[sacw] SACW Dispatch | 10-11 Sept. 00

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Web Dispatch
10-11 September 2000
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

#1. In Sri Lanka, politics is still a man's world=20
#2. Bangladesh: Women & Children in Munshiganj Jail
#3. India: More States the merrier - Need for radical devolution
#4. India: Citizens Resolution on Myanmar
#5. USA: Press Release on the NYC protests=20
--------------------------------------------

#1.

Asia Times
9 Sept. 2000

IN SRI LANKA, POLITICS IS STILL A MAN'S WORLD=20
=20=20
By Feizal Samath=20

COLOMBO - It had the world's first woman prime minister and is one of the
few nations with a woman as head of state, but Sri Lanka continues to treat
public life as a male preserve.=20

This was evident again when nominations closed Monday for the October 10
election to choose a new parliament for the Indian Ocean island nation. The
main political parties have again put up a handful of women to contest the
polls.=20

According to the Election Commissioner's office, some 5,048 candidates from
29 political parties and 99 independent groups are in the running for the
225 seats in parliament. The main opposition United National Party said it
was fielding 11 women out of a total of 291 candidates. The number of women
put up by President Chandrika Kumaratunga's ruling People's Alliance (PA)
was not known. The former extremist People's Liberation Front, known by its
Sinhalese acronym JVP, is Sri Lanka's third largest political force. But
even it is fielding just 23 women out of 291 candidates.=20

Fifty five women contested the 1994 parliament election, which brought the
PA to office. A total of 1,450 candidates contested that election, which
sent the disappointing small number of 1 women to parliament.=20

''It's a bit of a shame. It appears that in the political mainstream we
have not moved forward,'' says Nimalka Fernando. The well-known women's
activist is contesting the election from the Colombo parliamentary
constituency as a candidate for a small party, the New Left Front.=20

''Women are not contesting only to win," adds Fernando. "By contesting, we
make a public statement that women are also in the fray and by doing so we
open a little public space for women's issues.''=20

She has been disappointed that women like her are still reluctant to step
into public life. ''Most women activists, while pushing for a higher
percentage of women in the political arena, are reluctant to enter the fray
themselves,'' she argues.=20

Women's Affairs Minister Hema Ratnayake appealed in late July to the
leaders of the main political parties to have at least 25 percent women in
their poll nomination lists. She urged parties to encourage women to
contest, noting that this would help reduce political violence in the
country.=20

Women's rights groups say that poll violence is a deterrent to women. ''Our
political culture is so bad that leave aside a female, a male alone cannot
contest,'' says Bernadeen Silva of the Center for Society and Religion.=20

In one of the worst incidents of poll violence against women, two women
political workers were publicly stripped during provincial elections in the
country's north-western region in January 1999. ''Ironically, if there were
more women - say 70 percent of all candidates - then the level of violence
would fall and there would be a different and more saner political
culture,'' believes Silva.=20

Rohan Edrisinha, director at the Colombo-based Center for Policy
Alternatives, agrees that poll violence deters women from entering public
life. ''I would think the political parties themselves wouldn't have
nominated many women, preferring to go with tougher men who can withstand
violence and even perpetuate a little bit of it,'' he says.=20

So far, women have made their mark only in local politics, with an
estimated 77 women among 3,720 elected local councilors. ''Women were much
more knowledgeable about local issues which were closer to their heart than
national issues,'' explains Kumudini Samuel of the Women and Media
Collective.=20

Aspiring woman lawmaker Fernando says that unlike most other women
candidates from the main political parties, she was contesting purely on a
women's agenda. ''Female candidates from other main parties are just party
stooges and don't fight for women's rights," she said.=20

Despite appeals by women's groups, the government has done little to tackle
serious issues concerning women such as the problem of the women widowed by
the Tamil Tiger insurgency, she points out. ''The only way we can make
things happen for our under-privileged women is by being represented in
parliament and pushing a women's agenda there.''=20

According to Sunethra Ranasinghe, a woman candidate of the main opposition
party who was the country's first women's affairs minister in the 1980s,
one of the problems for women is the lack of leadership capacity at the
grassroots level. ''We need women who are capable, not just merely women,''
she argues.=20

Women who have been successful in Sri Lankan politics owe it to family
links. Many are political widows, like President Kumaratunga, whose
politician-husband was killed by left-wing rebels in the late 1980s. Her
mother Sirimavo Bandaranaike was elected the world's first woman prime
minister a year after her prime minister-husband's assassination in
September 1959. The 84-year-old Bandaranaike resigned last month from the
post due to failing health.=20

(Inter Press Service)=20=20
=20

=A91999 Asia Times Online Co., Ltd.=20

______

#2.

WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN MUNSHIGANJ JAIL

An Investigative Report by Odhikar: a coalition for human rights.

Munshiganj District Jail (in Munshiganj District, about two hours from
Dhaka city) was built during the British Raj on the premises of the ancient
Indrakpur Fort. It has a capacity of 108 inmates. At present, however,
the jail holds 356 prisoners, out of which 2 are children and 8 are women.
There is a separate cell for women with a capacity of four persons. All the
women are there - one with a six-month old child.

On 24 July 2000, investigators from Odhikar paid a visit to Munshiganj
district jail to investigate the condition of women and children
incarcerated therein. The concerned jailer, Mr. Sheikh Helaluddin aided
the investigators with rare enthusiasm. This is the story of some of the
women and children, as told to Odhikar.

Shahida Begum (30) (case number MT 21(4)2000) was held under section 25 (d)
of the Special Powers Act. She hails from Boshirbao village in Matlab,
Chandpur district. Her husband remarried and left her destitute with four
children, one of which is an infant. She lived in a rented house in
Daotkandi. In order to provide for her children, Shahida began to earn a
living as a carrier of Phensidyl for various persons from Datokandi to
Muktarpur in Munshiganj. She earned Tk 100 per trip. Three months ago she
came to Muktarpur with a bag of the drug and her infant son. Members of
the public handed her over to the police. Her six-month old son, Lokman
Hossain, is with her in jail. She has not contact with her four other
children in Daotkandi and is desperate to learn of their wellbeing. She
told investigators that her infant son was not faring well in the jail cell
and vomited often. No jail doctor has come to see him. She has no idea of
her case and admitted that no one had come to see her or offered legal
representation. She appears before the magistrate every month. She said
the food at the jail was tolerable, but sleeping at night was difficult due
to the crowded cell.

Jahanara Begum (35) (case no. Gojaria Thana 6 (7)2000) was also arrested
under section 25 (d) of the Special Powers Act. She hails from Charjhapti
village under Gojaria Thana, Munshiganj. She was deserted by her husband
and has a 17-year-old son. She worked as a maidservant and was arrested
while visiting her grandmother. She was unaware that people in her
grandmother's home were dealing in Phensidyl and was arrested one night
when no one else was at home. She told Odhikar investigators that no one
from her grandmother's house has come to see her and she has no legal
representation.

Khorsheda (36) (case No. MT 15(5)2000 ) hails from Panchaboti village in
Naraynaganj. She is the second wife of Belal Hossain and has a
two-year-old son. However, her husband does not maintain her any more and
keeps no contact with her. She has two sons from a previous marriage, who
are helping her. One works in a garments manufacturing factory and one is
a tempo driver. One night police came to the house and asked for her
husband. When she could not answer them, they arrested her without giving
her any reasons. Next day she was taken in front of the magistrate and
taken to jail. When in jail, she learnt that someone had thrown acid on
her co-wife at her home in Muktarpur. Khorshida was implicated and her
sons are petitioning her case. She is worried about her two-year-old son
and applied to the court to keep him in jail with her. Unfortunately, the
court refused her request.

Moshabandh Banu (45) (MT 25(10)99 and GT 10(10)99) has two cases to her
name. She is in jail on charges of launch dacoity. She hails from
Dharkandi village in Galachipa, Patuakhali. He husband left her ten years
ago. She has a married daughter who lives in Kishorganj. She brought up
her daughter alone by dealing in second hand clothes. On the day of her
arrest she was on the launch taking old clothes to Munshiganj. On the
launch a man she did not know spoke to her. Later on she realised that he
was a dacoit. After the dacoity and the escape of the culprits, passengers
handed her over to the police, as they had seen her talking to one of them.
She said that police beat her . She has no legal representation.

Rina Begum (20) (Shirajdikhan Thana 11(9)99) was accused of murdering her
husband. She hails from Bhatibodah village in Shirajdikhan in Munshiganj.
He husband, Akbar Molla was dumb and owned some land. Rina, however, came
from a poverty stricken family. On the night of the incident, Rina Begum
was asleep with her husband. Late in the night a noise woke her up and she
saw her husband had apparently hung himself. It was learnt that on the day
before, her husband had had a fight with his mother. Her in-laws filed a
murder case against her and she was arrested. She informed Odhikar that
her mother and brother were so poor they could not afford legal
representation for her nor have they visited her. When asked about the
death of her husband and the post mortem report, Rina asked investigators
what a PM report was. She told them that the food was all right, but the
living conditions were very bad.

Jobeda Begum (40) (MT11(11)99) was arrested under the Repression of Women
and Children (Special Provisions) Act 1995. She was form Bhashan village
under Komolkanda Thana in Netrokona. Her husband had left her destitute a
long time age and she has two sons and a daughter. Jobeda Begum is
mentally ill. The Jailer spoke on her behalf. She was found by members of
the public kissing and hugging a child on the street in Munshiganj, at a
time when people were in fear of recent cases of child snatching in that
area. She was handed over to the police and ended in the jail. She has no
legal representation either. No one comes to visit her.

Khairunnessa Mina (45) was sentenced to five years imprisonment and a fine
of Tk. 5000 for smuggling heroine. She had been awarded another six
months for failing to pay the fine. She comes from Rabi Bazar in
Munshiganj. Like the others interviewed, her husband left her after taking
another wife. Her two daughters and son are students and she tried to make
ends meet by selling heroine. She is repentant for selling something so
bad, but says she had not choice. Her children now live with her poor,
widowed mother. Her mother is trying to appeal on her behalf.

Two children are also imprisoned in Munshiganj District Jail for two quite
different incidents - cow stealing and, of all things, murder.
Jamal Hossain (10) was arrested on charges of murder, along with his elder
brother. He hails from Dhipur village in Lohojong Thana, Munshiganj. In
told Odhikar investigators that he and his brother had fought with their
paternal cousins and one was injured. The injured cousin later died.
Police arrested him and his brother for the murder of this cousin. He
commented that he did not like staying in jail and that the food was bad
and sleep was impossible due to lack of space.=20=20

Sohel (10) was arrested for stealing a cow. He comes from Shaheberchar
village in Muladi Thana, Barisal. He is an orphan. He told Odhikar
investigators that he did not steal the cow. Somebody had told him to look
after it. Later people took him to the police station, He has no legal
representation either and knows nothing about his case. He said the food
was all right but there was no place to sleep.

Conclusions:=20

Overcrowding in jails is a common phenomenon in Bangladesh. Criminals,
under-trial prisoners are all kept together. Food is substandard, hygiene
and sanitation almost non-existent and sleep impossible. In some cases,
there is hardly place to sit and prisoners take turns in sleeping.
Furthermore, children are kept in the same cell as adults, which violates
all jail and juvenile justice laws and regulations in Bangladesh. Women
who are detained with small children are deprived of childcare. The call
to adhere to the Jail Commission report and recommendations for
improvement is an old one, but still nothing much is being done to improve
the situation of inmates. The antediluvian idea that prisoners are nothing
but sub-human criminals, and thus deserve to be is such a condition still
sticks, and the fact that they too have rights is completely overlooked and
ignored.=20=20

______

#3.

Praful Bidwai Column
11 September 2000

THE MORE STATES THE MERRIER?
WE NEED RADICAL DEVOLUTION

By Praful Bidwai=20=20

Before the year ends, India's map will start looking different. Behind the
new cartographic reality lie larger social changes with many long-term
implications. Thus, backward Bihar will no longer be India's second most
populous state. That rank will go to Maharashtra, India's most
industrialised state. Uttar Pradesh, far and away India's largest state,
will have become further "Mandalised" with the separation of Uttaranchal,
which is 97 percent "upper caste" in composition. And with Chhatisgarh's
severance, Madhya Pradesh will cease being the country's single largest
repository of tropical forests and minerals.

These are without doubt significant changes. And more are yet to come.
Many new regions are already demanding statehood: from Kutch and Saurashtra
in the West, to Bodoland and North Bengal in the East, from Bundelkhand and
Harit Pradesh (western UP) in the North, through Malwa and Vidarbha in the
centre, to Telengana and Coorg (Kodagu) in the South. Where should the
process stop? How many states can we have before India's unity is
jeopardised? Where do the proper limits to decentralisation and devolution
of power lie?

This article argues that we must generally welcome new states as a
necessary component of democratisation and far-reaching devolution, but
that the real issue is not how many more states we create, but how much we
decentralise decision-making within them, devolving to the district, tehsil
and village levels, and how inclusively we do so. Regrettably, the National
Democratic Alliance government has gone about the job in a half-hearted and
yet hasty way, and ignored this vital aspect of downward percolation of
decision-making power.

Lack of thoughtfulness and seriousness is writ large on the manner the
Centre-states relationship issue has recently played out within the
National Democratic Alliance. Part of the reason for this is that its
fulcrum, the BJP, is uneasy with the very premises of federalism and
decentralisation. Historically, the sangh has always been devoted to the
"One Nation, One People" idea or to extreme forms of centralism.

For instance, the sangh opposed the 1956 States Reorganisation Commission
recommendations for linguistic states. It contended that the creation of
more states would unleash "fissiparous" tendencies and eventually lead to
the disintegration of India. The sangh and the BJP have since made many
opportunistic "adjustments" and "accommodations" to popular demands for new
states, but without reforming their core-ideology. Hence, the BJP's
awkwardness with more states.

Secondly, the Vajpayee government does not seem to have made a half-way
sober calculation of the economic costs of creating new states before
rushing into doing so. The new states want to be "compensated" and given
assistance to build their new capitals, with their own secretariats,
administrative cadres, and fleets of vehicles and other paraphernalia of
statehood. The "parent" states too have demanded compensation for the
consequent revenue loss.

For instance, Jharkhand accounts for two-thirds of Bihar's internal
resources, and the bulk of its natural wealth as well as electricity
generation. Bihar's ruling Rashtriya Janata Dal has asked for a loan waiver
of Rs. 30,000 crores and "special assistance" of Rs. 179,000 crores to
prevent Bihar from falling prey to what the RJD president, Mr Laloo Prasad
Yadav, calls a future of baadh, balu aur bhookh (flood, sand and hunger).
Similarly, Chhatisgarh contributes more than two-thirds of Madhya Pradesh's
revenue and has been the state's mining and industrial heartland as well as
its rice-bowl (besides growing 70 percent of India's entire production of
tendu leaves, used in beedi-making).

This "compensation" money will have to come from the Centre, whose
collection of national tax revenue has fallen--thanks to its deplorable
failure to tax the rich--to less than 10 percent if GDP over the years. How
will the Centre find the money? Already, high tension has built up over the
recommendations of the Eleventh Finance Commission (EFC), which will
proportionately give a slightly higher share of total Central tax revenue
to the more backward states.

The losers here--quite fairly--are more industrialised states like
Maharashtra, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Punjab, Haryana and Andhra
Pradesh. Their governments are planning to take the EFC to court against
this "unfair" treatment. This move runs counter to the spirit of "caring
and sharing", and helping the weak to overcome their development backlog.

However, the cultural-political rationale for new states, viz federalism
and decentralisation, remains unassailable. For instance, people in the
three new states-in-the-making all feel culturally alienated from the
"parent" states, because their languages/dialects, traditions and customs
are undervalued or overwhelmed, and prevented from flourishing, by the
preponderant linguistic-ethnic majorities of those states. Internally, each
of the three shares identities based upon ecological, agro-climatic and
historical-cultural factors, or ethnic similarities and numerous forms of
commonness, whether in food habits or in day-to-day practices. All of them
are rich in natural resources, but feel they haven't been receiving their
due share of the economic cake from the state to which they belonged so far=
.

It is hard to argue that huge states such as UP are administratively,
culturally or politically desirable. It should be clear that the very size
of UP--the sixth largest state in the world in terms of population--has
made it unwieldy and particularly hard to govern. Even worse, the
imposition of homogenous structures of governance and cultural uniformity
on a giant state means that millions of people, for instance,
Bhojpuri-speakers (perhaps 20 million), or Bundelkhandis (only a little
less numerous), are forced to give up their language and learn "standard"
Hindi, itself a new, contemporary language.

This is not to argue against a single language of administration, but
against the smothering of vernacular languages, some of which (e.g.
Braj-bhasha) have a rich literature going back several centuries. In our
system, small entities, ethnic groups and cultures tend to get sidelined
and subordinated to large, unitary entities. Thus, when Awadhi, Bhojpuri,
Maithili or Chhattisgarhi is overpowered and replaced by Hindi, this Hindi
is typically highly Sanskritised, upper caste-oriented, text-bookish--and
hence "standard". It is intolerant of idiomatic differences, "local"
accents and inflexions, or colourful subaltern expressions that don't fit a
sanitised bhadralog lexicon.

This runs counter to the spirit of democracy and pluralism. Democracy
demands political decentralisation. The numbers we are dealing with here
are huge by world standards: 25 million Maithils, 10 million Chhattisgarhis
or five million Uttarakhandis, compared to 8.6 million Swedes, 4.9 million
Israelis, 7.3 Bolivians or 5.7 million Burundians. The forced integration
of such disparate groups risks wiping out their diversity and retarding the
development of distinct cultures, with all their variety of material life.

We have to make a decisive break with the unitarist structures and
practices imposed by the British colonial regime for administrative
convenience, and later embodied in the Government of India Act of 1935.
There is no reason why we shouldn't have many more states--40, 50, even
more. This is perfectly in keeping with the spirit and content of
Indianness. A large country like India must have a rich federalism, and
must accommodate plural, multiple types of federal arrangements.

However, decentralisation does not mean merely devolving power from
Lucknow to Nainital, from Bhopal to Raipur, or from Patna to Ranchi, and
then leaving it there in the hands of the regional or local elites, which
merely replaces the former state elite. Surely, we don't need the transfer
of power from the bureaucrats and commercial interests of Bhopal to the
patronage-based "political families" of Raipur (e.g. the Shuklas) working
in league with the criminalised industrialists of Bhilai and Durg who got
Shankar Guha Niyogi murdered.

Devolution means going beyond and below those elites and devolving power
to the broad masses of people with the widest participation conceivable of
diverse and plural groups. The principle is: Every cook shall govern. Here,
more states are no magic wand. By themselves, they cannot bring about
healthy development: they are a necessary, not a sufficient, condition. For
instance, many people in the UP hills believe that Uttaranchal is the
poorest or most backward region of the state today. In many ways, it is
not.

For instance, Garhwal and Kumaon have a smaller proportion (39 percent) of
people living below the poverty line, compared to (supposedly prosperous)
western UP's 42 percent and Bundelkhand's 62 percent. The State Planning
Department's list of the 15 most backward of UP--in terms of per capita
income, literacy, roads, etc.--does not include any of Uttaranchal's eight
hill districts. But Uttaranchal is certainly an instance of maldevelopment,
violent disruption of ecology and imposition of large and medium dam
projects where mini- and micro-hydel barrages are needed.

This holds a larger lesson. To be relevant to people, development schemes
have to start from below and address people's real needs. Only then will
the true, authentic rationale of democratic decentralisation unfold.
Ultimately, it is democratic, people-oriented, decentralisation alone which
can empower the wretched of the Indian earth. Only thus can every cook,
every impoverished Adivasi, every industrial labourer, every home-based
female worker, govern. Are our rulers ready for this?--end--

______

#4.

[recieved from Prof. Imtiaz Ahmad, New Delhi ; 10 sept 2000]

RESOLUTION ON MYANMAR

This meeting of the Association of Peoples of Asia expresses its solidarity
with the people of Myanmar in their struggle for restoration of democracy.
It condemns the recent suppression of the democratic right of free movement
of Aung San Suu Kyi and her associates as well her continued detention
under house arrest. It recognizes that the people of India, given
long-standing ties between India and Myanmar, would like to see democracy
restored in Myanmar. For this reason this meeting demands that the
Government of India ought to come out in support of the people=19s struggle
for democracy in Myanmar.=20

The meeting was presided over by Professor Imtiaz Ahmad and attended, among
others, by Shri Rabi Ray, former speaker of Lok Sabha, Shri Chandrajit
Yadav and Shri Vasanth Sathe, former central ministers, Com. Bardan, Shri
K. R. Malkani and Shri T. N. Chaturvedi, sitting members of Parliament, Ms.
Nirmala Deshpande, former member of Parliament, Shri Rajmohan Gandhi,
public figure and well-known journalist, Shri Kamlesh, well-known Hindi
writer, Professor Bimla Prasad, Professor and former ambassador, Professor
K. D. Gangrade, former Pro-Vice Chancellor of Delhi University. Members of
several social activist groups and members of the Burmese community took
part in the meeting.=20

______

#5.

Press Advisory
For Immediate Release
[new York] Sept. 8, 2000, 10:00 PM (212) 781-2673

It has been a fortnight of protests in NYC. Two events have marked the
last two weeks: 1. The presence of over 200 VHP activists at the
millennium Peace Summit of Religious Leaders and 2. The much awaited visit
of the Indian PM to attend the Millennium Summit of World leaders. Both
events have drawn considerable protest from the Indian American community
resident in the tri-state area.

While the Indian Prime Minister spoke at the UN general assembly on Sept
8, 2000, outside the UN complex, the day was marked by protests. Shouting
slogans of "Fascism in India - Has got to go, has got to go" and "Halla
Bol, Halla Bol, Vajpayee pe halla bol" a group of around 150 progressives
from six different South Asian organizations, distributed flyers (Appendix
1) and a petition addressed to Kofi Annan signed by more than 150 Indians
from across the world (Appendix 2) demanding that the Indian government be
held responsible for crimes against humanity. The protestors highlighted
the large scale increase in violence against minorities over the last two
years, the dangerous nuclearization of the sub continent and the continued
efforts to build the Narmada Valley projects and the repression of the
Narmada Bachoa Andolan. The protestors also highlighted the PM's
participation in an event scheduled for tomorrow, Sept. 9, at the South
Beach in Staten Island, pointing to the fact that it was nothing but a VHP
fundraiser. "Its a VHP beach party, nothing more, nothing less" said Biju
Mathew, a member of the protesting group (Appendix 3). Earlier beginning
at noon, a group of Indian Christians, under the banner of National
Association of Asian Indian Christians in the USA, protested the
anti-Christian violence in India, sang songs and prayed for the PM - all
five hundred of them raising their voices in prayer. In parallel, a group
of Dalit organizations also protested on both the Sept. 6th and today. The
day ended with the South Asian protestors joining the Peoples Summit
Against Imperialism outside the UN, a jamboree of protestors from
different parts of the world. Shabnam Hashmi of SAHMAT, New Delhi and Biju
Mathew of Forum of Indian Leftists, and the NY Narmada COalition spoke at
the Peoples Summit and called for a immediate end to the violence in
India. "How could the UN that was begun in response to fascism allow these
people in?" asked Shabnam Hashmi addressing a gathering of more than 400
people. The NY Narmada Coalition handed in two petitions addressed to the
PM on the Sardar Sarovar and the Maheshwar projects respectively to the
Indian Permenant Mission at the UN.

Earlier in the week, on August 29th activists from the NYC area
progressive organizations walked the hallways of the UN Plaza Hotel, with
a petition for Kofi Annan from Indian legislators protesting the presence
of 200 VHP activists in the Millennium Peace Summit of Religious Leaders.
Six visiting Indian legislators, including Congress leader Buta Singh
singed the petition. Mr. Buta Singh handed the petition over to Mr. Kofi
Annan (Apppendix 4). Later, on the 31st of August, the protestors entered
the Grand Ballroom at the Waldorf Astoria during the final plenary session
and supported by various world delegates, including the some members of
the Kenyan delegation, and Ms. Ela Gandhi, the Mahatma's grand daughter
and distributed flyers protesting the VHP's presence (Appendix 5).

Forum of Indian Leftists (FOIL), North America
INSAF, NYC
The NY Narmada Coalition
Progressive South Asian Exchange Net (proxsa)
SAHMAT, N. Delhi
SAMAR Magazine=20

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