[sacw] sacw dispatch (27 June 00)

[aiindex@mnet.fr]

South Asia Citizens Web - Dispatch
27 June 2000
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

[************ IMPORTANT CORRECTION !! ************

There was a major mistake in the title of item 3 in SACW Dispatch No.1 of
23 June 2000. These were excerpts from the autobiography of a highly
respected secular government official from India which is a rarity these
days. Please see to it that no injustice is done to Rajeshwar Dayal who is
no more. Many appologies to all for having referred to him as a member of
the Hindu Right. This issue of the dispatch is dedicated to the memory of
Mr. Rajeshwar Dayal]

**************************************************
**************************************************
__________________________

#1. India / Bangladesh: Schizophrenic enclaves on either side of the border
#2. India / Pakistan: Their defence budgets compared
#3. Pakistan: Islamists cut cable TV
#4. India: Appeal from Kashmiri NGOs
#5. India: Send Christian haters to jail: Sorabjee
#6. India: Silent March in Bhatinda Punjab to protest atrocities on miniorit=
ies
__________________________

#1.

Outlook
3 July 2000

BORDER

A Place Without a Place

Thanks to Radcliffe, schizophrenic enclaves lie on either side of the
India-Bangladesh border
For Jiten Adhikary (65) and 350 fellow inhabitants of village Chit
Kuchlibari, close to the Indo-Bangla border, nights are spent in sleepless
terror. Physically part of Jalpaiguri district in north Bengal, this little
enclave-a narrow sliver of land measuring around 250 bighas-is actually
Bangladesh territory. In 1947, there was naturally no power supply. But
even 53 years later and well into the new millennium, the area slips back
into the middle ages after the sun sets. Then it's time for local and
Bangladeshi criminals to begin ruling the lives of the hapless inhabitants.
And it's not just electricity. Considering that the enclave does not have
drinking water facilities, power would be a luxury. In fact, it's a classic
medieval setting, what with the village having no school, college, post
office, dispensary, police station or market. The reason is not difficult
to fathom: neither Indian nor Bangladeshi authorities, for obvious reasons,
have taken much interest in these enclaves. For the record, there are 120
Indian enclaves in Bangladesh territory, covering an area of 31 square
miles and 98 Bangladeshi enclaves in India, in an area of 10 square miles.
A Corridor to Nowhere The Tingbigha Corridor becomes the bane of
Bangladeshi villages
Bangladeshis fought for the Tinbigha corridor which links the
Angrapota-Dahagram Bangladesh enclaves to the Bangladesh mainland. Like
=46arakka waters, the corridor became an emotive issue when the state BJP an=
d
=46orward Bloc demonstrators sunk their ideological differences and laid dow=
n
their lives together to prevent the opening of the corridor in 1992.
Chief minister Jyoti Basu, observers feel, opened it post haste, without
even reading the terms of the treaty that came to be signed. For instance,
Basu insisted that there was no provision for allowing the movement of any
military equipment one way or the other. Kamal Guha of Forward Bloc
explains: "There is a provision, on the other hand, that allows the
movement of military stock, which could include anything from a gun to a
tank, that publicity-hungry Indian leaders did not think right to check!"
For Bangladeshis like Abdul Khaleque (39), however, military movements are
the least of their concerns. Their economic survival is threatened, now
that the corridor has become operative. Says he: "Earlier our enclaves had
much milk, fish and agricultural produce of all varieties, which we
naturally sold at Indian markets. But now with Bangladesh authorities
arriving and the Bangladesh Rifles taking up positions, things have
changed. They don't allow us to sell our stuff to Indians. So our earnings
have declined drastically and even meeting our costs has become difficult.
Many farmers like me are working as daily labour these days, simply to keep
body and soul together, because our earnings have dropped drastically.
Authorities of both countries naturally did not take all this into account.
Now the corridor, even as it helps our movement, is something of a problem
for us."

"We have never seen Bangladesh, surrounded as we are on all sides by
India, without any official egress.... Indian authorities can't enter here
for political reasons, but no one from Bangladesh visits us either.
Technically we are Bangladeshis, but we have been forgotten by both
countries," says Adhikary. He is perched on a bamboo platform in front of a
thatched cottage that is his home. There is no pucca building and the
dirt-tracks have become slushy after a heavy downpour. But all this has not
deterred the enterprise of the inhabitants. Their lush green garden plots,
with boundaries of metal sheets, are eloquent testimonies to that. Somehow
this riot of green and other colours of life conceal the ugly truth that is
Chit Kuchlibari-it is a typical rural ghetto that seems to have stepped out
of prehistory's twilight zone.
The mood at another Bangladeshi enclave, Sanyasir Hat, about 48 km to the
south in Coochbehar district, is more symbolic of the epic tragedy that
these geo-political freaks stand for. Says Kumud Rai, an outspoken
villager: "We lead the cursed life of a disinherited people. None of us can
get work of any kind in India. Even our voting rights (in India) were taken
away some years ago. There is no law, because there is no police. Except
for the (Indian) ration cards we have no identity papers. Our movements to
and from the nearby Indian markets-some 6-8 km away-are not restricted. But
being stateless, we can be arrested any moment without notice."
Rai has a point. People of both enclaves may possess ration cards, but
that doesn't help. Census officials have even denied them a statistical
identity.
There are, however, fleeting moments in the lives of these enclaves when
illusory hope gets the better of harsh reality. The arrival of a jeep at
Sanyasir Hat, for instance, is greeted by eager children, who surround the
vehicle. Officials are there and it seems a new tubewell is to be drilled.
=46or a moment, a whoop of a joy goes up, but it dies just as quickly.
Embarrassed officials explain that it is not for Sanyasir Hat, but for a
neighbouring village in Indian territory. The elders smile ruefully, they
have seen it all before. Disappointed, the children troop away.
Except the Angrapota (Bangladeshi) enclave in Coochbehar which is linked
to the Bangladesh mainland by the Tinbigha corridor, no other enclave,
whether Indian or otherwise, enjoys this facility. Incidentally, marooned
Bangladeshis who once struggled energetically for the Tinbigha corridor are
already regretting some of its economic after-effects (see inset box on
page 16).
In a way, their statelessness has strengthened the basically resilient
character of the inhabitants of Sanyasir Hat or Kuchlibari. Cut off from
all the amenities of modern life in their rural slums, these people are
still comfortable, lying cheek-by-jowl with their more fortunate neighbours
in the nearby villages and markets. People of both enclaves are of the
Rajbangshi stock and their main occupation is either agriculture or
fishing. Left to fend for themselves, these forgotten people of the
subcontinent have not done too badly for themselves.Without any help or
attention from NGOs or officialdom, they grow paddy, jute, tobacco and a
host of cash crops, including mangoes, pineapples, jackfruit and
vegetables. There is even friendly competition between the two enclaves.
Boasts a youth: "We at Sanyasir Hat produce around 600 maunds of rice
every season. If only we had a little more land..." Not to be outdone,
Adhikary of Kuchlibari says: "True, their soil is better, but what about
tobacco? We produce finer tobacco here." Without any irrigation water or
shallow tubewells, both the enclaves raise more than three crops a year by
harvesting rainwater and by relying on primitive wells. They sell their
produce at the nearest Indian markets at local prices.
They are totally dependent on the nearby Indian markets for all the
necessities of life. Avers Adhikary: "Newspapers we get every afternoon
from the markets, also soap, oil, butter, food, kerosene.... Our young boys
and girls go to the local schools nearby and at Sanyasir Hat there are two
graduates. Besides, in Kuchlibari, there are many who have studied up to
the secondary level at local schools." But more than education, it's the
problem of educated unemployed that plagues these enclaves. According to
Adhikary, this happens when the educated youths from these villages begin
looking for jobs and are turned down by panchayat and other officials on
the pretext that there are too many unemployed people on their rolls. Says
he: "But, at least, the doctors are considerate. They treat our pregnant
women, snakebite victims and malaria patients, only insisting that they be
taken to them." The odd household has a radio or a battery-operated TV set
that catches programmes from Bangladesh and Nepal in addition to the usual
Doordarshan fare.
What's interesting, however, is how this largely unintentional but strange
cocktail come about, thanks to the contingencies of history and politics.
Amar Roy Pradhan, a Forward Bloc MP from the region, in his authoritative
account, states that Coochbehar was an independent state in 1661, when it
was attacked by Mughal general Mir Jumla. The invasion was mostly
unsuccessful, but the Mughals did manage to occupy some stretches of land
both in Coochbehar and in areas where the people declared themselves loyal
to the Bengal Nawab, Nazim. Consequently, small autonomous pockets came
into being in the independent state of Coochbehar.
When the British moved in, they recognised the independent existence of
these small areas and their respective loyalties for reasons of diplomacy.
The problem arose when during the Partition in 1947, Cyrill Radcliffe drew
an arbitrary line to divide Bengal. It put many enclaves falling within the
territory of the Dacca nawabs, which actually owed allegiance to the
kingdom of Coochbehar, in East Pakistan. These pockets should logically
have followed Coochbehar into India. Similarly, certain areas in Coochbehar
territory which were loyal to Dacca and should, therefore, have been in
East Pakistan remained in India merely by virtue of their geographical
location.
FOR the present, however, these are secondary problems. A spirit of
accommodation prevails between the enclave people and their Indian
neighbours who appear indistinguishable. "When Bangladeshi miscreants rob
our livestock and other valuables, often shooting at us, we complain to the
Indian policemen, who try to help, but of course they can't intervene
directly. The BSF people too keep in touch and have helped in curbing
crime. It was much worse before. Even if there is murder here, there can be
no official action, because there is simply no appellate authority! But we
do have resistance groups here to maintain peace. Often local panchayats
intervene unofficially to resolve our disputes," say Sanyasir Hat
residents.
They have often tried to integrate with their neighbours and politics
seemed an easy way out. Aswini Roy (18), whose brother was getting married
at Sanyasir Hat, says: "We have worked for the Forward Bloc, the CPI(m) and
even the BJP, but nothing came of it, because we have no votes." And the
prospective bride from India will also perhaps join them in their fate-she
too will lose her right to vote. Rai believes that Indian political parties
used them without giving anything in return. Others, however, contest his
claim. They are of the opinion that local MP Roy Pradhan and another
=46orward Bloc leader, Kamal Guha, had sincerely tried to solve their
problems.
But disenchantment here is deep set. This has spawned separatist
tendencies. Aswini admits working for the militant Kamtapuri Peoples'
Party, a Rajbangshi-based organisation demanding a separate state of their
own.
Unknown to Indian authorities, these enclaves are becoming fertile
breeding grounds for extremism. Their isolated status has led to a very
different kind of politics striking root there. As village elders at
Sanyasir Hat explain, in the Muslim-dominated enclaves in India, the ISI
finds the situation tailor-made for its anti-Indian activities.
Intelligence sources admit: "There is no way to check surreptitious entry
of money or the smuggling of small arms." Besides, the ripples of extremist
movements in the Northeast could well reach these remote areas. There are
reports that the Kamtapuris receive assistance from the ulfa and the ISI.
=46or the moment, there is no sign that official agencies are as yet
monitoring these trends closely.
Indian Partition, it seems, is having a cascading effect. There is more
separation to come. May Radcliffe's ghost lie in peace.

By Ashis K. Biswas on Indo-Bangla Border
_________

#2.

Source: http://www.outlookindia.com/fact/fact35.htm

India-Pakistan: Sparring in Thin Air

Pakistan government announced that the defence budget for 2000-01 had been
cut by 6.9 per cent from Rs 14,340 crore to 13,350 crore. Despite such
claims, Pakistan's defence budget has actually increased by more than 10
per cent.

This was stated by none other than Pakistan finance minister Shaukat Aziz
on June 18. About Rs 2,610 crore was transferred from military budget to
civilian administration. That is how the junta made bogus claims of drastic
cuts in the defence expenditure to impress its ally, the US, which is
asking Islamabad to tone down its anti-India rhetoric.

This factsheet compares the recent defence budgets of the two troubled
neighbours.

Year India Pakistan
1996-97 Rs 29,505 crore Rs 13,140 crore
1997-98 Rs 35,277 crore Rs 13,400 crore
1998-99 Rs 41,200 crore Rs 14,500 crore
1999-2000 Rs 45,694 crore Rs 14,340 crore
2000-2001 Rs 58,587 crore Rs 13,350 crore

K.S. Narayanan
June 24, 2000
_______

#3.

Asia Times
27 June 2000

Islamists cut cable TV
By Nadeem Yaqub

PESHAWAR, Pakistan - Located barely a kilometer
from the historic Balahisar fort in this northwestern Pakistani city, the
cinema hall resembles a fortress. A huge iron gate and high walls topped
with barbed wire surround the building. Patrons passing through the big
blue gate are frisked thoroughly by tough-looking guards.
The security is necessary for the proprietors of Shama Cinema, one of the
handful in Pakistan that is known to screen adult movies to packed halls
for each of its three daily shows.
Although Peshawar has so far escaped their attention, the region is home
to hardline Islamic religious groups that are enforcing a strict code of
moral and social conduct. Already, authorities have banned satellite
television cable networks in the North West Frontier Province (NWFP). The
ban followed public speeches by Islamic leaders who said cable television
was un-Islamic and a corrupting influence on young minds. ''We need
scientists and scholars not actors and dancers,'' declares Maulana Hassan
Jan, a former member of parliament who heads a major Islamic seminary in
Peshawar. A few months ago, in the North Waziristan Agency some 200
kilometers south of here, armed zealots set ablaze shops selling television
sets, video machines and satellite dish antennae.
North Waziristan is a tribal area that borders the Khost province of
Afghanistan. The rule of the Taleban in the neighboring country is seen to
have encouraged local Islamic radicals who belong to various madaris
(Islamic seminaries). One of their top leaders is Hafiz Gul Bahadur,
president of the North Waziristan wing of the Jamiat Ulema Islam, one of
several religious parties in Pakistan that is believed to have close ties
with the rulers of Kabul. ''Opium and alcohol have destroyed the youth.
Obscenity, video and satellite dishes are everywhere. The government is not
taking the responsibility to eradicate these evils, therefore, we decided
to put an end to it,'' says Gul Bahadur. His group is trying to bring about
Islamic values in society because of the growing prevalence of vulgarity
and obscenity, he explains. ''We are not against the government. We are
Pakistanis, but we want the rule of Allah,'' he asserts.
Military rule in Pakistan since last October has not diminished the clout
of the Islamic radicals in this area. Initially, the military regime took a
liberal stand, allowing cable television networks to start up in the NWFP.
But the government soon felt the heat from the zealots and banned cable
television in the province. This was also clearly evident last month when,
under pressure from religious parties, the government went back on a
decision to make the controversial Blasphemy Law less harsh.
According to social scientists and political observers, religious
fanaticism has grown because of the inability of the ruling classes to
deliver on their promises. ''This is actually the response of the people to
the failure of the state to deliver in vital sectors like education,
industrial development, employment opportunities, good governance and
transparency,'' says Ashraf Adeel, Professor of Philosophy at the
University of Peshawar.
Others blame politicians for encouraging the religious groups.
=46azal-ur-Rehman Marwat, Assistant Professor at the Pakistan Study Center,
University of Peshawar, says religious groups have become powerful because
politicians have used religion for political purposes.
However, media columnist Adil Zareef thinks there are other reasons. ''The
popularity of adult movies is the direct result of lack of entertainment or
recreational opportunities for the young people of poor families,'' he
explains. Ironically, this is the same reason for the mushrooming of
religious schools, he thinks.
While experts debate the real motives of those trying to impose Islamic
values, those in the entertainment business and their clients are
complaining. Cable television operators who had got licenses from the
Pakistan Telecommunication Authority, have moved court against the ban.
''What is next on the hit list? Female education, banning of all
co-education and institutions of higher learning? Shall we start worrying
about our beards too?'' wonders Abdul Rashid Khan, an avid cable television
viewer of Peshawar.
''We have been left high and dry. I fail to understand why this has been
done. I feel like going back to the United States,'' says Zakaria Khan who
has invested all of the $300,000 he had saved while in the United States,
in his cable television business in Peshawar.
Peshawar University student Mohammad Sabir is worried that the ''religious
forces are becoming powerful day by day and have started dictating their
narrow interpretation of Islamic teachings''.
He asserts that this is against ''the freedom and the basic rights of
individuals''.

(Inter Press Service)
_______

#4.

26 June 2000

Dear Friend,
Please be so kind as to publish this in your newspaper/magazine, so that
organisations interested in helping out can get in touch with the
below-mentioned groups.
Thanks.
Yours,
Yoginder Sikand

SOME SOCIAL WELFARE AND RELIEF ORGANISATIONS IN KASHMIR

In the on-going conflict in Kashmir, over seventy thousand people have lost
their lives, scores more brutally injured, many women raped and thousands
left orphaned. Property worth hundreds of crores has been destroyed. In the
midst of this carnage a few individuals and groups are involved in
rendering humanitarian assistance to the hapless victims of the turmoil.
=46or the most part they operate on a shoe-string budget and face tremendous
financial constraints, besides having to work in a very harsh situation.
These non-political and non-sectarian groups need assistance from
sympathetic groups and individuals. Some of these groups are the following:

1. The Jammu and Kashmir Yateem Trust, Maisuma, Gowkadal, Srinagar, Kashmir
190001 [Telephone Number: 0194-475114]
This trust was set up in 1972 by the famous Kashmiri poet and writer Tak
Zainagiri. Its declared objectives are the welfare of orphans, widows, and
destitute, the aged and the disabled. At present it takes care of 40
orphaned children, providing them all basic facilities including food and
education. The children are housed in an orphanage, the Gulshan Mahal
Hostel. The trust has recently acquired 11 kanals of land at Gopalpora,
where it plans to set up an orphanage and school for girls. Its other
activities include providing interest-free loans to poor families to set up
small businesses and arranging for the marriage of girls from poor
families. Most of its staff work on a voluntary basis.

2. Society for Human Welfare and Education, Silk Factory Road, Solima,
Srinagar, Kashmir 190009.
This society was set up in 1941, and is one of the oldest social welfare
organisations in Kashmir. Its primary objective is providing education to
children from poorer families. It also provides education and training to
handicapped people to enable them to be emotionally and economically
self-reliant. It runs the English-medium Modern High School at Solima, with
classes from kindergarten to the matric level. The fee is highly
subsidised, and most of the 700 girls and boys enrolled in the school come
from poor families. The society also runs a special school for deaf and
dumb children, from nursery to the eighth standard, after which they are
admitted to the society's regular school. These children are also trained
in crafts such as tailoring, embroidery, short-hand and typing. The society
has a home for the
blind, where some twenty children live and are provided education, boarding
and lodging free of cost. They are taught through Braille and are also
trained in various crafts.

3. Home for the Disabled, Near General Bus Stand, Pulwama, Kashmir.
This organisation is actively involved in providing relief,
rehabilitation, education and training to disabled and handicapped people.
It was set up in 1983.

4. H.N.S.S. De-Addiction Hospital, Mir Masjid, Khanyar, Srinagar [Telephone
Number: 0194-450976].
In recent years the incidence of drug abuse and addiction has increased
alarmingly in Kashmir. This organisation is doing pioneering work in the
field of de-addiction. It was set up in 1996 by a couple, Dr. Ghulam
Nabiand his wife Dr. Hameeda Jan. Till date it has treated some 150
persons.

5. Jammu and Kashmir Hussaini Relief Committee, Alamgiri Bazaar, Srinagar
190001, Kashmir.
The Hussaini relief Committee was established in 1972, and has a long
record of serving the needy irrespective of caste and creed. It has some
800 volunteers in different parts of Kashmir, through whom it implements
its relief programmes. It regularly organises blood donation camps
throughout Kashmir, the blood being provided to victims of violence and the
injured. It has arranged for some 14800 units of blood for needy people
till date. It also organises free medical camps in the towns of Kashmir and
the interior and relatively inaccessible rural parts of the state.

6. Jammu and Kashmir Children's Welfare Society, Dukani-Sangeen,
Khanqah-I-Mualla, Srinagar, Kashmir.
This organisation was set up in 1997 in order to provide free education,
medical care and financial assistance to poor children. At present it has
adopted 250 needy children, including several orphans, whom it gives free
education to.

7. Yateem Welfare Society, Pulwama, Kashmir.
This organisation was set up in 1998 in order to render assistance to
widows, orphans and the destitute. At present some 25 orphans are provided
free education and food by the centre.

8. Students' Helpline, 3rd floor, Butt Complex, Madina Chowk, Gowkadal,
Srinagar, Kashmir
Email address: studentshelpline@u...
This organisation was set up in 2000 in order to provide free information
and career guidance to students and financial assistance to needy students.
Some 30 poor students, including several orphans, are being provided
scholarships by the centre.

9. United Mission Foundation for Kashmir, c/o Arjimand Hussain Talib, 211
Patlipora [Bala], Chhatabal,, Srinagar, Kashmir-190010 [Telephone number:
0194-476367/478344. Email: ahtalib@u...]
This organisation was set up by a group of students in 1998. Its main
activities include running a free public library, promoting educational
awareness and providing career guidance to students. It has a research wing
that focuses on social, educational, economic and cultural issues related
to Kashmir.

10. Shah-I-Hamadan Educational Trust, Pampore, Kashmir.
This organisation runs a religious school [madrasa] and an English-medium
school in Pampore. Some 40 children study at the madrasa, where they are
provided free education, boarding and lodging. Many of the 350 students
studying at the trust's English-medium school are orphans or come from poor
families, and they are given free education.

SENDER: YOGINDER SIKAND & IRFAN HAMADANI,
4304 OAKWOOD APTS. IV
8TH MAIN, 1ST CROSS,
KORAMANGALA-III
BANGALORE-560034

________

#5.

Rediff on the Net
24 June 2000

Send Christian haters to jail: Sorabjee

Attorney General Soli Sorabjee today launched a veiled attack on the
Bajrang Dal and said people raising such slogans as "oust Christian" should
be sent to lunatic asylums.
"People who make statements that Christians are bigger enemies than
Muslims should be locked up either in jail or in a lunatic asylum,"
Sorabjee told PTI.
Newspaper reports recently quoted a Bajrang Dal leader from the Brij
region near Mathura in Uttar Pradesh saying that Christians were "bigger
enemies than Muslims" and also that "his organisation was ready to fight
wherever Church institutions were active."
The Attorney General said such irresponsible statements and acts like the
recent vandalisation of a cemetery in Andhra Pradesh would damage the
secular image of the country.
"Such scurrilous statements cause immense damage to the secular image of
our country and induce a sense of insecurity in the minds of minorities,"
he said.
The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) yesterday issued a notice to
Uttar Pradesh government asking it to submit a report within a week
regarding the news item.

PTI

________

#6.

Silent protest March in Bhatinda Punjab against atrocities on miniority in I=
ndia

Press Release

Bhatinda 26.7.00

Today India is faced with a threat to its unity, secularity, and
sovereignty from handful of fundamentalist and fascist forces. Secular
organizations see the dangerous growth of fascism in the country. Insaaf
International has launched a campaign to oppose and fight the forces of
fascism, communalism, majoritarianism and of disintegration with whatever
means that are at its disposal.

This dangerous situation needs to be fought at National level. It is a duty
of every democratic and secular citizen, all progressive and leftist
forces, intellectuals, writers, media and particularly youth of the country
to come out of their slumber and support this issue. If strong steps are
not taken immediately to curtail this hate war, it will be too late to
control the damage it is doing.

In a step towards that direction, Insaaf International is organizing a
silent and peaceful March on 15, July 00 to emphasize secular and
democratic nature of our country and a tradition of brotherhood and
religious tolerance. The =91Sadbhawana March=92 will commence from Teachers
Home Bhatinda at 11 AM sharp and after passing through main Bazaars of the
city will conclude at Baba Ambedkar Grounds at district courts.

Christian, Sikh, Muslim and Hindu community from Haryana, Rajasthan, Punjab
and secular and democratic organizations and political parties are
participating in this =91Sadbhawana March". A memorandum signed by groups an=
d
individuals from all over the World will be submitted to the President of
India through DC Bhatinda.

We call upon all the political leaders, democratic, secular and social
organizations, educational institutions, social clubs and right thinking
people to join the march.

Dr. Vineeta Gupta
General Secretary, Insaaf International
Kishori Ram Hospital Building, Basant Vihar, Bhatinda, Punjab, India
Phone 91-164-215400 (work), 91-164-253903 (home), Fax 91-164-214500
Email <insaaf@g... > and < vineetag@c...>
Website: www.geocities.com/insaafin

______________________________________________
SOUTH ASIA CITIZENS WEB DISPATCH (SACW) is an
informal, independent & non-profit citizens wire service
run by South Asia Citizens Web (http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex)
since 1996. Dispatch archive from 1998 can be accessed
by joining the ACT list run by SACW. To subscribe send
a message to <act-subscribe@egroups.com>
LLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLL