[sacw] SACW | 6 Dec. 00

[Harsh Kapoor]

SOUTH ASIA CITIZENS WIRE
6 December 2000
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex)

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#1. India: A white line and a mosque
#2. India: Why Advani and co. should go
#3. India The Hindu Right is spreading its schools network
#4. India: RSS Schools twist history to brainwash kids

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#1.

The Hindustan Times
6 December 2000

A WHITE LINE AND A MOSQUE

By Dilip Simeon

In the year of grace 1989, I visited the
Wagah border [India Pakistan Border] with a friend. It was evening, time
for the lowering of flags, for the BSF and Pakistan Rangers to perform
their beautifully choreographed ceremony with goose-steps and challenging
gestures.

I saw coolies, uniformed men and tourists look at each other with friendly
curiosity, children being held up on parental shoulders to catch a better
glimpse of the 'Other' country, yards near and years apart. Some were
chatting with the men in uniform to get permission for a brief foray
across the forbidden line. So much symbolic meaning, such deep historic
memories concentrated in such an ordinary space- the good old Grand Trunk
Road, Punjab's lush green fields, eucalyptus trees, two iron gates. And
that thick white line.

Have you ever come across the term 'sub-liminal'? It means an image which
lies just outside one's awareness. The dictionary defines 'liminal' as
being situated in a position on or on both sides of a boundary or
threshold. It also means "pertaining to or constituting a transitional or
initial stage of a process"; and "marginal, insignificant, incidental".

I thought more about the word and I realised there were problems, logical
ones, which held back my comprehension. What were the defining limits of
'an initial stage'? The space of a 'process'? Did words like stage,
process, position, imply that liminal existence possesses an entity of its
own?

No, the word sounded like a bit of jargon, of no use to ordinary people.
But when I saw the coolies treading on a white line 12 inches wide, I
began to understand the ordinariness of liminality. Whom did the line
belong to? Was there another razor sharp line, or a tiny space between the
first six inches and the next six inches? Did not the six inches on either
side draw into their respective magnetic fields the space up to each gate?
Was that space just a few yards broad or did it extend backwards for
hundreds of miles, incorporating millions of persons?

And what of the little crowd which gazed wistfully across the metal
barriers? Why did the frontier-tourists secretly wish to imitate the
coolies, walk right up to the 12-inch white line and put their foot across
it? What did it mean to go back home and say they had crossed over? How
would it be to stand with one foot on either side of the white line? Better
still, with both feet squarely on the line's 12 inches?

Liminality. That was the word for the ambience surrounding the painted
line across the GT Road. The footfalls of the coolies, the colours of
their shirts, the synchronised steps, the gestures of the soldiers were all
markers of their liminal status. The intense desire in many assembled
hearts to step across the line, if only for an instant, brought them too,
within the sphere of liminality. I began to glimpse the meaning of the
term 'moment of truth'.

Years later, in the summer of 2000, I visited Northern Ireland. The gently
rolling countryside, the blue-green tint in the vegetation, the laughter
in the faces of ordinary people. What a beautiful country. I forgot to
visit the border to see another artificial line, also drawn by Englishmen.
But suddenly, in Belfast, I did not need to. For there, in the middle of
neighbourhoods, separating one street from another, or the same street
from itself, were tall sheets of steel, through which not even a ray of
light could pass.

There were gates blocking roads, kerbs painted with the conflicting
colours of Nationalism and Loyalism. There were huge wall murals reminding
the Irish of their bloody past, asking them to continue their struggle to
unite the Republic despite the objections of the Loyalists or to keep it
divided despite the aspirations of the Nationalists. I saw a loyalist mural
in which a black-hooded warrior pointed a rifle straight in the face of
its viewers. The border was in the street, everywhere. Unity in Separation.

"Decommissioning weapons?" said my guide, an Englishman living in Belfast
who has devoted himself to communal harmony, like some mad people in my
country. "The IRA can easily get fresh weapons. We have got to decommission
the mind," he said, tapping his forehead.

Weeks later, I found myself outside the stone huts of Bhil rural labourers
on the outskirts of Jodhpur. They had taken refuge from religious
persecution in Pakistan. Here, officially designated as Pak-Oustees, they
live on an allotted space, under Government scrutiny, subject to the
rapacity of stone-quarry contractors and the lesser constabulary. "What
shall we do babu?" one of them asked me. "Over there we were called
Hindustanis=8Ahere we are known as Pakistanis. But we are just workers. May
we not live in peace?".

I thought sadly to myself, "No, you have to carry a border around with
yourselves-it's a part of our glorious historical heritage."

I approach another threshold, the threshold of comprehension. I think
about how nations may suspend themselves in liminality, in frozen
contemplation of a painted line bequeathed to them by their forefathers.
How communities like to see themselves as mirror images of each other.

How ordinary people often avoid self-definition while the commanders of
identity insist on clear demarcation.

How a 16th-century mosque became a 20th-century disputed structure for a
few years, returned to the status of a mosque for a few hours while it was
in transition to a heap of rubble, and then, as rubble, was transformed yet
again into an imaginary mosque where alone an as-yet imaginary temple
might be forthcoming. How such a temple would only have value if it
occupied the precise space where stood the ghost of the mosque.

Why a spectacle celebrating the sacred weaponry of the Gurus may be fully
enjoyed only when the all-too-real weapons of terror have been silenced.
Why those who defy the law get to the position where they lay down the law.
Why what is known is often unspoken, and what is spoken is often unknown.
Why half-truths are lies on the verge of becoming truths.

I begin to apprehend a liminal space whose boundary is shared by wisdom
and ignorance, love and hate, violence and non-violence, means and ends.
Liminal because each conjures up the other. Because ignorant people can
have flashes of wisdom, because hatred is a fixation. Because ahimsa is
not the name of passivity and surrender, but of resilience.

As long as the circumstances which incubate division persist, non-violence
will linger on a sub-liminal threshold. The time spent on that invisible
line will be fraught. But tension will be our fate until we cross the
barrier, and it vanishes behind us, so that we never again want to go
back.

My mind transports me back to Northern Ireland, the city of Derry. Not
Londonderry anymore. My brief sojourn was marked by an experience of great
friendship and warmth from the Irish. I said so to my gracious hostess Mari
Fitzduff, a woman who has worked indefatigably for peace over the decades.
"You are such wonderful, generous and musical people=8A" My appreciation wa=
s
loaded with an unspoken question.

Her intuitive response told me much about India. "We love strangers," she
said, "except our own." Our strangers. Our mound of rubble. Weep a tear
for our disputed structure. That's liminality for you. For us all.

_____

#2.

The Telegraph
5 December 2000
Op-Ed.

WHY ADVANI AND CO. SHOULD GO=20

BY MANI SHANKAR AIYAR
=20
=20
Tomorrow, December 6, is the doleful anniversary of the most shameful event
in independent India, the destruction of a place of worship by a fanatic
mob of hatemongers, organized and led by the gentleman who is today the
home minister of India.

This is not a political statement, it is a judicial finding. The Communist
Party of India (Marxist) has kindly undertaken a very readable translation
into English of the verdict delivered in Hindi by the additional sessions
judge, Jagdish Prasad Srivastava, on September 9, 1997. What follows draws
from that judgment (with the English corrected when the communists=92 grasp
over the grammar of this strange tongue fails them. Given their loyalties,
they would have no similar difficulty with Chinese).

Please note the date of the judgment. It was delivered when Lal Krishna
Advani was not the home minister. He assumed office a few months later. The
case has not moved forward a millimetre since then. Coincidence?
Technically, the case has not moved forward because some of those indicted
have moved a criminal revision petition, no.255 of 1997, in the Lucknow
bench of the high court, praying that "the impugned order" be set aside,
and that till a decision is taken on this, the proceedings in the session
court be stayed.

The list of those who have gone in appeal does not include Advani. Nor does
it include two other ministers of the present government =97 Murli Manohar
Joshi and Uma Bharti. Technically speaking, therefore, they have accepted
that the prima facie charges laid against them by the additional sessions
judge (Ayodhya episode) =97 to give him his full title =97 are warranted an=
d to
be considered further in the trial court.

But, of course, they do not accept the technical point. Outside of the
courts, they have proclaimed their innocence. Moreover, they have expressed
their deep regret over what happened ("saddest day of my life" and so on)
and distanced themselves from all the shameful happenings of that Black
Sunday eight years ago. But not all their tears can wash out one word of
the judicial findings against them.

The case number is sessions case no. 344/94. Among the 40 accused are the
three ministers. The chargesheet filed by the Central Bureau of
Investigation against them includes offences under seven different
provisions of the Indian penal code. (There is a related case no. 749/96
against Mahant Avaidyanath and others, which is covered by the same
judgment but does not refer to the three ministers under scrutiny in this
column). It may be noted that the CBI investigation took well over a year
before being brought to the court of the additional sessions judge in 1994.
The court took nearly three years to arrive at its conclusions. Clearly,
total judicial rectitude was maintained throughout the proceedings.

The prosecution submitted that the three ministers, along with 27 others,
"committed a criminal conspiracy" through the period "October 1990 to 6
December 1992". Among other acts of desecration, said the prosecution, "it
was decided to raze the Babri Masjid to the ground". "The BJP" (in concert
with three other organizations =97 the Bajrang Dal, the Vishwa Hindu Parish=
ad
and the Shiv Sena) "made plans to demolish the disputed structure of the
Babri Masjid". Moreover, "a suicide squad of the Bajrang Dal" was "trained"
to demolish the mosque "in the Chambal valley".

Next, "on 5 December 1992", said the prosecution, "a secret meeting was
held at the house of Shri Vinay Katiyar" (the BJP member of parliament for
the area) "which was attended by Shri Lal Krishna Advani" at which "a final
decision to demolish the disputed structure was taken". The party to that
"final decision" is today the Union minister of home affairs (god bless his
soul =97 or what remains of it). It was also the prosecution's contention
"that when the disputed structure was being pulled down Shri Advani asked
Kalyan Singh" (the chief minister of UP) "not to tender his resignation
till the disputed structure had been completely pulled down". As for the
now chagrined Uma Bharti, the prosecution said she had "instigated the kar
sevaks" with slogans like "ek dhakka aur do, Babri Masjid thod do" and
"khoon khraba hona hain, ek bar ho jane do".

Uma Bharti in court argued that "she had made no speech instigating anyone
to pull down the masjid"; on the contrary, she had "asked them to climb
down". On behalf of Advani and Joshi it was contended that no criminal
conspiracy had been hatched, they had not made any "instigating speeches"
and the report of the observer, Tej Shauker, "is silent about the accused
persons, Shri L.K. Advani and Shri Murli Manohar Joshi". More important
than these denials, however, was the argument made by the advocates of
these two present cabinet ministers that "the present case is not a fit
case to be tried by the court of sessions". It is this argument which is
being used to justify their continuance in the council of ministers.

The judge, Srivastava, said, "The court has to see whether there is any
evidence available on record to sustain the chargesheet and whether there
is a just basis for the framing of charges." On the basis of what the law
calls the application of the judicial mind to the evidence tendered and
contested before the court, the judge held that "it is clearly established
that the accused person (Advani) acted in the demolition of the disputed
structure".

Moreover, said the hon=92ble court, "it is crystal clear" that the BJP, in
cohorts with the Shiv Sena and the Bajrang Dal, "hatched a criminal
conspiracy due to which the disputed structure was pulled down". Thus, "on
the basis of the evidence available on challan", the court found that
"prima facie evidence under section 120-B is established" against 38 of the
40 persons accused, including our three honourable ministers (and so are
they all, all honourable men =97 excluding, of course, Uma Bharti who is no
less honourable but not a man).

The court further found that "prima facie offences" under six other
sections of the IPC, read with section 149 IPC, had been made out "against
accused persons Shri Lal Krishna Advani" (the first named) and, inter alia,
Murli Manohar Joshi and Uma Bharti. The court also found "on the basis of
evidence produced by the prosecution" that the three ministers, in addition
to several others, had also committed "a prima facie offence under section
120-B" read with five other sections of the IPC. Therefore, concluded the
hon=92ble judge, "they are charged under the aforesaid offences" and
"directed to be presented in the court for the framing of charges".

The high court has reserved its orders on whether the case is to go forward
in the sessions court. Therefore, as of now, the charges as laid by the
additional sessions judge stand. In exactly the same circumstances, Harin
Pathak, the BJP's former minister of state for defence production, has
resigned or been made to resign. The BJP insisted on the resignation of
Rameshwar Thakur, the former Congress minister of state for revenue, when
the joint parliamentary committee on the securities scandal made a passing
reference to a minor indiscretion on his part. Parliament was held up for
13 consecutive days. Now, when the boot is on the other foot, it seems not
to pinch the BJP and its NDA allies.

Parliamentary decorum, the principle of responsibility and accountability
to Parliament, and the independence of our investigating agencies,
government prosecutors and the judiciary, all demand that the three
ministers step aside and present themselves for trial. If they are found
innocent, we can look forward to seeing them back on the front rows of the
treasury benches. And if they are found guilty, we can look forward to
seeing them in jail. Satyameva jayate.=20=20=20=20=20

_____

#3.

Indian Express
5 december 2000

RSS PLANS MORE SCHOOLS, SHAKHAS IN HP

EXPRESS NEWS SERVICE

SHIMLA: The Rashtriya Swyamsewak Sangh has drawn up an ambitious plan to
open more schools as well as shakhas in the hill state of Himachal Pradesh.
It also proposes to hold more camps here.

Unfolding the plans at a press conference here today, Jagannath and
Chetram, president and secretary respectively of the state RSS wing claimed
that although there is a big demand for starting shakhas at more than 200
places all over the state, the organisation is running short of trained
volunteers to conduct the shakhas. But by next year, the RSS proposes to
have shakhas at about 1,200 places against 725 at present, keeping which in
mind a week-long special camp would be held by month-end to make
arrangements.

The RSS also plans to open 50 new schools _ Shishu Mandirs and Vidya
Mandirs _ in the next two years. During its month-long mass-awakening
campaign recently held in the state covering even the remotest areas of
Pangi, Lahaul-Spiti and Kinnaur, the RSS has distributed almost 7,000
leaflets and booklets highlighting its philosopy and other patriotic
issues, they disclosed.

The RSS leaders said 4,123 persons engaged in the campaign fanned out to
every nook and corner of the state and distributed literature besides
holding interactive meetings. ``They have been able to remove several
misgivings from the minds of the people,'' Jagannath claimed.

Referring to the alleged conversions in Kinnaur after the flashfloods,
Jagannath said efforts are being made to reconvert 25 families back to
their own religion. The RSS also proposes to set up a colony for the flood
victims and has approached the state government to provide land for the
purpose.

The leaders denied any involvement of the RSS in resolving the BJP crisis
in the state but admitted that the rebels as well as the Chief Minister did
seek its help in ending the stalemate. Jagannath said the organisation has
no brief for anyone and if the minister is facing allegations of corruption
there is no justification in retaining him in the government. ``There
should also be an inquiry into the charges,'' he demanded.

_____

#4.

The Hindustan Times
6 December 2000

RSS SCHOOLS TWIST HISTORY TO BRAINWASH CHILDREN

[by] Vikas Bhargava

(Lucknow, December 5)

The RSS-backed schools in the country are twisting history to suit their
ideological ends. Glorifying the demolition of the Babri Masjid, the
curriculum is replete with details of how the Ram Temple belonged to the
Hindus and how Muslims demolished it.

The question-and-answer series on Ram Janambhoomi is part of a book, which
is compulsory for students in over 14,000 schools run by the Vidya Bharati
Akhil Bharatiya Shiksha Sansthan all over the country.

The book is a question bank for the Akhil Bharatiya Sanskrit Gyaan
Pariksha, which is being taught to Class VII students in Lucknow.

The first chapter of the book has a map of Akhand Bharat, which includes
Pakistan and Bangladesh as 'propogated' by the RSS. Even Dr Bhim Rao
Ambedkar's name has been changed.

He has been rechirstened 'Dr Bhim Rao Upakhya Babasaheb Ramji Ambedkar'.

The book is published by the Bal Bharti, Karnal in New Delhi. The office
address on the book's back page figures as Sanskriti Bhawan, Kurukshetra,
Haryana. "The schools where this book is prescribed are run by the RSS, and
is compulsory for students from Class IV to XII," claimed a teacher of
Saraswati Shishu Mandir, Nirala Nagar, Lucknow.

Director, Basic Shiksha, Mr M.C. Pant disclosed that the chain of schools
run by the Vidya Bhartiya Akhil Bhartiya Sansthan belonged to RSS and was
governed by their national body. The Sansthan has its own managing
committees at the state-level to run the schools.

The school in Lucknow is affiliated to the Basic Shikhsa Parishad. "The
matter has not been brought to my notice. I am not aware that a distorted
version of history was being taught in the school."

The Joint Director, Basic Education, Lucknow Mr Ramesh Chand Ghildiyal
said "under any circumstances such objectionable material cannot be taught
in our affiliated schools."

"It appears that the ruling government is rigorously pursuing its saffron
agenda and is targeting children. Any comment on the disputed structure is
breach of Constitution, since the matter is under observation of the apex
court," said MLC Vidhan Parishad, Ram Babu Shastri.

******************

Questions & Answers

Q:How many Ram Bhakts laid down their lives to get the Ram Mandir free,
from 1528 to 1992?

A: Three lakh forty thousand.

Q: When did the District Judge, Mr K.M. Pandey order opening of the locks
of the Ram temple?

A: On February 1, 1986.

Q: When did the shila poojan for the construction of Ram Temple begin?

A: On September 30, 1989.

Q: Who first constructed a temple at the birth place of Lord Sri Ram?

A: Son of Sri Ram, King Kush.

Q: Which Mughal invader demolished Ram Mandir in 1528?

A: Babar.

Q: When did the Muslims decide to willingly handover Ram Mandir to Hindus?

A: In 1857.

______________________________________________
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