[sacw] sacw dispatch (29 dec.99)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Web Dispatch
29 December 1999
_______________________
#1. Complaint to National Commission for Women in India
#2. Manufactured nationalism
#3. Irfan Hussain on Defence of Minorities in Pakistan
_______________________
#1.
27 December 1999

To: The Chairperson
The National Commission for Women
New Delhi 110001

=46rom: Dr Kamal Mitra Chenoy Associate Professor,
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi 110067 Phones : 6177492/6164330;
=46ax:: 6210765
&
John Dayal National Convenor, United Christian Forum
for Human Rights National Secretary, All India Christian Council
National Secretary for Public Affairs, All India Catholic Union 505
Media Apartments, 18 IP Extn, Delhi 110092 Phones 2722262 Fax 2726582

Re : Urgent appeal for an enquiry by the NCW into the rape and harassment
of a tribal woman, Padmaben Chander Pawar of Village Gadvi, Dangs
District, Gujarat and the arrest of her husband Chanderbhai Jalalbhai
Pawar

Dear Madam

Dr Kamal Mitra Chenoy and Mr. John Dayal were requested
by the All India Christian Council, a major Christian organisation, to
be present in the Dangs district of South Gujarat before, during and
after Christmas on 25th December 1999, as National observers to monitor
the situation in the town of Ahwa and other places in the district which
has during Christmas 1998, seen widespread violence leading to the
destruction of dozens of churches and chapels.

THE BACKGROUND: As you
are aware, the situation in the Dangs was far from normal even this year
in view of the call made by the Hindu Jagran Manch and other
organisations for a `shilanayas' (laying of foundation stone) of a
temple in the Halmodi village of Surat District and organising a
dharmsabha-religious rally/ meeting in Ahwa on 25th December 1999.
Violence last year had erupted after one such meeting organised by the
Manch. Subsequent to the violence, the Hindu Jagran Manch and its
activists have carried on a systematic campaign to terrorise the
Christian community through a hate campaign in which they have used
leaflets, pamphlets and other forms of mass communication. This hate
campaign sharpened in intensity as the anniversary of the violence
approached.

On Christmas day, a heavy police presence ensured there was
no violence, and Christmas was celebrated in a curfew-like situation
enforced by the Rapid Action Force and various units of the state
police. It is now well known that despite an order by the Hon'ble High
Court of Gujarat (Coram : Acting Chief Justice Mr. CK Thakar and Mr.
Justice D P Buch Criminal Misc. Application 7605 of 1999/ Special
Criminal Application 214 of 1999 Order Dated 21/12/99) the Manch succeed
in holding a public meeting attended by over 500 people in the
Dandeshwar temple in Ahwa on 25th December 1999, just as they had held
the shilanayas at Halmodi Village in Surat some days earlier. While
there was no violence in both cases, the acts were designed to terrorise
the small Christian community in both places.

The Shankaracharya and Mr.
Aseemanand used extremely inflammatory language against Christianity,
against the Church leadership and Christians in General and against
Indian political leaders in violation of the Hon'ble high court's order.
The leaders of the Hindu Jagran Manch, including Mr. Aseemanand and Mr.
Janubhai Pawar, prime accused in the violence of 1998, have announced
they will continue to hold such meetings every Christmas day to
challenge the Christian community of Ahwa in particular and the Dangs in
general. Two government officials appointed as observers by the Hon'ble
High Court were present in the temple premises while the Shankaracharya
was speaking.

THE ALLEGED SEXUAL ASSAULT ON PADMABEN CHANDER PAWAR OF
GADWI VILLAGE:

While Dr Chenoy and Mr. Dayal were functioning as
observers, the tribals brought to their attention a horrific incident
that had taken place in the Gadvi village on 23rd December 1999. Gadvi
village is the home village of the local Hindu Jagran Manch chief,
Janubhai Pawar. It has about 15 Pentecost Christian families and the
rest are overwhelmingly supporters of the Hindu Jagran Manch. The local
people produced one Mrs. Padmaben Chander Pawar, age about 28 years, the
victim of gross sexual violence whose husband was then in police lock
up. Padmaben narrated to us her story, which she also repeated in the
presence of many reporters of the local and national press at Ahwa.

The
following is her story as told to us: Padmaben and her husband
Chanderbhai, both Bhils, became Christians more than 12 years ago. For a
livelihood, they run a small grain retail shop in the village. Padmaben
said she had been raped repeatedly over a period of a fortnight by one
Pratap Umersingh Pawar a.k.a. Uloobhai Pawar, a farmer who is married
and has five children. He is about 35 years old. Padmabai said he used
to come to the shop time and again, and raped her at knife point. At
some point, she told her husband, but both were too terrified to
complain to the authorities. The terrorised woman was repeatedly
assaulted at knife point. On the 23rd December, however, while her
husband was away, Uloobhai again came to the shop with a big knife and
had forcible sex with Padmaben. Her husband Chanderbhai had however gone
only to the toilet and returned to find his wife being raped. Terrified
for so long, Chanderbhai found his courage and his self esteem and
assaulted the rapist, Ulloobhai. At this, the rapist, Ulloobhai, ran
away. Instead of coming to the woman's help, a group of toughies from
the village came and attacked the shop. Janubhai, Baburao Gangrude and
Sakharam, all of Gadhvi village, beat up Chanderbhai.

The villagers, all
supporters of Janubhai Pawar, also broke part of the shop's walls,
looting it in the process. Ulloobhai, who had run away, cleverly lodged
himself in a hospital. A complaint was registered with the police
against Chanderbhai, the husband of the victim, and the police arrested
him on charges of assault and locked him up. No attempt was made by the
police to register the woman's complaint that she had been criminally
assaulted, her husband attacked and beaten, and her shop looted. The
police also made no attempt to get her medically examined, or to have
her clothes sent for forensic examination.

Padmaben told us that while
her husband continued to be in police lock up, she was summoned to the
Ahwa police station at 11 a.m., and pressured to put her thumb print on
some document that had been written up by the police. The police later
sent her back to Gadhvi at 3 p.m. Mr. Dayal and Dr Chenoy met with the
district superintendent of police, Mr. Manoj Shashidhar on December 25th
just after noon, and brought the incident to his notice. Mr. Shashidhar
said he would direct the police to release the woman's husband on bail
and order a high level inquiry into the incident. We were surprised to
find that the police, and the special secretary in charge of Dangs, Mr.
S.K. Nanda, have not only NOT bothered to enquire into the woman's
complaint, made publicly to the Press and to us, but have gone out of
their way to vilify the tribal woman, casting aspersions on her morals
and insisting that she had a consensual sexual relationship with her
assailant. Their actions are a direct contravention of the laws of the
land for the protection of women. It is apparent that the local police
and senior authorities do not want to conduct a thorough and impartial
investigation into this case. It is also apparent that the police want
to hush up or dismiss the case for their own motives.

We therefore
request the National Commission for Women to order a high level enquiry
into the incident. This incident is the tip of an iceberg. We believe,
from our conversations with the local people, that there is widespread
sexual exploitation and terrorisation of the women, especially the
Christian women, of village Gadhvi and other villages in the Dangs. The
villages also see the continuance of nefarious traditions where local
powerful men seem to exercise unparalleled sexual rights over the poorer
tribal women. This a fit case for a full investigation by the National
Commission for Women. We also request through you to the National
Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes to investigate
other aspects of the matter.

Thank you
John Dayal
Dr Kamal Mitra Chenoy
Original copy sent by registered post Cc; Mrs S Hamid
______________
#2.
Indian Express
29 December 1999
Editorial

Manufactured nationalism

Nationalism is understood to be an umbrella term under which were
subsumed the related phenomena of national identity and consciousness;
occasionally, it is employed to refer to the articulate ideology on
which national identity and consciousness rested. True, nationalism
lends itself to several different meanings because of its fuzzy,
shifting and ambiguous character. Yet it continues to fire popular
imagination in many countries enabling politicians and publicists to
mobilise, though not always for the right reasons, large segments of
society in the name of nationalism.

Edward Said has written nostalgically about nationalism in Ireland,
India and Egypt being rooted in the long-standing struggle for native
rights and independence by nationalist parties like the Sinn Fein, the
Congress and Wafd. He refers to the pantheon of Bandung flourishing, in
all its suffering and greatness, because of the nationalist dynamic,
which was culturally embodied in the inspirational autobiographies,
instructional manuals,and philosophical meditations of great leaders
like Nehru and Nasser.

Indian nationalism, though marred by Muslim estrangement, had its finer
moments. In 1920, for example, when the Mahatma's spectacular mass
mobilisation strategies paid off while his predecessors in the Congress
were made to look silly. Again, when the same frail man, aged 60 years,
marched from his Sabarmati Ashram with 78 followers for the shores of
Dandi, a small village on the coast of Gujarat. This was nationalism,
pure and simple, on the move. Tagore wrote that the influence emanating
from Gandhi's personality was ineffable, like music, like beauty. Its
claim upon others was great because of its revelations of a spontaneous
self-giving. Not only did the Mahatma awaken the villages to a sense of
their power, but also his novel conception of motion, exemplified in the
Dandi March, shot across the changeless horizon.

The point is not to valorise Gandhi but to make sense of his political
credo. Equally, the point is not to celebratethe Congress brand of
nationalism but to delineate its characteristics. In its heyday,
nationalism was defined and constructed differently by the elites and
the "subalterns". Yet the ambiguities were the greatest strength of
Indian nationalism. This is not something the post-modernists should
frown upon, for the discourses of scores of groups, though often at
variance with one another, were located and expounded within the
anti-colonial paradigm. The evolution of institutional pluralism,
democracy and political stability was not contingent upon a unified or
monolithic interpretation of nationalism.

At a time when state-sponsored nationalism is being imposed on our
society, this is a lesson that we will do well to remember. In free
India, the finest hour in the tortuous career of nationalism was perhaps
the drafting of a democratic and secular constitution, with a pronounced
egalitarian thrust in so many of its provisions. The urge to clear the
debris of the Raj and to rebuild a new and dynamic nation-statewas
central to the post-colonial project. To me, these urges and the initial
moves towards their fulfilment, captured the spirit and essence of
nationalism. The tryst with destiny echoed the legitimate aspirations of
the people.

Nehru underlined in 1951 that India had infinite variety and there was
absolutely no reason why anybody should regiment it after a single
pattern. This, if you do not already know, is what secular nationalism
is all about. As its chief proponent after independence, the country's
first prime minister pursued a goal set by the Mahatma, by the secular
wing of the Congress, and by the socialists and communists.

A secular state as a political solution for modern India was based on
the contention that it afforded the optimum freedom for the citizens to
develop into fully integrated beings. This was a modern goal, rational
and scientific, and in addition a specifically Indian goal. These values
should have been apparent to all, and it was because of this that they
were for Nehru and hiscolleagues both the ultimate and final
legitimisation for the secular state.Yet the ``nationalist dynamic''
that Edward Said talks of has dissipated in several countries. India is
no exception. Here the demise of inclusive nationalism has been hastened
by three factors. First, the historical experience of resistance against
colonialism does not find a place in the collective consciousness of the
nation; secondly, secularism as an important component of nationalism
has been assailed, for a variety of reasons, in different quarters;
thirdly, the persistent failure of the state machinery to reduce social
and economic inequities has raised doubts over the efficacy of
nationalism as an ideology that cements the bond of unity; finally, the
hegemonic language of nationalism has no appeal to the 'new' groups
trying to assert their regional, linguistic and ethnic identities.

As a consequence, nationalism and secularism have become contested terms
and grown out of their anti-colonial ranks into ethnic and
untutoredreligious consciousness. Doubtless, these trends are
incompatible with democracy and institutional pluralism. But what must
cause greater concern is that ethnic collective consciousness in India,
as indeed in South Asia generally, manifests itself politically and
expresses itself in violent forms. The other disconcerting element is
that ethnic nationalism, though objectified by perceptions of relative
economic deprivation, has so easily merged with religious
fundamentalism. The murky career of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala and the
ill-advised policies of the militants in Kashmir exemplify this.

What we experience today is state-sponsored nationalism or militarism
that comes into play only when a nuclear explosion takes places, or when
the country is at war with Pakistan. Otherwise, our nationalism remains
dormant. Once the war euphoria is dissipated, the deep-seated fissures
in our polity and society surface. We forget our war widows and leave
our wounded soldiers at the mercy of their relatives. We valorisethe
martyrs of Kargil, but forget those killed in Sri Lanka. We fund war
memorials, but do precious little for the millions affected by the
cyclone in coastal Orissa.Politicians ceaselessly debate the politics of
aid in their cosy chambers, while the sufferings of the hapless victims
are prolonged.

How do we travel into the next millennium with this ideological baggage?
The ride is bumpy; the journey hazardous. The Hindi writer Rahi Masoom
Reza would have said that the stories of demolition, war, flood,
cyclones and disease are over. The stories of life have begun, because
the stories of life never end.

Copyright =A9 1999 Indian Express Newspapers (Bombay) Ltd
______________
#3.
DAWN
25 December 1999

A column for Christmas
By Irfan Husain

VERY soon after he took over, General Musharraf spoke out in a
refreshingly direct manner against religious extremism. This unambiguous
statement was reinforced by his publicly stated admiration for modern
secular Turkey's founder, Mustafa Kemal Pasha.
While many rational Pakistanis here and abroad took some comfort from
the general's straightforward words and waited for action, the religious
right immediately attacked these sentiments. Since then, the general and
his spokesmen have maintained a discreet silence on the matter. When I
mentioned this to a senior member of this government, he repeated the
now-familiar plea for more time. But why does the general need more time
to enunciate his policy on the status of the minorities, for example?
Surely if he can make detailed pronouncements on the state of the
economy, he can tell us how he will safeguard the rights of our
minorities.
If he would like to hear the voice of a member of this threatened
community, let me reproduce below excerpts of an e-mail I received last
month from a Pakistani-American reader who now lives safely in the
United States. His name is J. Philip, and he was a student at St
Patrick's School, General Musharraf's alma mater:
I understand the Chief Executive is from St Pat's... In any case he
wouldn't be a fanatic like Zia and that's the good part. I wonder though
whether he would do away with divisive laws like the separate electorate
laws, something very dear to the hearts of minorities. Also, other laws
like the one on blasphemy is again a life and death issue for
minorities... I sometimes feel the country has abandoned me with all
these laws and I am scared to think about coming back for a visit. This
is true for most other minorities I have talked to here. I sometimes
wonder how the minorities in Kashmir - since about 25% of Kashmiris are
Hindus or Buddhists - would feel about being in a state controlled by
Pakistan.
I guess these questions would not be in the minds of anybody given the
problems the country faces... For the past 50 years the Kashmir issue
has been the issue of supreme importance for which half the country was
lost and the rest [remains] mired in poverty. Isn't it time for a
change?"
I think all of us who belong to the majority Muslim population of this
country should be ashamed that members of the minority should feel so
unsafe in Pakistan that they fear returning to their homes. Even
Pakistanis going to India for a visit don't feel so insecure. This is a
truly damning comment on what we have been reduced to as a nation. While
we blame Zia for virtually disenfranchising the minorities through his
separate electorate ordinance, the fact is that since his death eleven
years ago, no civilian government has moved to undo this divisive law.
To his credit, Farooq Leghari has included the repeal of separate
electorates in his Millat Party's manifesto, but apart from him, no
mainstream politician - even a self-proclaimed liberal like Benazir
Bhutto - has raised his or her voice against it.
What J. Philip has said about Kashmiri non-Muslims is also very
relevant. While beating our pathetic little drum to raise support for
our stance on Kashmir, we fail to consider the fact that given our
terrible track record of dealing with our own minorities, the world is
hardly likely to entrust the fate of millions of non-Muslims to us. If
we can't safeguard the rights of our Christian, Hindu and Ahmadi
citizens, we are clearly incapable of guaranteeing the lives and
property of Kashmiri non-Muslims. As it is, Kashmiri mujahideen groups
are targeting innocent Hindus, apart from attacking Muslims who do not
support them.
=46ortunately, bigotry and intolerance are limited to a small number of
highly vocal and well-armed fanatics whose influence far exceeds their
numbers. After years of financial and administrative support from Zia
throughout the Eighties, they have become accustomed to setting the
national agenda. Unfortunately, a succession of supine civilian
governments just could not summon the gumption to face them down, even
though both Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif had a common interest in
confronting and routing these enemies of democracy.
The question now before us is whether the present military government
has the will to address this problem. I place this issue very high on
any rational set of priorities. Currently, Pakistan is being viewed as a
breeding ground of religious intolerance and an exporter of fanatical
terrorists. Our image abroad is so awful that few foreigners are willing
to risk coming here. When we talk about increasing tourism and foreign
investment, we are totally out of touch with reality. As long as the
perception in the international community is that Pakistan is a haven
for terrorist gangs, only the foolhardy will invest here, or visit these
shores for a holiday.
Scores of non-Muslims are currently languishing in jails across the
country on trumped-up charges under the Blasphemy Act. Under this Act,
it is easy for a couple of people to swear they heard or saw a
non-Muslim blaspheme against the holy Prophet (PBUH). Since the
automatic punishment for such a crime is death, this has become an easy
way to settle old scores or acquire somebody's property. Also, many
Ahmadis have been sentenced for the simple "crime" of saying or writing
"Bismillah ir Rahman ir Rahim." And yet we take great pleasure if a
foreigner manages to recite.
Under such circumstances, it comes as no surprise that J. Philip and his
co-religionists should feel threatened in Pakistan. Growing up in
Karachi, I, too studied at St Patrick's around the same time General
Musharraf did. Apart from Christians, Parsis and Hindus, we even had a
couple of Jews studying with us. Nobody bothered about each other's
faith. We played and fought as boys do, and survived under the
ministrations of tough disciplinarians like Father Tony Lobo. When I
returned to the school a few years ago out of pure nostalgia, I was
shocked to see that there were hardly any non-Muslim names in the class
lists on the notice board.
So despite Mr Jinnah's assurances to the minorities that they would be
treated as equal citizens in Pakistan, the sad fact is that we have not
kept faith with the founder of the nation. But can General Musharraf
undo the harm his uniformed predecessor, General Zia, did not just to
the minorities, but to the whole country? Only time will tell, but
meanwhile, let me wish my Christian readers a very happy Christmas.

______________
#4.
__________________________________________
SOUTH ASIA CITIZENS WEB DISPATCH is an informal, independent &
non-profit citizens wire service run by South Asia Citizens Web
(http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since1996.