[sacw] SACW Dispatch #1 | 19 July 00

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Web Dispatch #1
19 July 2000
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex
_____________________

#1. Peace season in Kashmir
#2. Pakistan: Govt. succumbs to religious parties in promulgating the
Provisional
Constitution (Amendment) Order 2000
#3. New York Radio Talk on Pakistan's Religious Schools (19 July )
#4. Canada's Tamils Work for a Homeland From Afar

_____________________

#1.

Himal
July 2000

PEACE SEASON IN KASHMIR

[By Tapan Bose and Rita Manchanda]

"Why didn't you Indians come before?" demanded the young Kashmiri lawyer.
He was addressing a room packed with civil society activists from various
parts of India who had come to Srinagar to enter into the first-ever
dialogue with their counterparts in Jammu and Kashmir. After 11 years of
silence and deepening distrust, educationists, doctors, psychologists,
journalists, film-makers, human rights workers, social and political
activists, lawyers and retired civil and armed forces personnel, had come
as concerned citizens to link up with the activists of Jammu and Kashmir
fighting for justice, peace and human rights.

Such an angry outburst was to be expected, for many of the activists who
were in the forefront of struggles for substantive democracy and human
rights in India, had incongruously chosen to remain silent on injustices
suffered by Kashmir's civilians. "Why have you come now, to rub balm on the
wounds made by your security forces," asked a Kashmir University teacher.
What the Kashmiri activists wanted was not relief but partnership against
the all-engulfing violence. The tone for this meeting of Kashmiri activists
and professionals from various parts of India was set by an elegiac poem by
G N Gauhar contrasting the fabled beauty of the Valley with a land now
become barren, houses burnt, children killed, and a place where women no
longer laugh. The Kashmiri participants did most of the talking, for it was
their voice, silenced for so long, which had to be transported. Their
problem was the systematic denial of justice by the Indian State and the
total collapse of all social delivery systems. New Delhi may insistently
claim that the UN Security Council Resolution on plebiscite was no longer
valid, but as the J & K Bar Association Chairman, Zafar A Shah passionately
avowed, most Kashmiris still believe that the political status of Jammu and
Kashmir was not a settled issue. Even now, he said, the hearts of the
Kashmiris could be touched "if India would fly its national flag at half
mast for a fortnight in recognition of the suffering of the Kashmiri
people".

Victim's perspective

The "victim's perspective" was necessarily different from that of the
"non-victim", as was clear from the two days of remarkably candid exchanges
in Srinagar, on 10 and 11 June.

Parveena Ahangar, sometimes stoical and at other times passionately
emotional, spoke of the trauma of families who lost their members to the
void. An uneducated housewife, Parveena is the founder of the Association
of the Parents of the Disappeared. After her young son Javed had
disappeared, she mobilised other similarly bereaved women to make a
collective demand for justice from the Indian state.

=46or most of the participants from various parts of India, this was their
first exposure to the human face of the Kashmir story. The killing of Rafiq
Bakal, a local shopkeeper of Lal Chowk, by the Border Security Force under
very questionable circumstances, brought home the nature of arbitrary
terror which stalks ordinary civilians in the very heart of Srinagar. As
they commiserated with the dead man=92s young wife and elderly mother,
educationist Lalita Ramdas and Admiral Ramdas, former chief of the Indian
Navy, tasted the rage, frustration and the overwhelming sense of insecurity
of civilians. "Sister, in how many houses will you weep," said an elderly
relative to a weeping Lalita Ramdas.

The meeting in Srinagar was organised in the belief that there could be no
significant political movement forward unless the struggle for human rights
and justice in Jammu and Kashmir was linked with the struggle for human
rights and justice in the various parts of India.

Among other things, the Srinagar meeting of 90 civil society members,
deliberated on how to help community level activists in Jammu and Kashmir
to cope with the traumatic impact of violence on their society. A Jammu and
Kashmir Federation of Civil Society Organisations (JKFSCO) was established,
in an effort to rebuild the social capital which has been destroyed by
militant extremism and state terror. The Federation represents about 20
civil society groups representing business and commercial interests,
lawyers, doctors, teachers, environmentalists, human rights activists,
women and child rights activists, writers, poets, and trade unions of Jammu
and Kashmir.

In a place where the government agencies ruthlessly suppress any popular
expression of dissent and where militant organisations are suspicious of
every civil society initiative, forming an independent organisation such as
this was of course fraught with risk. Reciting the list of human rights
activists killed in Kashmir, senior advocate G N Hagroo candidly admitted
that they would never have dared to speak up, let alone organise a civil
society meeting, without the demonstrated solidarity of civil society
groups from the various parts of India.

Since 1990, when the upsurge in popular protest morphed into militancy, the
'Kashmir issue' has been appropriated by militarised nationalism on both
sides of the border. In Pakistan, the religious right appropriated the
arena, claiming that "protecting the honour of Muslim brothers and sisters
and recovering their homeland from foreign oppressors" was the "sacred"
duty of every Muslim, and therefore, that of the Pakistani State. In India,
both the religious right and the secular nationalists projected the
struggle of the Kashmiri people as an assault on the integrity of the
nation and/or its secularism. These external considerations so forcefully
impacted Kashmiri polity that the struggle got militarised, and popular
opinion was left out in the cold. Elsewhere in India and Pakistan, the
activists struggling for substantive democracy and genuine reforms shied
away from engaging with the Kashmiri struggle, anxious to avoid entrapment
in the manipulative politics of militarised nationalism. This was how the
Kashmiris were left to suffer for themselves. Clearly, there is a peace
season brewing in Srinagar. Just a week before the Federation was formed,
there was a 'track two' conclave in Srinagar attended by political leaders,
retired foreign secretaries, and journalists associated with influential
Indian publications. At the same time, the demands for autonomy from India
were being pressed forcefully by Chief Minister Farooq Abdullah, even
though this was seen by Kashmiri activists as a cynical attempt to divert
attention from his government=92s incapacities.

The Srinagar civil society initiative was significant also because it
emphasises the importance of democratic process in realising a =91just=92 pe=
ace
at a time when there is a growing number of interventions to impose a peace
without justice. For example, there was common cause among the participants
against a partition-based settlement for Jammu and Kashmir. Veteran editor
Ved Bhasin and the ideologue of Kashmir=92s multiple identity, Balraj Puri,
both vehemently opposed any division along "religious, sectarian or
regional lines". Indeed, the bloody partition of the Subcontinent was never
far from the thoughts of those present, since no region of Jammu and
Kashmir is without a minority.

The decision by the Kashmiri activists to set up a federation to speak in
unison for justice and human rights is, both bold and ambitious. The
Srinagar meeting recognised that reconciliation requires the victims and
survivors to be heard, and that their stories, their emotions, and the
facts on the ground be acknowledged. There has to be the space created in
our minds to hear and be moved by Naseem Shafiq=92s poem of the lament of a
Mother and Seven Daughters whose only son/brother was taken away by the
security forces, in the midst of a wedding revelry. Why? Because there was
too much gaiety, too much noise.

______

#2.

The News
19 July 2000
Opinion

SIGNS OF THE TIMES

[by] Rashed Rahman

Chief Executive General Pervez Musharraf appears to have succumbed to
the pressure from religious parties in promulgating the Provisional
Constitution (Amendment) Order 2000. This amendment is aimed at
incorporating the Islamic injunctions in the suspended Constitution into
the PCO 1 announced by him two days after taking over, on October 14,
1999. It has been promulgated with retrospective effect from the date of
the PCO 1. The amendment states that it is necessary to remove 'doubts'
concerning the continuity and enforcement of the Islamic injunctions in
the Constitution.

The amendment includes Articles 2, 2A, 31, 203A to 203J, 227 to 231 and
260(3) (a) and (b) in the PCO 1. Article 2 says that Islam will be the
state religion of Pakistan. Article 2A, introduced by General Ziaul Haq,
makes the Objectives Resolution a substantive provision of the
Constitution. Article 31 deals with the Islamic way of life. Articles
203A to 203J relate to the Federal Shariat Court and its functioning.
Article 227 contains provisions relating to the Holy Quran and Sunnah.
Article 228 describes the composition of the Islamic Council, while
Article 229 delineates the process of reference by Parliament on any
question to the Islamic Council, and Article 230 deals with the
functions of the Council. Article 231 gives the rules of procedure of
the Islamic Council. Article 260(3)(a) and (b) define 'Muslim' and
'Non-Muslim'.

The concession to the religious forces is the latest example of how the
government has been seen to treat religious parties with kid gloves. It
started off with a bang when it declared that deeni madaris preaching
sectarianism and preparing young men for militant activities would be
reined in and their curricula modernised. Nowadays, the spokesman for
the idea, Interior Minister Moinuddin Haider, is heard more often
defending the madaris than analysing their previously perceived faults.
The growth of armed militias under the aegis of jihadi groups had
persuaded the government in its early days to go for a deweaponisation
programme. Not much has been heard of it since. When the government
timidly tried to bring in a change in the blasphemy law procedure for
registering a case in order to prevent the abuse of the provision as in
many cases in the past, it retreated fast when the religious parties
protested. We now hear noises gaining in volume that the government is
'considering' the question of whether to revert to the Friday weekly
holiday, a demand only being voiced by the religious obscurantists
without reference to what the Quran has to say on the matter.

On the Islamic injunctions though, even a critical level of protest by
the religious forces did not seem to be needed. The government seems to
have caved in of its own volition, citing what was a virtually
non-existent situation of 'doubts' about the government's commitment to
include the Islamic provisions in the PCO. The government has tried to
explain the measure as intended to put to rest suspicions that it was
reluctant to promulgate these provisions as part of the PCO in order to
pave the way for a liberal and secular outlook in society. The question
is, how and where were these 'doubts' and suspicions being expressed in
a manner that the government felt obliged to respond? The fact of the
matter is that the religious parties do not command a mass following.
They do have a nuisance value, one that they have used to great effect
to hold successive governments hostage to their own agendas and
interpretations of our faith, since the days of Ziaul Haq.

Whatever the following or influence of the religious forces, the measure
will no doubt disappoint all those liberals and 'democrats' who had
pinned great faith on the early messages received from the chief
executive. These messages persuaded some of these heroes of civil
society to join the government. Since two at least have taken on the
onerous responsibility of being pointmen for the Federal and Punjab
governments respectively, they will have a hard time explaining where
their expectations from the military government now stand. The
government has seen fit to pick and choose which of the provisions of
the suspended Constitution to remove out of the deep freeze of abeyance,
and which to leave in suspended animation. On questions concerning
fundamental rights, for example, there is no sign of an equal concern.

The military government has been inclined not to rock the boat of its
relationship with the religious parties. This relationship is of
strategic importance for both the Afghanistan situation as well as
Kashmir. It is a relationship that has grown by leaps and bounds since
the days of Ziaul Haq. Justifications for letting the Afghan Mujahideen
have the run of the land were put forward at the time by referring to
the need to halt the Soviet juggernaut across the Hindu Kush. Whatever
the merits of that policy, its illegitimate offspring has been the
mushroom growth of militias which initially portrayed themselves as
concerned only with the jihad in Kashmir, but of late have felt
confident enough to declare that their jihad extends to Pakistan itself.

What successive governments have failed to visualise is the risks
attendant upon an armed force in society which is answerable only
tentatively to the established authority of the state, and that too to
the extent that the purposes of the state coincide with the declared
intent of the religious militias. Is it not possible to envisage a
scenario where these hitherto congruent interests may diverge? For
example, if economic compulsions force Pakistan's hand to reduce support
for militant activity beyond its borders, would that not have the
potential to pit these fundamentalist forces against established
authority? The guardians of our security, territorial as well as
ideological, have been provided much room for thought here.

Is the version of Islam propagated by the religious fundamentalists
compatible with the spirit and ethos of the faith? What did Islam bring
to mankind? Was it not the message of liberation from want, hunger,
injustice, social inequality? Did it not enjoin upon us to remain open
to the demands of the times, as they change, and to seek knowledge,
everywhere and afar? Why have we, as a people endowed with intelligence,
learning, civilisation and culture, allowed this great message to be
distorted to the point of unrecognisability? With respect to our
scholars and intellectuals, it is submitted that much of it has been
allowed to pass more by default than design. The more strident voices
from within the polity, narrow as their theology might be, have had the
ear of the state, much to its own detriment as well as the detriment of
the faith itself.

Muslims in history have a glorious past of enlightenment, tolerance,
civilisation, learning and culture. Europe's Renaissance borrowed from
the great Muslim civilisation preceding it. It was Muslim libraries,
where they were not burnt by fanatical Inquisitionists, that fuelled the
explosion of learning in Europe to which it owes its pre-eminent
position in world affairs since then. There are lessons here for all of
us.

History's lessons have their own value, but there is a deeper layer of
meaning as far as Islam is concerned. There appears in practice to have
occurred a dichotomy or breach between the moral example of Islam as a
great faith, and the attempt to bend it to the political purposes of the
state. Pakistan has had the unique opportunity to set a shining example
for the rest of the Muslim world, as well as humanity at large, that its
'model', that of the founding fathers, Iqbal and Jinnah, had something
to offer which would serve as a beacon. Instead, we have allowed the
message of the faith, as well as that of the founding fathers, to narrow
to the point where the light that should have shone forth has been
reduced to a singularity.

Is it too late to change course even now? Perhaps not, but to do that,
we would have to divest ourselves of the narrow legacy of the recent
past, curb extremist tendencies that do not in any case sit well with
our Sufi ethos of tolerance and harmony between man and man, and review
Pakistan's destiny and its place in today's world in terms that inspire,
not cause worry and apprehension.

______

#3.

Tune in 9:00 - 10:00 pm: Wednesday, July 19, 2000
IN the NYC listening area: WBAI 99.5 FM, New York City
Webcast live at: www.wbaifree.org
OR on: www.wbai.org (click on "WBAI Live") (or, WRITE to us for
tape copies)

PAKISTAN'S RELIGIOUS SCHOOLS : "SCHOOLS FOR TERRORISTS," OR A
WINDOW INTO THE STATE OF PAKISTAN ?

The deepest concerns of a society often show up in what it
teaches its children - just as they show up in the way a society
treats its women. Over the last decade, madrasas or Islamic
seminaries have developed into a primary force for education in
Pakistan with over 10,000 such schools now established in the
country, estimated to have over 1,000,000 students on
their rolls and providing a mix of basic education and religious
instruction with, at times, a strong conservative political
slant. These institutions are regarded with some alarm in the
West because of their attitude of extreme suspicion towards all
western and modernist agendas,
and also because some of the alumni of these madrasas are part
of the Taliban government in Afghanistan.

What are the origins and the social impact of these madrasas on
Pakistan, the South Asian region, and even the United States ?
Why have they become so popular at this particular moment in the
history of Pakistan ? How does their proliferation reflect the
multiple challenges facing Pakistani society, the legacy of the
war in Afghanistan, the economic uncertainties, the failures of
the State so common to other countries on the Subcontinent ?

This Wednesday, tune in to Asia Pacific Forum for a conversation
on this subject, with:

Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy: Professor of Nuclear Physics at Qaid-E-Azam
University in Islamabad, Pakistan, and a social activists who
has worked for nuclear disarmament in the Subcontinent. Dr.
Hoodbhoy is the author of: Islam and Science: Religious
Orthodoxy and the Battle for Rationality (Zed Books, 1990) and
Education and the State: 50 Years of Pakistan.

Dr. A. H. Nayyar: Professor of Physics at Qaid-E-Azam University
in Islamabad, Pakistan and social activist for peace and human
rights issues in Pakistan; currently visiting scientist at the
Centre for Energy and Environmental Studies in Princeton.

Dr. Omar Qureshi: Political scientist from Pakistan who teaches
history at the Brearley School, New York City.

Your hosts this evening: Raza Mir, of the SAMAR collective, and
Aniruddha Das of the Asia Pacific Forum and the SAMAR
collective.
:*************************************************
Asia Pacific Forum is New York's pan-Asian radio program,
broadcast each Wednesday night at 9-10 pm on WBAI-FM, 99.5, New
York City, and live on the Web at www.wbai.org (click on "WBAI
Live") OR on www.porus.com/domains/wbai/wbai.ram

=46or more information on APF and to get more information about
this evening's program, or other programs, please contact us via
email: apforum@egroups.com; phone: (212) 209-2991; fax (WBAI):
(212) 747-1698; or mail: Asian Pacific Forum, WBAI 99.5 FM, 120
Wall St., 10th Floor, NY, NY 10005.
******************************************
=46or more information about SAMAR, a South Asian Left media
resource, please contact: SAMAR, P.O. Box 1349, Ansonia Station,
NY, NY 10023; e-mail: SAMARCollective@y...;
www.shobak.org/samar
phone: 212-888-7108.
______

#4.

[Appologies for cross Posting]

http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/asia/071600canada-srilanka.html
also has a photo of a huge cut-out of prabhakaran with dancers in front.

New York Times July 16, 2000

CANADA'S TAMILS WORK FOR A HOMELAND FROM AFAR

By SOMINI SENGUPTA

TORONTO -- At Queens Park, a swath of green in front of the legislative
building downtown, thousands gathered one recent Saturday for a
festive celebration. A band played. Children danced. Volunteers bearing
cardboard piggy banks trolled the crowd for donations. Wads of cash
were enthusiastically stuffed inside.

But these were no ordinary festivities. The revelers had come to
celebrate the latest "victory" of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, the
guerrillas embroiled in one of the world's bloodiest secessionist wars, in
Sri Lanka.

A colossal effigy of the cherub-faced guerrilla leader, Vellupillai
Prabhakaran, stood on the stage. Videos of the rebels' latest exploits
were on sale. And, of greatest concern to the Sri Lankan government,
the donations collected here by Canadian Tamils, it is believed, would
ultimately find their way to support the Tamil insurrection.

=46und-raising for the Tigers is illegal in the United States. But Canada
has no such prohibition, and Canadian intelligence officials and Sri
Lankan diplomats say it has become an increasingly important source
of support for the Tigers, who are seeking to carve a Tamil homeland out
of Sri Lanka, an island nation off the southern tip of India.

Since it began in 1983, the war has claimed 62,000 lives and displaced
a million people, including the 150,000 or so Tamil refugees who have
poured into this city, making it home to the largest concentration of Sri
Lankan Tamils outside Sri Lanka.

So oceans away from the mass graves and suicide bombers that have
become hallmarks of the civil war, the Tamils of Toronto hold pledge
drives on Tamil radio, fill tills on shop counters, and solicit money door-
to-door in Tamil neighborhoods and workplaces. Experts estimate they
send anywhere from $7 million to $22 million a year in direct and
indirect support for the guerrillas.

Among the many seemingly improbable champions of the guerrilla
cause is Sitta Sittampalam, 66, a former schoolteacher with a patch of
silver hair and a gold pen tucked smartly in his breast pocket.

What much of the world might consider terrorism, Mr. Sittampalam calls
a liberation struggle for Sri Lanka's Tamil minority, which he says has
suffered years of repression by the island's majority Sinhalese.

If that struggle results in "incidental" civilian deaths, said Mr.
Sittampalam, who now heads a Tamil immigrant aid agency here, it is
part of the regrettable but inevitable logic of war. He regards the Tigers'
suicide bombers, known for blowing up politicians and civilians alike, to
be "heroes" of the highest order; indeed, the Black Tigers, as they are
called, are commemorated here every July.

"I do all that I can to support Prabhakaran, to see that this struggle
matures to the stage where we have one free nation recognized in the
international community," said Mr. Sittampalam, who like many
overseas Tamils became politically active long after leaving Sri Lanka.

Like other Tiger supporters, he insists his money goes toward a charity
that provides relief aid, though that too, relief workers say, is controlled
by the Tigers.

"It was the efforts of the Jewish diaspora that made Israel a free
country," Mr. Sittampalam said. "Why shouldn't Tamils do that?"

=46ueled by the potent idea of a homeland, overseas Tamils have been
vital to drumming up political and financial support for the separatist
cause -- much like Jewish, Arab and Irish expatriates have for their own
struggles. And while the Tigers certainly have other lucrative means of
support, many scholars and Sri Lankan diplomats say the scope of the
insurgency could not be sustained without expatriate aid.

Tamil nationalist fervor was on full display a few weeks ago, after the
Tigers captured the strategic gateway to the northern Jaffna peninsula, a
part of Sri Lanka that the Tamils would like to see as their own.

One Tamil radio station, announcing its pledges over the airwaves like a
public radio fund-raising drive, took in more than $600,000, said Nehru
Gunaratnam, a spokesman for the World Tamil Movement, the group
that sponsored the rally in June and is effectively the political arm of the
Tigers in Canada.

Meanwhile, pro-Tiger activists went door-to-door, coaxing regular donors
to make special offerings. They appeared at the home of one such
donor, who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of both
Canadian law enforcement and World Tamil Movement organizers. He
chatted with the solicitors over a cup of tea. They filled him in on the
news from home, and left with $250. That was in addition to his regular
$100 monthly contribution, deducted directly from his checking account.

No, he chuckled, he does not claim it on his tax returns. And no, he
does not ask how the money is spent. He would feel guilty asking, he
said.

"We are here, having a good job, eating well, having a car, going for
parties," explained the man, who came here after a mob chased his
family out of their home in Sri Lanka in 1983. "When we are living like
this and giving a little money, to ask questions, it's not correct."

Such voluntary contributions make up the bulk of the money raised for
the Tigers, law enforcement authorities and Tamil Canadians say. But
sometimes, they say, a bit of polite coercion is used, and occasionally
Tamil gang members are deployed against Tiger critics.

The police say proceeds from immigrant smuggling and heroin
trafficking may also make their way into the Tiger treasury. In recent
years, dozens of Tamil street-gang members have been convicted on
immigration and drug charges.

"Some of them we believe may be giving money to the Tigers," said Sgt.
=46red Bowen of the drug section of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police.
"Because it's not a criminal offense, we don't devote our resources
there."

That may soon change. Canada does not keep a list of proscribed
terrorist groups as the United States does. But it is a signatory to a
recent United Nations convention that urges countries to monitor and
ultimately freeze the collection or deposit of money that may be used to
buy arms or support terrorists abroad.

Canadian lawmakers are currently considering how to amend their
criminal code to comply with the convention.

Recently, Canada has also tried to deport known members of the
Tigers, notably Manikavasagam Suresh, the former spokesman for the
=46ederation of Associations of Canadian Tamils, an umbrella group that
includes the World Tamil Movement, arguing that he posed a risk to
national safety. The case of Mr. Suresh, a key fund-raiser, is being
appealed before Canada's Supreme Court.

Meanwhile, the charity that the World Tamil Movement says receives
much of its money, the Tamil Rehabilitation Organization, is itself
controlled by the Tigers, according to officials with several independent
nongovernmental organizations in Sri Lanka. "To my mind, and to most
people here, they are basically the development wing of the L.T.T.E.,"
said Simon Harris, acting country director for Oxfam in Sri Lanka, using
the Tigers' initials.

By law, Americans cannot contribute to any group linked to
organizations on the State Department's terrorist list, like the Tigers.
But those links are not always clear.

Tamil-Americans can and do raise money for the Tamil Rehabilitation
Organization, which is not on the State Department's list. The group has
a fund-raiser scheduled for next Sunday in Edison, N.J.

Estimates of how much money leaves Canada in support of the Tamil
cause vary widely. Peter Chalk, a researcher with the Washington office
of the Rand Institute, offers a "very rough" estimate of about $600,000 to
$1 million each month.

Rohan Gunaratna, a research associate at the Center for Study of
Terrorism and Political Violence at the University of St. Andrews in
Edinburgh, says Canadians raise up to $22 million a year.

Some of it trickles out, Mr. Gunaratna contends, through a web of bank
accounts that are used to procure arms. But much of it, he and others
say, is dispatched through an informal, paperless money-lending
system, through which money deposited at a Tamil shop in Toronto can
end up halfway around the world in a matter of hours, leaving no record
of the transaction.

=46or their part, those who take up the collection here, chiefly the World
Tamil Movement, cannot, or will not, explain how the money they collect
is transferred or spent.

"There are different avenues I can't talk about," Mr. Gunaratnam, the
group's spokesman, said.

"Relief reaches there," he said simply. "It is distributed."

______________________________________________
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Harsh Kapoor
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