[sacw] [ACT] sacw dispatch #2. (31 Jan 00)

Harsh Kapoor act@egroups.com
Sun, 30 Jan 2000 21:29:05 +0100


South Asia Citizens Web Dispatch #2.
31 January 2000
___________________________
#1. The Plight of Prisoners in Bangladesh
#2. Enduring Civil War Defaces Picture of Sri Lankan Serenity
#3. South Asia seeks Canadian help in forming free-trade bloc
#4. Kinara Bachao Sangarsh Samiti opposes Mega Post project in Gujarat (Indi=
a)
___________________________

#1.

State of Human Rights in Bangladesh - 1999.

The Plight of Prisoners in Bangladesh.

by Md. Asaduzzaman.*for Odhikar: Colaition for Human Rights in
Bangladesh

Introduction:

Unlawfulness and criminal behaviour are obstacles to the development of a
society and a country; hamper the rule of law and democracy; and adversely
affect the movement for peace. To prevent and restrain offenders, the
concept of a prison system was introduced by the British colonisers in
this sub-continent in the 18th century. At that time, the prison system was
used as a means of punishment. Later, the Congress Party demanded a change
in the concept of prisons from an =91institute of punishment=92 to an
=91institute of correction=92. As a result, the "Prison Reform Committee" wa=
s
established in 1920 which recommended that prisons should be used as
"correctional institutes" rather "punishment institute".

Since then the concept of prisons in this Subcontinent has been realised as
" Correctional Institutes"- on paper. However, the practical experience is
that the prisons in Bangladesh are no more than punishment institutes,
where mental and physical torture of inmates occur. However, before
discussing the prison administration in Bangladesh, Prisoners and Human
Rights, we have to know the laws under which the Prison System is governed.
Basically, the Prison Act, 1894; the Prisoners Act, 1898; the Jail Code of
1837 are the main laws and regulations which govern the Prison System in
Bangladesh to date. The Criminal Procedure Code, The Penal Code, The Police
Act, The Civil Procedure Code, The Special Powers Act are broadly exercised
in the Prison System in Bangladesh as well.

The Prison Administration:

The Prison Administration is controlled by several government organs. It is
housed under the Ministry of Home Affairs but is also controlled by the
Ministry of Establishment in respect of the promotion , posting and
appointment of the officials. It is operated by the Directorate of Prisons,
which includes the Inspector General of Prisons (IG Prisons), Additional
and Deputy Inspector Generals of Prisons, Superintendent of Prisons,
Jailers, Deputy Jailers etc.

Since November 1977 to this day, the Prison Administration in Bangladesh
has been handled by members of the Armed Forces - except the period of
1981, during President Sattar's regime. The Bangladesh Prison
Administration is an absolutely Civil Administration and the Officers and
Staff (Department of Prisons) Recruitment Rules, 1984 provides that the
provision of recruitment of the Inspector General of Prisons should be "
by Promotion on the basis of merit-cum-seniority from amongst the DIGs of
prisons and, if none is found suitable for promotion, by transfer on
deputation of a suitable officer holding a post equivalent to the post of
Joint Secretary". The qualifications have been laid down in the rules that
the Person to be Promoted should be 18 years of service in the Department
including 3 years of Service as D.I.G of Prisons.

The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Ministry of Home Affairs
recommended, at a meeting of 16 September 1999, that in Clause 3(d) of the
said Recruitment Rules of 1984, there should be steps to appoint the Senior
Posts of Jail Administration, including the top position, by promoting the
departmental officers as per the Recruitment rules. Following the rules one
Senior Assistant Secretary of Ministry of Home Affairs vide letter No. 1
E-2/86-Jail-1/164 dated 13.3.97 requested the Secretary of Establishment to
withdraw the Present IG Prisons Brig. M. Waliur Rahman Chowdhury within six
month. In 1982 the single-member Marshal Law Committee Comprising of Brig.
M. Abdul Halim also recommended to recruit the IG Prisons by Promoting the
Departmental officers. In spite of all these clear rules and
recommendations, the civil administration of prisons is still occupied by
Military Personnel in the regime of an elected government .

Prisoners inside the Prison :

A preliminary investigation report by Odhikar: a coalition for human
rights, found that the condition of the prisons and their inmates in
Bangladesh are deplorable. In all the prisons, specially in the old,
ill-equipped ones, over-crowding, poor hygiene, almost non-existent
sanitation facilities, lack of proper health care combine with corruption
to create a nightmare scenario. Furthermore, inmates are sometimes denied
visiting rights or their family is turned away at the jail gate if they are
unable to pay bribes. They suffer further humiliation in the fact that
within 24 hours their numbers are counted several times.

The problem of overcrowding is mainly due to the delay of holding trial,
as the number of under-trial prisoners is very high. Just how bad the
situation is in the jails in Bangladesh today can be seen from the table
below:

Division No. of Jails (including the 9 Central Jails) Actual Capacity
Present Capacity
Dhaka 17 6723 18,102
Rajshahi 16 5100 13,607
Chittagong 11 4307 12,591
Khulna 10 3655 10,839
Sylhet 4 1665 3247
Barisal 6 1962 2646
Total 64 23,412 61,032

There are 16 Thana Jails in all over the country where actual accommodation
capacity is only 480 but at present there is no inmate in the Thana Jails.
Thus, out of the total of eighty jails in Bangladesh, the District jails
and Central jails are appallingly overcrowded, while the thana jails remain
empty.

At present 582 of the inmates in Bangladesh=92s jails are foreigners. Out of
>this number, 19 are women. These people have either been awarded release
orders by the court or have already served their conviction and sentence.
Unfortunately, they are rotting inside prison due to technical problems
which could be solved easily by the respective governments. Needless to
say, these inmates are passing their days in miserable conditions. There
are also many Rohingya women and children in different prisons in the
country who are yet to face trial under the Foreigners Act as illegal
trespassers.

Number of Women in Bangladesh=92s Jails

No. of Prisons Accommodation capacity for Male Prisoners Accommodation
capacity for Female Prisoners Present Capacity of Male Prisoners Present
Capacity of Female Prisoners
64 Jails including 9 Central Jails 22,362 1051 59,133 1899

16 Thana Jails 400 80 None None

Different classes of prisoners are kept in separate cells and wards divided
into the convicted, the under-trial, the detenu and male and female. This
is in accordance to the rules and regulations. However, in spite of all
these rules, Odhikar found that some prison officials were abusing the
inmates, torturing them in order to extort money. Those prisoners who have
money and influence are living in comparatively better conditions. In
prison parlance =91division=92 is translated into =91social standing and est=
eem=92.
A person=92s social standing would determine which =91division=92 he or she =
would
be placed in. Sometimes, the divisions are determined by a court order.
Political, administrative and financial factors also play a role in the
determination of division. There are mainly two Divisions in the prison -
namely I and II. The elite and financially affluent and high ranking
persons are kept in the first division while the rest are kept in the
second. It is therefore obvious that from jail gate to prison kitchen,
those who can afford bribes can have a comfortable life in the prison.

Prison security in some jails also needs to be questioned. It is not only
corruption that is affecting the jail system, but also the inattentiveness
of the prison guards. Recently, nine inmates of Sherpur District Jail tried
to escape. Two managed to find freedom. Among the others, one was killed.
Investigators from Odhikar found that escape had been made simple due to
the lapse in security measures.

Annual Budget :

The total annual budget of our Prisons is only Tk.90 crores. Out of this
amount, the salaries of the numerous prison staff, the food, clothing and
other expenses of over 61 thousand inmates for 365 days are covered. Given
the disparity between the budget and the expenses it has to cover, anybody
can easily presume the real situation of our prison system and the quality
and quantity of food, medication and clothing the prisoners actually
receive. For example, if we calculate only the cost of food for an
average 61 thousand inmates for 365 days, at the rate of Tk.50 per head per
day, then the amount comes to Taka 11,132,50,000.

One can therefore imagine that with the over-crowded cells, poor hygiene,
sanitation and ventilation facilities, sub-standard food and administrative
corruption, an ordinary prisoner=92s life is one of complete desolation and
ill-being. Those with money and influence fare better, but their number is
comparatively few.

Conclusion:

Given the above circumstances, it is to be noted that we should develop our
prison system to ensure the human rights and fundamental rights of the
inmates in the prisons in Bangladesh. They too are citizens of the country
and protected by the constitution. In 1980 the Justice Munim Commission
Report suggested a total of 180 recommendations necessary to improve prison
conditions. Out of this number, only 64 recommendations have been fully
executed, 28 partly executed and 88 still to be implemented. According to
Odhikar, in addition to these recommendations, the following measures
should be taken immediately to improve the prison system and ensure the
rights of prisoners :

1. To issue sufficient and substantial annual Budget for the prisons.
2. To construct the Prisons with sufficient accommodation capacity.
3. To ensure immediate sufficient and standard medical, food, clothing and
recreation facilities;
4. To improve sanitation and ventilation facilities.
5. To make ensure speedy trials to decrease the number of under trial
prisoners.
6. To ensure education, legal awareness and right to work of the inmates.
7. To ensure free visiting rights of relatives.
8. To make the prisons correctional/reformative institutions.
9. To implement parole, probation and after care services.
10. To give proper wages to persons under rigorous imprisonment, for their
labour.
11. To ensure the recruitment of the Inspector General of Prisons from a
departmental candidate.
12. To try the corrupt officials in the prisons and ensure prisons remain
corruption-free.
13. To give proper human rights training to the prison administrators and
others concerned and to the prisons as well.

=B7 The writer is a Member of the Executive Committee of Odhikar.
_________

#2.

Washington Post
January 30, 2000;
Page A20

Enduring Civil War Defaces Picture of Sri Lankan Serenity

By Pamela Constable
Washington Post Foreign Service

BATTICALOA, Sri Lanka=F3Egrets and herons pick their way
daintily among the reeds of shimmering ponds.
=46ishermen cast their nets from outrigger canoes or
scrutinize the surf breaking on smooth white beaches.

In town, children in white uniforms pedal their
bicycles to school; women under bright parasols carry
their baskets to market. It seems a timeless
tropical setting, a serene sanctuary on Sri Lanka's
eastern coast.

But something is terribly wrong with this postcard of
paradise. At every crossroad, army troops stop
pedestrians and check their identification. In
every village, rolls of barbed wire surround bunkers.
=46oreigners can enter the area only with a pass from
the Defense Ministry, and bus passengers heading for
other cities must wait 24 hours while each vehicle is
checked
for explosives.

Batticaloa is a tense garrison town, a nerve center in
the 16-year war between Sri Lanka's armed forces and
one of Asia's most enduring militias--the Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eeelam, or LTTE. The group seeks

to create a separate state for Sri Lanka's ethnic
Tamil minority. More than 60,000 people have been
killed in the conflict.

Since November, when the country was preparing for
national elections, the Tamil Tigers have stepped up
their attacks. They have captured several tracts of
jungle and exploded bombs in the capital, Colombo,
killing dozens. On Dec. 18, President Chandrika
Kumaratunga was wounded when an LTTE suicide bomber
detonated explosives at a campaign rally. The newly
reelected government is trying to arrange peace talks
with help from Norway, but similar efforts have
failed.

Despite the intense security measures in Batticaloa,
every soldier and civilian knows that the Tamil Tigers
can strike any time and any place. The army controls
the town, but just across the coastal lagoon lies a
large swath of inland forest where the rebels hold
absolute sway and government troops do not dare
venture.

"The reality is that the army only controls 30 percent
of this region; the Tigers control 70 percent," said
Joseph Pararajasingham, a member of Parliament from a
moderate Tamil party. "They are the key players, and
unless the government finds a way to sit down and talk
with them, this war will never end."

Pararajasingham's constituent services often include
assisting Tamil women whose sons or husbands have been
detained by the army, and his business, a movie house,
waxes and wanes with the war's intensity. Recently,
after several Tamil Tiger bomb attacks on army
convoys, he canceled all evening shows for lack of
customers.

The Sri Lankan population is 76 percent Sinhalese and
Buddhist, but this region is 95 percent Tamil and
Hindu; the rest are Muslims or Tamil Christians. The
security forces view most inhabitants as potential
members or supporters of the Tigers, and officials say
a large portion of LTTE recruits comes from the
Batticaloa area.

"This is like Vietnam," said one army officer who
asked not to be identified. "The LTTE wants to disrupt
and destabilize. They are terrorists fighting a
guerrilla war, but we have to follow international
rules. They
come in disguise, but we have to wear uniforms. If we
do our jobs, people say we are harassing them. How can
we win?"

Human rights monitors said military abuses have
decreased dramatically in the past several years. In
1990, one priest compiled a list of 417 Batticaloa
Tamils missing after being taken into custody; the
army acknowledged detaining only three of them.
Today, rights groups say the military is more
responsive, and they are able to locate virtually all
detainees.

Still, daily life for most residents remains
disruptive and tense. There are constant roadside
checks and house-to-house searches. Fishermen are
banned from fishing at night; rice farmers cannot
cross the lagoon to cultivate their fields. And anyone
caught walking along a road after dark, residents
said, might be beaten or arrested.

"Even if someone is bitten by a snake, you have to
wait until the next morning to go to the hospital. The
army sees us all as suspicious," said Krishna Pillai,
a rice farmer. A few miles down the road, a long line
of men
stood glumly outside a church; the army had raided
their village at dawn and taken every man for
questioning.

Most Tamils seem to view the Tigers with a mixture of
fear and admiration. Many said they had no illusions
of winning a separate Tamil homeland, and none would
admit to being a guerrilla, but several men said they
would join the LTTE if they did not have families to
support.

Residents who cross the lagoon regularly--including
priests and traders--said the guerrillas allow them to
move about freely. Their major complaint is that the
Tigers charge taxes for visitors carrying commercial
goods, or send bills in the mail politely demanding
funds. Few people dare refuse.

The Rev. Joseph Mary, a Tamil priest who has visited
"Tigerland" many times, described the LTTE territory
as an efficiently run parallel state, with its own
schools, police and agricultural programs. Teenage
troops are divided into male and female barracks, and
sex and alcohol are banned."Their code of conduct is
even stricter than the church," Mary said, sitting
outside his beachfront chapel. "They celebrate all the
Hindu festivals, and they send condolence messages to
families when a cadre is fallen." Father Joseph said
one of his altar boys vanished, then resurfaced months
later across the lagoon, totally transformed. "They
made a man out of him," he said.

But army officers depict a jungle empire of terror,
where youths are trained to become suicide bombers and
are trapped in a system they can escapeonly through
death. All LTTE members answer to the reclusive
Vellupillai Prabhakaran, and the group, declared a
terrorist organization by the United States in 1997,
is notorious for its use of teenage fighters and
suicide bombs.

"They have created a culture of guns and death," said
one officer. "It is easy to recruit boys who dream of
being heroes and love to carry weapons. They are
literally brainwashed. . . . We have fought the LTTE
for a generation, and it will take another generation
before this is over."

While most Tamil Tiger attacks are aimed at the
security forces, there have been periodic assaults on
civilian targets; in the past two weeks, the Tigers
have attacked a fuel truck and a post office. Among
local Muslims, memories are still fresh of a 1990
massacre at two mosques where LTTE troops burst into
prayer services and killed 103 worshipers.

"There was blood up to my ankles," recalled Abdul
Wahid, who lost 30 relatives in the attack. At one
mosque near Batticaloa, he pointed to hundreds of
bullet holes in the walls. "We are like brothers with
the Tamil people," he said, "but since the massacre,
we cannot trust the LTTE."

International aid groups said they have observed
progress in the LTTE's conduct. Bodies of dead
soldiers are no longer mutilated, and neutral groups
are allowed to retrieve the remains. The International
Committee of
the Red Cross offers human rights training for LTTE
and army troops, and its officials said they now have
open dialogue with both sides.

But with no end to the war in sight, there seems to be
little prospect of relief for local Tamils from the
daily diet of searches, raids and detentions that make
normal life impossible.

"We are so tired of being afraid," said a truck driver
named Ruben, sitting with his neighbors under a
banana tree. "If the boys attack, the army will come
and beat us," he said. "We don't want a separate
country, we just want the freedom to walk about in
safety. We just want peace."

=A9 Copyright 2000 The Washington Post Company

_________

#3.

The Ottawa Citizen
January 22, 2000

South Asia seeks Canadian help in forming free-trade bloc:
Treaty likely to be ready by next year

By Charles Enman

Few Canadians may know about it, but one of the world's largest free-
trade blocs is slowly taking shape in south Asia.

Nihal Rodrigo, secretary general of the South Asia Association for
Regional Co-operation (SAARC), hopes one day to see a south Asia
free-trade association rise from his own organization's ashes.

''The discussions are still maturing, and we're probably still at the
adolescent stage,'' said Mr. Rodrigo, who was in Ottawa for consultation
with the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA).

SAARC was created in 1985 and has seven members, including India,
Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka and the Maldives, a group
that together has roughly one-fifth of the world's population.

Tariffs are already heading downward throughout the region. A free-trade
treaty should be ready for signatures next year, though SAARC members may
not all join at once. And after that, the association hopes to set up a
regional customs union and finally a regional community not unlike the EU.

The position of secretary general rotates among members of the
association. Sri Lanka, whose turn it currently is, named Mr. Rodrigo, a
career diplomat, to the position.

He believes that Canada, as a member of the North American Free-Trade
Agreement, can usefully guide his group in some aspects of the move
towards a free- trade association.

''Basically, our members are of exceptionally diverse size,'' Mr. Rodrigo
said. ''We have India with more than one billion people, and the Maldives
with only 310,000. Canada and the United States, on a smaller scale, faced
a similar problem bringing Mexico into NAFTA, so we can learn from you.''

The resolve to create a free-trade area is a reaction to the globalization
that is sweeping the world, Mr. Rodrigo says.

''We have to acknowledge the strength that inheres in numbers,'' he says.

Canada, through CIDA, offers extensive assistance to SAARC. In a current
project, CIDA will give $2 million to upgrade a tuberculosis treatment
centre in Kathmandu, Nepal, which serves the entire region.

CIDA also helps the group nations fight various social problems,
including, prostitution.

Some social problems that need to be addressed can only be eradicated
slowly, Mr. Rodrigo said. There is a consensus in the group that child
labour must be outlawed, but doing so quickly would only throw many
families into poverty.

''No one wants to use kids for labour, but if you don't move slowly, you
put many people into an economic limbo that is even worse. Changes must be
phased in. ''

To a degree, the association has been hamstrung by conflicts among member
states, especially those between India and Pakistan. Last year's summit
was cancelled by India, which refused to sit at the table with Pakistan.

(Summits must be attended by all members, so even the tiny Maldives holds
a veto on association meetings.)

''I am an optimist, and I'm sure there will be a summit soon,'' Mr.
Rodrigo said.

At summits, no formal discussions take place between members who are in
disputes. But informal talks in corridors and hotel rooms ''often break
the ice,'' Mr. Rodrigo said. ''Certainly, all of south Asia would like
India and Pakistan to find a solution to their disagreements."

Canadians' interest in south Asia is sparked by the danger of nuclear
conflict between India and Pakistan, Mr. Rodrigo said.

''We are fighting a lack of awareness,'' he said. Hopefully, this will
fade as we become more cohesive. The strength of numbers will strengthen
our profile.''
_________

#4.

30 January 2000

INDIA:
OPPOSITION OF THE LOCALS TO THE MEGA-PORT PROPOSED AT UMARGAON

The state of Gujarat in its fervour for "development" is intending
to establish a gigantic industrial Port along the coast in Umargaon
Taluka of Valsad district. This port is to handle a variety of
commodities such as fuel products including LNG, cement, coal,
chemicals, general cargo/containers, etc. The plan is to make this port
one of the largest ports in the country.

The port project will affect about 20-25 villages; the main
villages/towns being Umargaon, Dehri, Saronda, Sanjjan, Nargol,
Khatalwad, Phansa, Maroli. The majority of the residents depend on
fishing and agriculture for their livelihood and survival. Land will be
required to construct jetties and to provide infrastructural support to
the port. A multi-lane express highway, coastal highway and railway
lines are to be constructed along the coast to allow easy transportation
of commodities.

The Gujarat Maritime Board has awarded the development rights on
BOOT basis to a consortium consisting of NATELCO and UNOCAL CORPORATION
(a U.S. oil and gas company). UNOCAL'S human rights and environment
record is dismal. UNOCAL'S participation in environmental devastation,
unethical and unfair treatment of workers, complicity in unspeakable
human rights violations by foreign governments with which it does
business is well documented. In Burma, UNOCAL in partnership with the
military regime is laying gas pipelines; this project has resulted in
depriving people of their homes and means of livelihood and caused
irreparable damage to endangered rain forests. The conduct of UNOCAL in
U.S.A. has resulted in legal cases being filed against the company
including a legal complaint for revocation of the company's charter and
dissolution of the company.

The proposed port could be a lagoon port or an outer port
depending upon the location ultimately chosen. The sites short-listed
for the project are two, viz. the mouth of Varoli creek between Umargaon
and Nargol or the coast at Nargol Bunder. The Varoli river is where the
Parsis first landed in India in the eighth century. The lagoon port will
result in khazan land i.e. wetlands being destroyed to form the lagoon
for the port and the outer port will result in large portions of the
Arabian Sea being reclaimed and construction of breakwaters. The depth
at both these sites is very shallow therefore constant dredging will
have to be done to maintain the depth of 20 metres necessary for panamic
size ships. The Gujarat Maritime Board and the Gujarat government do not
appear to be concerned with regards to the environmental damage likely
to be caused by construction of the port.

The majority of the residents, in the villages of Umargaon
Taluka to be affected are fishermen and farmers. This area is a rich
spawning and breeding ground for fish. The advent of the port will bring
fishing to an end in this area and khazan and agricultural land will be
acquired for the port and for infrastructural purpose. The fishermen and
farmers will lose their sole means of livelihood and will be rendered
destitute. The locals strongly oppose this project and the gram
panchayats and taluka panchayat have passed unanimous resolutions
opposing the project.

The project has been estimated to cost Rs.12,040 crores. Though
this project will adversely affect the lives and livelihood of the
locals they have not been given any information with regards to the
project, so much for the policy of transparency undertaken by the
central and state governments! The project is being executed in a most
secretive manner; the locals came to know of the project only when
representatives of M/s. Water & Power Consultancy Services Pvt. Ltd.
were found surveying the area. WAPCOS were retained as project
consultants by the Gujarat government as far back as 1995. In 1998
Natelco also retained them for the same purpose. Due to the opposition
of the locals the survey till date has not been completed.

Umargaon is adjacent to the northern boundary of the state of
Maharashtra; and the proposed site is merely 126 kms. from Mumbai Port
Trust. Mumbai Port Trust and Jahawarlal Nehru Port Trust are not used to
their full capacity. Kandla, Hazira, Pipaviva, Dahej, Magdella, are
developed ports in Gujarat state and are in proximity to the proposed
port project. Presently there are 41 ports in Gujarat i.e. 1 major port,
11 intermediate ports and 29 minor ports. It is felt that this project
is being strongly pushed due to scrapping of the Wadhwan port project in
Dahanu which was to feed BSES. There is absolutely no need for another
port in this area.

There is no assured traffic for the proposed port and the
Gujarat Martitime Board has stated that it will attract and divert
traffic from ports in other states. The only assured traffic is coal for
the BSES plant in Dahanu. The All India Dock Workers Union is opposing
the construction of Umargaon Port as it will lead to reduction of
traffic and subsequent retrenchment at Mumbai PortTrust and Jahawarlal
Nehru Port Trust.

The Pre-feasibility Report and Rapid Environment Impact
Assessment Report, which are ready, have not been given to the locals=92
inspite of repeated requests. The project requires environmental
clearance from MOEF, New Delhi but no such clearance has been applied
for. Though the preliminaries have not been completed and the site not
chosen, the Gujarat Maritime Board has issued notices for intention to
acquire land to residents at Umargaon, Khatalwad and Padgam.

The Gujarat Government is well known for its pathetic environment
record. The industrial estates of Vapi, Ankleshwar and Sarigam have
caused irreparable groundwater and soil pollution, the government has
done nothing to control and rectify the situation. There has been no
proper rehabilitation of the Narmada, Madhuban and other dam oustees.

In order to appease the fishing community, the Gujarat Government
intends to construct a fishing port alongside the industrial port. The
fishermen of Umargaon Taluka are opposing this ploy of the government as
Umargaon Taluka is a rich ground for the breeding and spawning of fish
and the establishment of the industrial port will destroy these breeding
and spawning grounds. The fishermen in this area are small fishermen
who go fishing in small boats or wade into the water to catch fish or
fish in khazan land and consume the fish caught or sell it in the local
market. The fishermen who go fishing in larger boats market their fish
to Mumbai. There are very few trawler owners in the region. The
trawler owners of Valsad, seventy-five kms. north of Umargaon Taluka,
want a fishing harbour in Umargaon though they are well aware that it
will destroy the small fishermen. The National Fishworkers Forum are
vigorously supporting the cause of the local fishermen in opposing both
the industrial and fishing port in the region.

Several rallies have been held by local residents protesting the
setting up of the port in their area and memorandums have been sent to
concerned authorities. The environment in this area is presently able to
comfortably sustain the people. The locals are not opposing development
but the concept of development which will destroy a sustainable
lifestyle and especially when there is no need for a port in this area.

About 2000 SRP personnel were sent into the area in November 1999,
supposedly to give protection to the company representatives to enable
them to complete the survey. The people protested this intrusion in a
most peaceful manner. They kept a twenty-four hour vigil at the proposed
location for over a week; women and children sang bhajans and danced the
garba. The SRP personnel were ultimately withdrawn without the survey
being completed.

The forest department has been felling tracts of forest land along
the coastline. The villagers apprehend that this clearing of trees is
for the construction of a road leading to the proposed site. The
villagers questioned the Range Officer, Sanjjan, who claims that this is
a regular practice.

The response of Mr.Raman Patkar (local MLA) is two toned - he has
at different times both supported and opposed the port. The politicians
recognising the extent of local opposition are now attempting to break
the local unity but have till date not succeeded in doing so. The
residents of the area are determined that no port will be constructed in
their area. The voice of the people should be heard and the project
scrapped in public interest.

KINARA BACHAO SANGARSH SAMITI
(UMARGAON TALUKA)

We express our support to this struggle:
SWARAJ
UNNATI
INDIAN NATIONAL SOCIAL ACTION FORUM (INSAF)
LAWYERS INITIATIVE (Gujarat)
SAMVAD
Email: samvad@w...
__________________________________________
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