[sacw] SACW Dispatch| 18 Oct. 00

Harsh Kapoor aiindex@mnet.fr
Wed, 18 Oct 2000 00:30:47 +0200


South Asia Citizens Web Dispatch
18 October 2000
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

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#1. History as dialogue (by Mushirul Hasan)
#2. India: Zee TV networks boss graces RSS 75th anniversary platform
#3. South Asia Media Workshop Inter-State & Internal Conflicts -India and
Pakistan

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#1.

Indian Express
18 October 2000
Editorial

History as dialogue

by Mushirul Hasan

Agatha Christie, in one of her witty books,
Moving Finger, introduces a girl fresh from school, who is perplexed:
"Such a lot of things seems to me such rot. History, for instance. Why,
it's quite different out of different books!" To this her sensible elderly
confidant replies: "That is its real interest".

This seems like a perfect entry point for commenting on `The uses and
abuses of history', a central theme discussed during the 19th
International Congress of Historical Sciences at the University of Oslo
this year. In the preface to his first book, published in 1924, Ranke did
not presume, as did most historians, to sit in judgement on the past; he
only wanted to show "what had really happened." Needless to say that it
has been hard for historians to establish historical truths, or, to defend
the cult of objective historical inquiry.

What the historian can strive to achieve is to live up to the ideals of
intellectual honesty and not allow oneself to be controlled or manipulated
by various agencies. At a time when knowledge is so highly politicised,
one can only hope that the past is not distorted for political purposes.
We study history, R.G. Collingwood maintained, in order to attain
self-knowledge. By way of illustrating his thesis, he tried to show how
our knowledge that human activity is free has been attained only through
our discovery of history. The point is well taken. At the same time, the
knowledge of history has been misused to legitimise chauvinistic national
identities, authoritarian regimes, and military dictatorships. This was so
in 19th century Germany. As George G. Iggers pointed out at the Oslo
seminar, the task of research was to help construction of a national
identity. The Prussian school of historians went into the archives not so
much to be guided by the sources as to find support for their arguments
that preceded their research.

Likewise, in the First World War, virtually all historians rallied to the
flag. In Israel, memories of the past, namely the holocaust of 1941-45 and
the Arab-Israel war in 1948-49, coalesced with invented myths, or official
truth, to determine the collective identity of the Jewish people. Several
Israeli historians, having subjected their reconstruction of the past to
the interest of the state, party and nation, hammered home the Zionistic
myths.

But at least on the 1948 war, the `new' historians introduced a discordant
note: the desire for territorial expansion, they argued, was just as
prominent as the desire for peace among many Israeli leaders. They pointed
out that most Palestinians fled as a result of acts of war, in some cases
Palestinians were deported by Israeli forces and there were also
massacres.

"It was," commented the historian Lars Hoff, "far from being David's
battle against Goliath: the Israeli forces were in the majority throughout
the war and, with the exception of the first few weeks, they also had
superior weapons." When historians presented their findings in the 1990s,
they were fiercely attacked, as it was feared that the Zionist identity
would unravel.

British historians writing on India invoked certain aspects of `Muslim
rule' to underline that the British did more for the substantial benefit
of the people than the despotic medieval Sultans. Henry Elliot, one of the
leading historians of that camp, referred to "the few glimpses we have,
even among this single volume, of Hindus slain for disputing with
Muhammadans, of general prohibitions against processions, worship and
ablution, of other intolerant measures, of idols mutilated, of temples
razed, of forcible conversions and marriages." Yet he candidly conceded
that his purpose was to make "our native subjects more sensitive of the
immense advantages" of British ruler.
Historian Romila Thapar pointed out that a major contradiction in our
understanding of the entire Indian past is that this understanding derives
largely from the interpretation of Indian history made in the last two
hundred years. Today, various plans are afoot to rewrite our history.
Nobody can take exception to this exercise: historiography is, as George
Iggers mentioned in his paper, an ongoing dialogue which does not
necessarily arrive at consensus but may enhance understanding of the past
by illuminating it from a variety of perspectives. Yet one should be wary
of myth making, of romanticising the past, and selectively invoking
certain incidents to lend legitimacy to a contemporary ideology. History
can be misused to settle scores or used in different ways in association
with nation building. `Useful' use of history for a nation can, for
example, be conciliation, or the opposite, to increase hate or antagonisms=
.

I believe it is possible to seek the truth and achieve reconciliation.
This is precisely what is taking place in South Africa under the aegis of
the Reconciliation Commission. The aims of the Commission are to help the
country achieve reconciliation and to engage in a corporate nationwide
process of healing through contrition, confession and forgiveness. That is
why the truth is so central to the exercise.

I believe we too need a Reconciliation Commission in order to build up a
shared national identity by interpreting the past independently of
state-sponsored ideologies. Liberal and secular-minded professional
historians must dictate the ground rules for public debates and not
ministers and bureaucrats who raise themselves to the position of
irrefutable prophets. Regardless of the recent outcry and the ICHR's
decision to withhold the publication of two `Towards Freedom' volumes
edited by Sumit Sarkar and K.N. Panikkar, the track record of such
historians has been impeccable. Their commitment and integrity inspires
hope and pride: despite the vulnerability of the historical profession,
there is a stubborn resistance to state-sponsored historical writings and
to the rewriting of history for short-term political gains.

Our major responsibility is to defend the freedom of information and
statement. This is central to our profession. As Antooon De Baets from the
Netherlands stated, "the reason for this priority is clear: without these
freedoms, historians cannot discharge their first professional obligation,
the pursuit of historical truth, nor their other social responsibilities
towards past, present and future society."
Copyright =A9 2000 Indian Express Newspapers
(Bombay) Ltd.

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#2.

tehelka.com - Media baron graces RSS 75th anniversary platform

http://www.tehelka.com/currentaffairs/OCT2000/ca101600nilanjan2.htm

Media baron graces RSS 75th anniversary platform

Subhash Chandra, boss of Zee Network, renewed his association with the
Rightwing organisation, redefining the RSS' media profile, reports
Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay

Agra, October 16

Homecomings are always welcome. Especially if it is a case of "wapsi
bahut antaral ke baad" (a prodigal's return). It further becomes a spicy
story if the "child" who is welcomed by the "patriarch" is a tall man in
his own right. It becomes a mega event if one of the biggest media
personalities publicly owns up his association with one of the most
dominant organisations in the country.

However, vehement criticism of the "missionary posture" was what caught the
attention at the three-day Rashtra Raksha Maha Shivir of the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). After all, in speech after speech, RSS leaders
ranging from Sarsanghchalak Kupapahalli Sitaramaiah Sudarshan, to
Sarkaryavah Mohan Bhagwat and Sah Sarkaryavah Madan Das wasted no breath in
sharpening their attack on Christian Missionaries and Indian Muslims. In
the process, the presence of media baron Subhash Chandra of Zee at the
Shivir that concluded on Sunday went largely unnoticed. It, however, has
not gone unnoticed in political circles. The presence of Chandra at the
inaugural ceremony on Friday is, in fact, confirmation of what has been
speculated for long: that the "swadeshi media baron" has always worn khaki
shorts beneath his pants.

The presence of Chandra at the inaugural ceremony on Friday is, in fact,
confirmation of what has been speculated for long: that the "swadeshi media
baron" has always worn khaki shorts beneath his pants But it was neither
of the two that the Zee proprietor was wearing on Friday. He was clad in a
spotless white dhoti below an off-white kurta whose texture could not be
made out from a distance. Sitting amongst the RSS top brass, Chandra
appeared to be in comfort despite the scorching sun beating down the ochre,
dusty plains at the outskirts of the city of the Taj Mahal.

Chandra's contentment was evident in the short speech he made to the
assembled swayamsevaks shortly after being "honoured" by the RSS
leadership. He started out by saying that when he told some of his
associates regarding his plan to attend the Agra Shivir, he was asked if it
was a "wise move, given the interpretation it would be given in political
and media circles". But, Chandra elaborated, "After thinking for a while,
I decided that apno ke beech mein upasthit hone mein koi sharam naheen honi
chahiye (one should not be ashamed of being present among loved ones)."
The RSS code strictly forbids clapping during speeches. But if it had been
allowed, this would have drawn thunderous applause.

Chandra went on to explain that he had been a swayamsevak in his
youth but had lost contact because of the pressures of business. He added
that being able to reestablish contact with the Sangh had reduced his
"burden". But, none the same, although Chandra has moved away from active
association with the RSS, he remains a sympathiser. He endorsed the RSS'
position on the crucial issues of cultural nationalism and minority rights.
Chandra in fact, asserted that just as he had made his homecoming, those
who had strayed from the Hindu way of life were welcome to "return to the
fold" and that they would be accepted with open hands.

Chandra, in fact, is already being projected by the RSS as a symbol of
swadeshi might. Srikant Joshi, the Akhil Bharatiya Prachar Pramukh, says
that the success of Zee is an indication "that swadeshi entrepreneurs can
be success stories. After all, even Murdoch has had to take a beating from
Subhash-ji." He further said that the RSS views Zee Network as a very
responsible channel, which is propagating the Indian way of life. Joshi
added that the story of Chandra's success needs to be retold to all
aspiring swadeshi entrepreneurs so that "they can draw inspiration".

Chandra's endorsement of the RSS' position on most social issues obviously
has far reaching implications. After all, freedom of the press has been
one of the biggest misnomers in the industry for a long time. But despite
establishing a publications division in the1940s, the RSS has always been
handicapped by inadequate support within the mainstream media. A few
journalists working in various mouthpieces of the RSS were "relocated" in
several mainstream papers at Union Home Minister L K Advani's instance when
he was information and broadcasting minister in the Janata Party
government. But the media was, by and large, critical of the RSS and its
affiliates like the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) throughout the 1990s when
it emerged as the pivotal organisation in the country.

The scenario, in fact, changes completely, with the proprietor of one of
the largest satellite channels in the country, which also has an elaborate
news division, endorsing his support for the policies of the RSS. Not only
does it raise the spectre of current Zee staffers being more loyal than the
king, it also probably blocks the entry to the channel of several
professionals who are known for their critical views on the RSS.

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#3.

SAFHR's Media and Conflict Programme
First Regional Workshop for Media Practitioners
Sensitizing Media Covering Inter-State and Internal Conflicts -India and
Pakistan
Venue: Kathmandu ; Dates: November 24-26

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