians?),
Punjabi Mexican Californians, Gujarati East Africans now settled in the US,
South African Hindus, and so forth?" asks a writer at Manas
(http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/southasia/Diaspora/diaspora.html).

"Hindus all over the world are showing alarming signs of
susceptibility to a resurgent and militant Hinduism; indeed, it is even
arguable that they seem to know the meaning of Hinduism better than do
Hindus in the 'motherland'. Why do overseas Hindus, particularly in the
North American diaspora, always appear to out-Hindu the Hindu?" the writer
goes on to ask. If there is an answer, it lies in a sort of self-fulfilling
and ultimately delusive ethnocentrism (as in "You can take an Indian out of
India but you can't take India out of an Indian"). And it boils over into
what Eric Liu (Slate, http://slate.msn.com/Features/diaspora/diaspora.asp)
says is the mistaken identifying with "pan-ethnic continental clans" that
have no existence except in the minds of (usually Western) sociologists who
have succumbed to "the dangerous allure of Diaspora Chic" (my
transphasing). It's a sort of fogbound call to "a prelapsarian state of
pure identity".

Sounds good - and forgivable - except that the reality isn't so
academically benign. I can hardly do better than opportunistically
paraphrase The Influence of Diaspora Money on Israeli Elections, which sets
to rout any thoughts one might have had about the kindliness of any
Diaspora's slingshotting their wallets over the seas: "People from other
countries who do not share our fate, who do not pay (Indian-my replacement
word for "Israeli") taxes, whose sons and daughters do not serve in our
army, who do not suffer the consequences of our government's actions"

A relatively weak Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora (30,000-strong) in
Switzerland sends in about Swiss Francs one million (US$ 600,000) a month
for the upkeep of the LTTE's 54 offices worldwide and for the purchase of
arms from Indian traffickers, "contract people" in Southeast Asia and West
Asia, Afghanistan (US and Soviet ground-to-air missiles), the Ukraine
(explosives) and Cambodia and Myanmar (small arms). Canada's Sri Lankan
Tamils send in US$ 7-22 million a year to the coffers of the LTTE. This is
apart from the drug trafficking that Tamil Diaspora money makes possible.

At least half this money (more, according to the Centre for
Study of Terrorism and Political Violence, University of St Andrews,
Edinburgh) percolates through a sieve of bank accounts and through a
paperlessmoneylending Web system.

Much of the Indian Diaspora=92s funding to various political
partiesis routed through the political, administrative and military murk
that shrouds Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States
(CIS). One of these launderers (Diaspora Anelik Planet MoneyGram at
http://www.diaspora.diaspora.ru/eng/ is brazen enough to announce that it
is "a new multi-purpose electronic financial shop for transfer of US
dollars without opening any bankaccounts"

It goes on: "Wherever you are - in USA, Canada, Australia,
Israel, Cyprus, Malta or even in Antarctica-you can transfer US dollars to
your relatives using a computer and just entering only his/herFirst, Last
Names and contact phone number". The service charge is a paltry "three per
cent from the whole sum".

All that remains is what some nations have done with such
po-facedimpunity-institutionalise the in-funding. One of the countries
where Diaspora aid to the government=92s expansionist plans have been
virtually been legally codified is in Israel, in the form of Israeli
Independent Bonds, initiated by David Ben-Gurion in 1951 and plugged to the
hilt by his government in the face of anti-Zionist protests within Israel.
These bonds were used to subsidise new immigrants and to fund what were
called "infrastructure projects", an euphemism for settlementsin the
Palestinian Territories. After 45 years, $ 15 billion were sold.

An Indian settlement? The Ram temple, brickwork and marble
tracery in place by 2002. The fundraiser in the opening paragraph, after
all, is selling just that blueprint.

copyright =A9 2000 tehelka.com

_____

#7.

INDIA PAKISTAN ARMS RACE AND MILITARISATION WATCH #29
(21 December 2000)

[information & news for peace activists on Arms sales to the region,
defence budget figures, acquisitions & updgrades of weapons systems,
development and deployment of new weapons, implications of militarisation;
the developments on the Nuclearisation front and the doings of the
'intelligence' agencies. Bringing this information to wide public knowledge
is our goal here. No to secretive & exclusive control of this information
by technocrats, planners who plot national security hidden from public
scrutiny. Please help us in the information gathering work for wide public
dissemination in South Asia. Send Information via e-mail for IPARMW series
to: aiindex@m... for inclusion in the Emailings.]

The latest issue of IPARMW and the back issues are available at:
http://www.egroups.com/group/IPARMW

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