[sacw] SACW Dispatch | 29 Aug. 00

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Web Dispatch
29 August 2000
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

#1. Pakistan's Economy: The Need for a New Thinking
#2. Women's Initiative for Peace in South Asia visit to Kashmir (Part 3)
#3. Suicides escalate in war-torn Kashmir
#4. India: Lumpenism as protest
#6. Canada: Art Exhibit Causes Uproar: Commissioner Has Funding Withdrawn

--------------------------------------------

#1.

(28 August 2000)

PAKISTAN'S ECONOMY: THE NEED FOR A NEW THINKING

by S Akbar Zaidi

Amongst the many perceptions that most Pakistanis have held for the last
few years regarding their country and their future, perhaps highest on the
list is the self-perpetuating belief that the future is bleak and
increasingly, that there is no way out. Regardless of social class,
political belief and ideology, this pessimistic view maintains its hold on
a majority of citizens and is reinforced time and time again. Almost a
dozen governments in as many years, with each change of government, whether
elected or of a 'caretaker' nature, bringing in more promises and failing
all over again, are all seen as symptoms of a failure of the Pakistani
state. The now lost euphoria and expectations at the time of the takeover
by this military ten months ago which has, not unexpectedly, also failed in
its promises to set things straight, has also strongly reinforced this
despondency. While issues of something called 'governance' and the
so-called failure of democracy may be seen by many as the prize failures of
Pakistan's first 52 years, over the last decade, economic failures too have
been added to this list.

Indicators of Pakistan's economic failure are numerous and well documented,
as are the reasons for this failure, although there are some important
disagreements over the reasons amongst scholars. Just a very small
selection of these indicators reveal the marked reversal that has taken
place in the economy in the last decade: the growth rate in GDP fell from
an average of an excess of 6 percent over the decade of the eighties to
just 4 percent in the 1990s; inflation which has never been a real problem
in Pakistan's economy was in double digits for most of the nineties;
unemployment almost doubled from around three percent in the 1980s to
closer to six, in the 1990s; investment and growth in industrial
development particularly in manufacturing has shown negative trends;
poverty has emerged as a serious economic and social issue in the last
decade whereas the poverty level fell in the decade of the seventies and
eighties; public expenditure has fallen by almost a third in real terms
from close to 9 percent of GDP in the early 1980s to less than three
percent of GDP in the last two years. However one looks at it, most trends
reveal that there has been a substantial turn-around in Pakistan's economic
performance in the last decade compared to earlier decades. Without doubt,
the decade of the 1990s -- more correctly, from the end of 1988 -- has been
Pakistan's worse decade in more ways than we care to acknowledge.

Not only in comparison with the past has this difference been marked, but
also in comparison to both India and Bangladesh, the two larger South Asian
countries. Bangladesh has joined the ranks of the revitalised democracies
and had higher GDP growth rates than Pakistan over the last decade. India,
on the other hand, has emerged as one of the success stories of the 1990s,
with frequent elections ensuring smooth democratic transition, as well as
substantially enhanced rates of growth in the economy. Unlike Pakistan's
story, where growth rates in the 1990s are almost half those of the 1980s,
India's growth rates in GDP in the nineties also show a reversal, but are
almost twice those of the 1980s. In fact, it is this comparison with India
which probably best reveals the despondency of most Pakistanis: they see
their country threatened with being labeled a terrorist state, where
democracy is crushed by the return of the military and where the economy is
barely left afloat and that too with excessive dependence on the IMF and
the World Bank; on the other hand, they see their neighbour as continuing
the tradition of democracy, no matter how flawed, with impressive growth
rates and huge prospects for the future, being cuddled by international
powers with mention of a possible seat at the UN Security Council.

Before one can offer any solutions to Pakistan's numerous economic,
political and social problems, it is important in the first instance, to
understand their causes. While different individuals may have their own
understanding of the reasons which have brought Pakistan near default and
international isolation, I feel that the following three are probably the
most important.

While there are many perceived causes for the downturn in Pakistan's
economy in the 1990s, the one factor which is considered the most important
by those economists who are not lackeys of government, is the excessive
reliance on, subservience to and interference by the international
financial institutions (IFIs), particularly the IMF and the World Bank, and
their conspicuous representatives as Ministers, Advisors or Governors of
the State Bank. By following IMF/World Bank policy guidelines, all
governments in Pakistan since 1988, whether they were democratic,
caretaker, or military, have been responsible for following guidelines and
policies which were never in Pakistan's interest. While there have been
some policy suggestions which have been welcome, most have had deleterious
consequences especially in the manner they were imposed, often by Pakistani
policy makers on loan from the same IFIs. Never before has the term
'national interest' meant so little to those responsible for making policy.
While the incumbent military government may have far more loanees from
these IFIs and multinational banks, who are conspicuous even at the
provincial government level, this is a trend started, perhaps under duress,
by the first Benazir Bhutto government.

Most of the economic problems faced by Pakistan in the nineties, can be
attributed to following IMF/World Bank formulas. Whether it is rising
poverty and unemployment, or a collapse in manufacturing and GDP growth
rates, these are primarily consequences of following such policies. The
most important component of any loan package from the IMF is a reduction in
the fiscal deficit. This is one area where all governments have claimed
'success', where public expenditure has been brought down today to almost a
third of what it was a decade ago, all in the name of fiscal austerity.
Research has shown that many of the problems that have emerged in the
economy are a consequence of following this advice.

The second important factor which has brought Pakistan close to economic
and political collapse, is Pakistan's isolationist and obsolete foreign
policy. Everyone's enemy seems to have become our only friend and the one
country which is being courted by the whole world and its businesses,
continues to be our enemy. Indeed, Pakistan is without friends. By
continuing to insist on an improbable solution to Kashmir, Pakistan
continues its hostile stance towards India. It continues to miss and
capitalize from economic and trade possibilities with the one country many
see challenging China for economic domination in the region in the first
quarter of this century. Pakistan's foreign policy in general and its
intransigent stand on Kashmir in particular, have made 140 million
Pakistanis hostages to a redundant and dysfunctional policy which has had
serious consequences on Pakistan's economy as well as on its politics.

A third key cause is the obdurance of the Pakistani state in ignoring the
extensive social change that has taken place in Pakistan over the last few
decades, and its adherence to outmoded and irrelevant structures and forms
of government and governance. Pakistan's society has changed dramatically
and continues to change at a remarkable pace, yet the institutions and
structures with which it interacts remain ossified and unresponsive to new
changes and needs. This is best reflected in the two policies above.

Of the many causes suggested by observers for Pakistan's failure, I
consider these three by far the most important. I do not think that
democracy, even its Pakistani variant, is a prime cause of Pakistan's
failure, nor is corruption, mismanagement or misgovernance. Of course, they
all make matters far worse, but these are subsequent and even minor causes
in comparison. If these are the causes, what needs to be done?

Simplistically put, one way of getting Pakistan's economy on track is to
undo the factors responsible for its poor performance. Firstly, there is
need to redefine Pakistan's relationship with the IFIs. I believe that
Pakistan does not need so-called 'assistance' from the IMF and World Bank
either in terms of money or manpower. It is time to distance oneself from
those institutions and policies which have done far more harm than good to
the country. Secondly, Pakistan, regardless of what it considers its
principled stand over Kashmir, must not only trade with India, but have
extensive friendly economic ties. Such a policy will not only benefit both
countries, but will also probably be a precursor to more peaceful times and
a possible first step to 'resolving' -- whatever that means -- the Kashmir
'problem'. Finally, Pakistan needs new state institutions and a
state-society relationship which is in tune with the Pakistani society of
the 21st century, and not with that of 1950. Unfortunately, this is easier
said than done.

In a recent lecture at the London School of Economics, Benazir Bhutto was
uncharacteristically candid when she said that foreign policy and other
'policies of national interest' in Pakistan are determined by the military
regardless of who is in government. Most academics and scholars on Pakistan
have always believed this to be true, and events after Kargil culminating
in the October coup last year, only confirm this view. If all other
institutions are subservient to it, then all manner of reform will have to
be addressed towards the military. Ideally, the military in Pakistan, like
its cousins all across the globe, should recede from public/political life
allowing democracy to evolve. However, this has usually happened in those
countries where there has been a semblance of political and civic
opposition to the military in government, none of which seems visible in
Pakistan at the moment. No matter how much one wants too, one cannot wish
the military away, at least until that time when there is popular
opposition to it.

Because of its existing and deepening vested interests in the Pakistani
state, the military is unlikely to let go of its privileged position as the
most powerful player in the country. This means that one can expect much of
the same in terms of economic policies, as the military is unlikely to
develop economic ties with India, or relieve the growing number of advisors
on loan from multilateral and multinational institutions, and nor is it
likely to redefine the structure of the state, for its own dominant
position too would need to be redefined something that it has ignored to do
in all its plans at restructuring the state and its institutions. Given the
behaviour of Pakistan's civil and political society since the coup last
October, perhaps the pessimists are right after all: the future is bleak
and there is no way out.

______

#2.

Tehelka.com
27 August 2000

WAGING THE BATTLE FOR PEACE

Illustration by :Uzma

In the third and final part of the Women's Insitiative for Peace in
South Asia (WIPSA) report, Syeda Sayidain Hameed spells out the
recommendations of the group
for the Indian and Jammu and Kashmir governments,
and to members of the Civil Society

Doda, district of J & K, with an area equal to the rest of the Valley,
is a world in itself. Inhospitable terrain, dense forests and an almost
equally divided population of Hindus and Muslims living together in
amity - that is Doda. Even though the area is militancy-affected, the
amity is a symbol of the desire to peace.
The WIPSA delegation consisting of Nirmala Deshpande, C.P Verma, Wing
Commander (Retd.) Joshi and Shivnath left Srinagar to visit Banihal,
Chandrakot, Batol enroute to Doda. Everywhere at all
the meetings the common cry was for aman (peace). Hindus and Muslims and
Sikhs had no problems with each other. It was militants who had created
this ugly situation. Even though the delegation reached Doda
by midnight, a large number of people were waiting for the WIPSA message
on people to people initiatives
for peace.
It is significant to mention the town of Bhadarwah, where Akhil Bharat
Rachnatmak Samaj youths had worked to rebuild the 43 houses burnt in
communal clashes. This had a deep impact in rebuilding inter-faith
amity, which has never been disturbed since then. The delegation
proceeded to Kishtawar, meeting groups at Thathari and Sarthal. Sarthal
is a Hindu pilgrimage point facilitated by a Muslim leader. Everywhere
the WIPSA delegation was warmly received and the people, particularly
the women re-affirmed that people can come together to thwart nefarious
designs. The district commissioner received the delegation, and promised
to look into the complaints presented. He, a young dynamic officer is
called farishta (angel) by the local population due to his very
responsive and people-friendly approach.
In essence, our trip which began as a `listening' mission became 'a
fact-finding and effort-to-heal trip.' It is important to state here
that we were unable to listen to the Security Forces' side of the story.
The account of our meeting with the Chief Minister and of his views is
given above. The governor was gracious enough to receive us and hear us
but said little from which we could ascertain the government's point of
view. The Speaker, who we met

------------------------------------------------------------------------
Generally people
feel betrayed by India, and disillusioned with Pakistan. They resent
being treated as a
piece of territory to
be fought over
by two neighbours

------------------------------------------------------------------------

along with a few MLAs, spoke words of appreciation of our effort
but did
not elaborate on the government's stand. The Chairperson and one member
of the newly created State Women's Commission told us that they were
inundated with complaints from women
but lacked the infrastructure to address them. Our Report is based on
all of the above and has to be viewed within the limitation of our
inability of speaking
with the Security forces and members of the STF
and SOG.
So far as the people were concerned we were able to reach and record the
feelings of some. As women waging peace, we found that people talked to
us with relative ease. Our stance that in any peace process, women have
to play a major role was vindicated by the confidence that the common
people were able to repose in us. We assured them that we would carry
their message to the rest of the country with candour and clarity. Every
person we spoke to expressed, first and foremost, a desire for peace.
There was an overwhelming feeling that peace would come through dialogue
and not through the barrel of the gun.

Generally people feel betrayed by India, and disillusioned with
Pakistan. They resent being treated as a piece of territory to be fought
over by two neighbours. They feel that as Kashmiris their desires and
aspirations must be taken into account. They want the Pandits, who were
forced to leave, to return and take up life again. They are full of
anger because their loved ones have been mercilessly tortured and
killed.
Having heard all of the above, we asked to be taken to the homes of some
of the recent victims of violence.
We wanted to condole with the families plus offer our help and support.
The first home we visited was that of Aijaz, the nineteen-year-old boy
who had been killed in custody the previous week. Traversing narrow
gullies, which were, choked with drains and garbage heaps, we reached
the house. From the gate onwards, the place was filled with wailing
women. Aijaz was the only son; there is one younger daughter. The mother
was inconsolable.
Aijaz's house was packed with women, there was not an inch of space.
Everyone wanted to vent their anger and sorrow. Above the din we could
barely hear the voice of the people who were translating for us from
Kashmiri. Suddenly one woman proclaimed the Narai-Takbir and a chorus
was raised: the calls to Allah resounded through the room as we left. At
the neck of the gali, we saw young boys, full of anger. They were
neighbours and friends of Aijaz, anywhere between 8 to 17 years of age.
Nearby was the house of Rafiq Ahmed Baqal. A young man in his thirties,
Rafiq along with a few friends, had gone to a wedding near Srinagar.
That night he was returning with four friends at 10pm when they were
stopped at the Amirakadal Bridge. The security officer questioned the
four and let them go, but retained Rafiq who he said would be released
after a few questions.
A few hours later Rafiq's body was thrown on the road. `Killed in
encounter' was the official version.
Sitting inside the room was a woman with her small children, one little
four-year-old girl and year-old twin boys. The woman did not move or
blink. She sat there pale and inert while the family and friends poured
out their heart. There was suspicion of personal grudge; young men,
friends of Rafiq, were full of rage. `Why have you come?' someone asked.
`What will you do, you too will go back and forget.' We looked at the
woman's pale stone face and understood the hopelessness underlying the
statement.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
Some people
regretted the fact
that the civil society had been weakened
in the valley. They
felt that civil society institutions had

------------------------------------------------------------------------

At the Jammu Kashmir Democratic Freedom Party office, we met Shabbir
Shah who related more of the suffering of his people. On his party's
brochure were written these lines of the famous Kashmiri poet, Pandit
Brij Narain Chakbast:

Chappa chappa hai mere Kashmir ka mehmaan nawaz Raaste ke paththaron ne
bhi diya paani mujhe'
(Every bit of my Kashmir is hospitality incarnate Even the stones on the
road offered me water to drink)
Shabbir Shah challenged us to see for ourselves the case of a
15-year-old girl child who had been picked up in the middle of the night
by the SOG. Both Mohiniji
and I having had such a long association with the National Commission
for Women could not believe that
a girl child had been arrested in the night. It is against the law of
the land to touch a woman or girl child between sunset and sunrise.
When we expressed our amazement, the people in Shabbir Shah's party
office alleged that this was normal routine for Kashmiri women and girls
(as is happening in the rest of India). Such was the extent of our
disbelief and horror at the fate of the child that we went back into the
city to see for ourselves.
That night at the dinner hosted by the Minister of State for Forests and
Environment we raised the particular case of arrest of a girl child at
night. Our query found
no answers. However, we privately learnt from some
of the local guests that there was nothing unusual in
this case.
The next day began with a meeting with the leader of the All Party
Hurriyat Conference (APHC), Syed Ali Shah Geelani, at his home. Geelani
Sahib advised us to go to the rural areas if we wished to see for
ourselves the atrocities inflicted on the innocents. He said that
Kashmiris were willing to talk to the Government without any
preconditions. We asked the hypothetical question whether or not they
could sustain themselves
as an independent nation. His answer was that Azadi
is such a huge blessing that everything it entails
is achievable.
In sharp contrast to this, there were many people who felt that azadi
was not viable. Kashmir would end up as just a buffer zone. The
government could, if willing, work out a solution taking into account
the aspirations of the people and the uniqueness of Kashmiriyat.

To the Civil Society
The ignorance about Jammu and Kashmir, which prevails in the rest of the
country, is truly abysmal, although people in the rest of the country
are anxious to know about the prevailing conditions in the state.
Capping it all is the disinformation that is fed to common people by
certain sections. One routine example is the scare given to people who
express a desire to visit Kashmir. Such deterrence creates a vicious
circle, which prevents people from finding out for themselves, thus
widening the gap between that region and the rest of the country. Given
these conditions,
WIPSA recommends the following:
In any peace process which begins as a result of years of efforts by
many individuals and groups, it be made compulsory that women's groups
from the state of Jammu and Kashmir and other parts of the country
should play a major role. Peace should not be left to men; women who
have major stakes in peace should
be invited to play a major role in bringing it about.
That more and more civil society groups, particularly women, should
visit Jammu and Kashmir on their own initiative and thereby forge
personal links with the people. There is no substitute, we feel, for
people-to-people understanding, and in this endeavour women
must play a dominant role.
That the business community should make a concerted effort to treat
Kashmir as it does other parts of the country, in so far as putting up
industries and thereby providing employment opportunities to the youth
of
the state.
That the state of Jammu and Kashmir being replete with stories of amity
between the two communities, particularly among the women, it is
imperative that efforts are made to publicize them in the rest of the
country so that instead of talks of bifurcation and trifurcation,
people-to-people bonding may be created.
That NGOs should come into the state and set up facilities for displaced
migrant and widowed women. These should include legal, literacy centres,
micro credit schemes and training-cum production centres for those
affected by the conditions that have been prevalent for over a decade.

______

#3.

South China Morning Post
Monday, August 28, 2000
SOUTH ASIA TODAY

SUICIDES ESCALATE IN WAR-TORN KASHMIR

INDIA by JANAKI BAHADUR KREMMER in Srinagar
While Muslim fighters and Indian security forces battle it
out in Kashmir, another equally dangerous threat is brewing behind closed
doors in the troubled society.

A growing number of young people in the predominantly Muslim state, unable
to cope with the stress, are taking their own lives, although suicide is
banned by Islam.

A local report said 30 people killed themselves in July alone for reasons
that on the surface appear almost absurd.

In one case, a 14-year-old boy threatened his parents with suicide if they
did not buy him a particular toy. The parents refused and the boy hanged
himself.

Dr Mohammed Aslam, a psychiatrist based in the capital, Srinagar, said
depression had increased 10-fold in the past 10 years.

The constant violence is seeing an increase in the number of people with
mental problems visiting hospitals and neither doctors nor the Government
seem able to cope.

Suicide attempts are made easier by the presence in almost all Kashmiri
homes of deadly organo-phosphate compounds - common pesticides used in the
valley's abundant apple orchards.

Students who fail exams, daughters who fight with their parents and young
widows whose husbands have either been killed or have disappeared after
interrogation by the security forces are common among victims. The sense of
despair has been intensified by the fact that about 150,000 educated young
men have been unable to find jobs.

"We try to get jobs, but either people think that we are with the
insurgents or they try to ask for a bribe before giving us any work," says
Bachelor of Science graduate Gulam Masood, 25.

Mr Masood now passes his time lounging outside his father's shop or with
other unemployed youths, walking aimlessly on the streets of Srinagar.

"Some of my friends have said that they sometimes want to kill themselves,
while other friends of mine have joined the insurgency because they are
angry with the Government for not helping them find jobs," Mr Masood says.

Apart from the carpet weaving and fruit growing industries, there are very
few opportunities outside government jobs which are worth applying for.
Tourism disappeared with the onset of the troubles in 1989.

To add to the difficulties caused by the war, Kashmir's main psychiatric
hospital has lost some of its best doctors, many of them Hindus who fled
the state due to the insurgency. The 50-year-old government-run Srinagar
Psychiatric Hospital is literally a shell of its former self. It was ruined
by a fire in 1995 and there has been no attempt to rebuild it. But it
houses more patients than ever before.

"We used to have maybe 10 or 20 in-house patients, but in the past four
years we have got at least 100 more," said chief psychiatrist Dr Maqbool
Dar, adding that he was barely able to spend five minutes with each patient
when the minimum time required was 15.

Published in the South China Morning Post. Copyright =A92000.

______

#4.

The Hindu
28 August 2000
Op-Ed.

LUMPENISM AS PROTEST

By V. Krishna Ananth

THE RIGHT to dissent is the essence of any democracy. And our
Constitution, which essentially evolved in the course of the long
tradition of protest that the freedom movement was, guarantees the right
to express such dissent against the ruling establishment in Article
19(1)(b) - Freedom of Assembly - subject only to some reasonable
restrictions. The 50 years since the nation adopted the Constitution
have witnessed numerous instances of this fundamental right being
trampled upon. There were also instances since January 1950, where
citizens asserted this Constitutional right to ensure that democracy
prevailed. The number of rallies and demonstrations against the
continuance of Indira Gandhi as Prime Minister after the Allahabad High
Court declared her election to the Lok Sabha invalid (on June 12, 1975)
in Delhi or the agitations across the nation against the Rajiv Gandhi
regime between the time when the Bofors scandal became public and the
change of regime in 1989 apart from the agitation by students in Bihar,
Uttar Pradesh and Gujarat were all instances of protests that served the
cause of democracy.

This important aspect of democracy has been missing in the past decade
or so. Instead, the nation has been witness to violent indulgence by
sections - sometimes organised behind a political platform but more
often just hordes of men with no political pretensions - holding up
normal life, burning down buses and other public property. On all such
occasions, the law enforcers have either looked the other way or even
participated in the ``demonstrations''.

Take the case of Mumbai recently. The city, where human activity hardly
ceases, came to a standstill one afternoon. This was when Mr. Bal
Thackeray was ``arrested'' and ``escorted'' to a city court before the
case against him was ``dismissed''. And more recently, a stunned nation
witnessed life in Bangalore being brought to a halt after news about the
kidnap of a celluloid hero spread in the city.

While in Mumbai it needed only a few hundred stormtroopers of the Shiv
Sena to humble the mighty law enforcing machinery (and this they could
do with impunity even though out of power), those who ``achieved'' as
much (or even more) in Bangalore were hardly even organised groups. This
critical difference - that those who disrupted normal life in Bangalore
were only a motley crowd with hardly any political or ideological
commitment - notwithstanding, there is a similarity between the two
experiences. Not because normality was affected. After all, normality is
affected even when a political party organises a protest march against a
particular deed of the state or when industrial workers strike work
demanding better wages or when residents in any one of the slums in a
city squat on the road to convey to the world outside that they are
deprived of basic services such as potable water.

The disturbing factor is not the violent means adopted by the Sainiks in
Mumbai or the fans of the celluloid hero in Bangalore. After all, many
protests by citizens seeking justice too have turned violent and even
resulted in loss of lives; it is another matter that the victims, in
most such instances, were the protestors themselves. What is disturbing
is the abject helplessness shown by the civil administration in dealing
with the lumpen elements engaged in these acts as well as the complete
silence among the middle classes. That the same set of men in khaki who
have shown their ability to deal with organised protests by the
industrial workers or other sections of the subaltern groups with such
ease - even if it meant opening fire where the protesters refused to
relent after a few lathi blows - were not asked, by the political
establishment, to do their job in these instances is indeed the point.

And the middle classes, who have been strident in their articulation
against the disruption caused by demonstrators, are now silent about the
lumpenism on display. Expressions of lament over the loss to the economy
due to such disruption of normal life - usually voiced in the letters
column in newspapers everytime a major strike is organised or a
political party organises a bandh - were absent in these two instances.

It is pertinent, in this context, to refer to a judgment by the Kerala
High Court against bandhs and other such protests. The Court's verdict
has accorded powers to the Election Commission to even derecognise
political parties if any one of them organised a bandh (enforcing
closure of business and other such activities) no matter what the issue.
The CPI(M) now face the threat of derecognition.

That the High court judgment was hailed by the same sections which have
now refused to react to the lumpenism indulged in by the Shiv Sainks in
Mumbai or the fans of a celluloid hero in Bangalore - in the letters
column it was even described as a path-breaking judgment - clearly
points to a larger danger. While, on the one hand, all legitimate forms
of dissent in a democracy are being shunned, civil society is beginning
to legitimise lumpenism by allowing vandalism to pass off as protests.

Indeed, one can trace the roots of this dangerous development to the
killings and the violence unleashed against the Sikh community during
the three days after Indira Gandhi's assassination in 1984; and the
brazen manner - that statement about the banyan tree falling and the
earth shaking and all that - in which the massacre was justified at that
stage. If the Congress(I) made honourable MPs and even Ministers out of
some who played a role in the violence, there were instances of others
in the political sphere offering political office as reward to those
with a proven record of lumpen behaviour. Indeed, all those
``illustrious'' members of the political class who remained with the
Congress(I) even after November 1984, can hardly claim to be defenders
of democracy; neither can those who are aligned with the BJP (either
directly or as allies) particularly after December 6, 1992. That these
incidents of violence or the defence by sections in the ruling political
establishment of Dara Singh or the expressions attributing ``patriotic''
motives to the attacks on Christian missionaries are hardly less
dangerous than the violence in Bangalore cannot be denied.

The larger aspect of this phenomenon where legitimate expressions of
protest are frowned on and the space for them is even denied by the
civil administration - the Boat Club lawns that used to be the venue of
large demonstrations are now out of bounds and barricades have been put
up around Government establishments in various State capitals to prevent
even a peaceful demonstration - while the men in khaki refuse to lift
even their little finger when lumpens take over the streets cannot be
seen as isolated cases of failures.

It will be pertinent here to recall a paragraph from Jawaharlal Nehru's
letters to his daughter in which he dealt with the situation that
prevailed in Italy: ``What he (Benito Mussolini) did was to found
Fascismo or fascism, in March 1919, and enroll the out-of-work soldiers
in his fighting squads. Violence was the creed of these groups and, as
the Government seldom interfered, they grew in daring and aggression.''
``The socialist leaders,'' writes Nehru, ``opposed the fighting spirit
of the workers and counselled them to meet the fascist terror peacefully
with patient resignation... There was not even an attempt to meet
fascist violence by the labour weapon, the strike.'' The consequence of
all this is now part of history. And in Nehru's own words, ``The fascist
army reached Rome on October 30, 1922, and on the same day Mussolini
arrived by train from Milan to become the Prime Minister.''

This lesson from history seems to have been forgotten, if not unlearnt,
by civil society in general. Indeed, the reality now may not be exactly
the same as it was in Rome and other parts of Italy then: there aren't
any ``out-of-work'' soldiers in our midst now. But then, the past decade
has seen the creation of a large army of retrenched workers apart from a
huge force of unemployed youth. That could be trouble.

______

#5.

The Weekly Voice, Toronto, Canada, - August 27, 2000

ART EXHIBIT CAUSES UPROAR: COMMISSIONER HAS FUNDING WITHDRAWN

By Preeti Thandi

A strange turn of events has fired up media circles, artists, cultural
groups and diplomats alike following the withdrawal of support by the
Shastri Indo-Canadian Institute to an art exhibition. The exhibition,
titled, Dust on the Road is currently at the York Quay Gallery, Harbourfron=
t
Centre, in Toronto. The Indian High Commissioner, Mr. Rajanikanta Verma,
influenced the unpredicted move by the Shastri Institute.

The recent intervention by the Indian Government is being viewed by some as
a serious attack against freedom of expression and a violation of the
principle of an arms-length relationship between the arts and public fundin=
g
institutions.

Dust on the Road is an initiative by Hoopoe Curatorial featuring the work o=
f
nine Canadian artists in dialogue with SAHMAT, a network of artists in Indi=
a
whose critical work supports secularism, social justice and human rights
issues. The exhibition strings together common issues and allows artists to
respond on the local level aiming to transcend racial, cultural and
political barriers.

The McIntosh Gallery and the Visual Arts Department at the University of
Western Ontario in London, jointly received the grant from the Shastri Indo
Canadian Institute on behalf of Hoopoe Curatorial's projects.

However SAHMAT, which means "agreement" in Hindi has received strong
disagreement from the Indian diplomatic quarters here in Canada for content
depiction. The Consul General of India, Mr. C.M. Bhandari, who was present
at the inaugural session, expressed his displeasure about reference to
attacks on artists and journalists in India and termed it as political part=
y
propaganda.

The Indian High Commissioner, Mr. Rajanikanta Verma visited the exhibition
around July 23 and described it to press as, "Devoid of artistic, literary
or cultural merit" and "a work of fiction rooted in jaundiced imagination."
Mr. Verma expressed this strong disapproval to the Shastri Institute and on
July 27, Prof. Hugh Johnston, President of the Institute, wrote to the
University of Western Ontario saying that the Government of India had
objected to the exhibition and to its association of the Shastri
Indo-Canadian Institute. The letter went on to request that its name be
removed in connection with any future showings of the Dust on the Road.
The McIntosh Gallery and the Visual Arts Department at the University of
Western Ontario however, made the decision to forego the grant rather than
accede to the demands of the Indian Government. The Shastri Indo-Canadian
Institute, comprising a board of distinguished Canadian academics is a
bilateral institution funded by the governments of both India and Canada.
Arlene Kennedy, Director at the McIntosh Gallery and Visual Arts Department
expressed, "All art is a catalyst - art is political - as soon as you make
visible an idea or perception it becomes part of a public dialogue that
generates thought and understanding, if not appreciation, under the best
circumstances.

Dust on the Road goes on, despite some objections or some withholding of
support - it serves that purpose of generating constructive dialogue."
In 1999, Hoopoe Curatorial, as part of their project in India, donated a
significant collection of 300 books of contemporary Canadian cultural
material to the Shastri Institute's library in New Delhi. Curators of the
organization say that the institute's funding for the exhibition was based
on knowledge of the involvement of SAHMAT and that withdrawal of support at
this stage without substantive explanation sets a dangerous precedent for
norms of accountability.

Jamelie Hassan at Hoopoe Curatorial told The Voice, "The chill syndrome tha=
t
enters cultural programs was very well received by the Canadian public. The
exhibition was a success with over 8000 people visiting the gallery and the
guest book filled with positive comments eager for discussion. The Toronto
situation is very significant as it initiates response in contemporary,
cultural and international context. The move of the Shastri Institute is
unacceptable but it follows a pattern of intervention."
The South Asia Left Democratic Alliance (SALDA), a Toronto-based collective
formed with the aim of defending and extending a democratic public culture
gave its support to Hoopoe Curatorial in its protest in a press conference
held Tuesday. Sanjay Talreja of SALDA believes that the High Commissioner's
view is narrow involving a tunnel vision. He described his intervention as
overstepping official capacity and as, "an arm twisting attempted to stifle
voices." Sanjay added, "The exhibition is about ordinary people and artists
targeting communal madness."

Rajinder Arora, SAHMAT activist in a communication to the Voice from India
said, "The whole thing is not just deplorable but shameful. It is one in th=
e
series of fascist steps. SAHMAT strongly condemns the action of such
cultural policing and the use of such derogatory comments by the Indian Hig=
h
Commissioner on the exhibition featuring the works of art by some of the
most eminent artists of India and Canada. We are mobilizing opinion and wil=
l
raise questions in the parliament on this kind of blatant interference in
cultural matters by the government. It is also an infringement into the
working of autonomous bodies like Shastri Indo-Canadian Institute."

Manjunath Pendakur, Professor of Media Studies at The University of Western
Ontario, former Dean of Information & Media Studies U.W.O. and board member
of the Shastri Indo-Canadian Institute believes that the decision undermine=
s
the Institute's intellectual credibility and integrity among academics and
artists. It gives the appearance of the Institute being a tool of the India=
n
government. He said," Dust on the Road is an extremely worthy effort to
enhance Canadians' understanding of India with all of its complexities. The
exhibit demands the powers that be in India to return to the ideals of a
secular democracy and tolerance on which the nation was founded by the
historic nationalist struggle led by Gandhiji. There is absolutely no
acceptable reason for the Shastri Indo-Canadian Institute to distance itsel=
f
because the Institute was created to build bridges between Canadian and
Indian people and institutions by way of research, teaching and cross
cultural activities. The Shastri Executive's decision based on pressure fro=
m
the Indian High Commission in Ottawa sets a terrible precedent."

As a protest move the Professor Emeritus of Sociology Simon Fraser
University, Hari P. Sharma, Ph.D. severed ties the Shastri Indo-Canadian
Institute. In a letter to Professor Hugh Johnston, President, Shastri
Indo-Canadian Institute expressing his embarrassment on the move. He said, =
"
I did this with a firm conviction that India needs to be understood by the
Canadian people; that a free flow of ideas, as well as exchange between
peoples of different cultures, can only enrich the two societies." Despite
the hue and cry Dust on the Road carries on with this vision.

______________________________
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