[sacw] sacw dispatch (22 Dec 99)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Web Dispatch
22 December 1999
__________________________
#1. Defending Rapists - A Crime In Itself:
(A comment by a Bangladeshi Feminist)
#2. 'Human Security' as Opposed to 'National Security
by Admiral L Ramdas (Former Chief of the Indian Navy)
#3. Bilateral Contacts at Government & Non-Govt. Levels
General Jehangir Karamat (Former Chief of the Pakistan Army)
__________________________

#1.
DEFENDING RAPISTS - A CRIME IN ITSELF
by Saira Rahman

There has yet to be a war where there has not been any violence against
women and children. It is a fact that wars, regardless of their size and
the boundaries they are contained in , have used sexual violence and rape
as weapons of war. The violence during the Partition of 1947, our
liberation war in 1971, the civil war in Bosnia-Herzegovina, World War Two,
the conflicts in the North East of India, in Kashmir and in Sri Lanka -all
these conflicts and wars have used and are still using, rape as a weapon
against community identity and for establishing or maintaining ethnic or
religious purity. Rape in conflict has become an effective weapon to
demoralise a community.

In light of the above fact, General Niazi's comments during a interview
with the Pakistani news agency, PPI , on 10 December 1999 can only be
expressed as being ridiculous. The fact that he denies that his 'brave'
Muslim soldiers were too busy killing freedom fighters and had no time to
rape anyone and the fact that it is common knowledge and that there is
concrete evidence showing that women were raped during the war of 1971,
only shows that the General is protecting his then soldiers from being
smeared with the further insult of being rapists.

According to American journalist Joseph Fried, in the New York Daily News
of 27 December 1971, "A stream of victims and eye witnesses tell how truck
loads of Pakistani soldiers and their hireling razakars swooped down on
villages in the night, rounding up women by force. Some were raped on the
spot. Others were carted off to military compounds. Some women captives
were still there when Indian troops battled their way into Pakistani
strongholds. Weeping survivors of villages razed because they were
suspected of siding with the Mukti Bahini told of how wives were raped
before the eyes of their bound husbands, who were then put to death."

Again, a report in the Indian newspaper The Statesman of 28 December 1971,
titled "International Red Cross rescues 51 Girls," states that the
"International Red Cross have rescued 51 girls from various secret places
in Narayanganj and Dacca cantonments in the last few days, reports UNI.
Most of the girls aged between 14 and 30 were found in rooms locked from
the outside by Pakistani troops before surrendering. They had been
starving. The girls narrated harrowing tales of atrocities committed on
them. More than 3000 girls are missing from Dacca city alone."

The Pakistani army could not have captured and raped women alone. In the
unfamiliar terrain of rural Bangladesh, where would they look? The razakars
and collaborators helped, of course. These so-called religious forces have
played a large part in destroying the lives of many women during the war.
Now they want to cover up their deeds committed during '71' just as General
Niazi wants to cover up his troops activities. During a protest rally
organised by the Shommilito Nari Shomaj, a coalition of women=EDs
organisations, on 12 December 1999, in retaliation to General Niazi's
statement, the effigy the women had made of the General was snatched away
by supporters of so-called religious political parties. Happily, another
effigy was produced by the women=EDs group and burnt in disgust.

The activities of these so-called religious parties during Bangladesh=EDs wa=
r
of liberation, and their subsequent activities in an independent
Bangladesh-including the most recent attack on the Shommelito Nari Shomaj
procession-only show how necessary it is to bring identified collaborators
and razakars to trial under the existing Act no. XIX of 1973 -The Trial of
War Criminals Ordinance. This Act specifies that it is to provide for the
"detention and prosecution and punishment of persons guilty of crimes
against humanity, genocide, war crimes, and other crimes under
international law". According to the said Act, crimes against humanity
include murder, confinement, torture, rape and "other inhuman acts
committed against any civilian population". The leaders of the fanatic
forces in Bangladesh have been accused of committing both war crimes and
crimes against humanity. Unfortunately, beginning with the granting of
"general amnesty", successive governments of this country have treated
these self proclaimed religious parties with kid gloves. The present
political party in power, which prides itself as the political force which
rallied the Bangalees towards independence, should now seriously bring
those collaborators remaining today to task and see that justice is meted
out.

=46urthermore, the good General should realise that history cannot be
changed, not can its cruel, cold realities be hidden. The international
community is very much aware of the genocide, rape and other acts of
violence perpetrated by the Pakistani occupation forces in Bangladesh
during the 1971 war and the people of Bangladesh will always remember the
nightmare of having their near and dear ones taken so cruelly away from
them. An apology to the Bangladeshi population, for the atrocities
perpetrated under the given circumstances, is definitely due. Other
countries have been brave and conscious enough to do so.

* The writer is a Member of the Executive Committee of Odhikar [A Human
rights initiative in Bangladesh].
_________________
#2.
[The following was delivered as the keynote address to 'South Asia Facing
the New Millenium' RCSS Conference in Sri-Lanka Sept 21-23, 1999]

UNDERSTAND THE IMPORTANCE OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND
PROMOTE 'HUMAN SECURITY' AS OPPOSED TO 'NATIONAL SECURITY'
by Admiral L. Ramdas
(Former Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Navy)

As we near the sunset of this century one cannot but admire the tremendous
achievements made by humankind in the areas of science and technology,
especially in the last fifty years. Moonwalk, the information explosion,
the green revolution, robotics and a host of other spectacular events, are
certainly caused for pride. By the same token the horrific and unpardonable
act of bombing Hiroshima and Nagasaki has etched itself permanently in
peoples minds. The world cannot ignore the terrible tragedies, which have
accounted for over forty million lives due to wars and conflict over the
same period. Apart from World War II, The world has been a witness to over
275 wars and conflicts of varying types during the second half of this
century.

The United States of America During the coming decade the United States is
still likely to retain its lead position in all spheres of activity
especially in the technological field. However its share of the world
markets, and economy in comparison to the anticipated growth of the
economies of China, European Union, Russia and possibly India is likely to
fall in relative terms in the coming decade. Let us for a moment look at
the overal] global product-Market Exchange Rate (MER) trends. This was 50
percent in 1947, 30 percent in 1960, and 2 l percent in 1997 indicating a
steady downward trend. Its share is likely to come down to about 17 percent
by 2010. This will benefit China, Russia and India who are expected to make
a corresponding gain in their respective MER during the same period. USA's
continued interest in Gulf oil and the gas reserves of central Asia will
dominate its moves and actions in the Indian Ocean Region. It can be
expected to flex its economic and military muscle to protect this vital
interest.

China China's economic growth at nearly eight percent annually over the
past twenty years has been most impressive. During this period it has also
steadily improved and modernised its military capability. There is very
little doubt in anyones' mind about China's final destination as a 'super
power'. The Chinese have many unresolved issues in their

neighbourhood including the outstanding boundary question with India.
China's immediate and foreseeable security concerns are related to the
development of the strategic scene in its neighbourhood. She has to contend
with nuclear Russia to the north, Japan in the east, United States in the
Western Pacific, and a resurgent nuclear India to the south.

The Military Industrial Complex The largest single multinational with an
overarching reach, which is going to influence the trajectories of the
Southern Asian nations, is the one called the "Military Industrial Complex"
(M I C). The impact of this seven hundred billion dollar industry on the
developing nations is a case worth discussing. The principal exporters of
arms also happen to be the leading Industrialised countries, namely the P 5
and Israel. The share of the exports to the world's armament market in
percentage terms is roughly as follows, USA 51%, U.K 13%, Russia 12%,France
10% Israel 7% China 5% Others 2%. Since weapons are the main ingredients
for waging war and other forms of conflict, any attempt to reduce the
weapons or steps taken to demilitarize, is bound to attract serious
opposition from the MIC lobby.

The Nuclear Imbroglio The acquisition of nuclear weapons by both India and
Pakistan has created new challenges which is not addressed frontally is
fraught with danger. Notwithstanding the traditional logic doled out by the
champions of 'the Nukes' like political leverage, power, deterrence,
savings in sper~ding on conventional weapons, as justification for their
possession, the sheer economics of this and its adverse effect on human
development should force the leadership to call a halt to this madness.
Civil societies in both India and Pakistan have their work cut out to
influence their political leadership to heed this call for sanity.

India and Pakistan The political scene in both India and Pakistan is likely
to develop on slightly different lines. Whilst there seems to be a
convergence in some areas especially the growing influence of
fundamentalist forces-the Taliban and Mujahideen in Pakistan and the RSS
and VHP in India, the influence of the military and the clergy in Pakistan
is likely to continue being the dominant factor in its politics. In India
on the other hand the military is likely to remain apolitical as hitherto.
The situation of the minorities in both these countries will be dependent
on the quality of the political managers that emerge in these countries.

We need to create a "Culture of Peace" before any meaningful talks can take
place. India and China have managed to keep peace along their Line of
Control for nearly ten years, whilst trying to resolve the boundary
question through dialogue. There is no reason why this approach cannot be
applied to Kashmir between India and Pakistan.

It is unlikely that one will see any dramatic changes in Indo-Pak relations
except that both seem to be determined on coming closer to the edge of the
precipice. Ways and means must be found for defusing the situation and to
find a political solution to the problems.

Challenges and Opportunities The challenges that confront the South Asia
nations as we have seen are a combination of political, economic and
security issues. The principal players from the region who can either make
or break the system are India and Pakistan. Extra regional actors include
China and the USA. The 'China factor' is relevant in the context of the
nuclear weaponisation of South Asia and India's security concerns. The
continuing presence of units of the U.S seventh fleet in the North Arabian
Sea needs also to be noted. Like all difficult situations, this one also
offers many opportunities to the member states of South Asia, to come
together and evolve a recovery, resurgence and peace initiative within the
framework of SAARC.

Whilst there are a lot of reasons for the countries in the South Asia to be
worried and concerned, there is a ray of hope, if the political and
bureaucratic managers-especially those in India and Pakistan- understand
the importance of economic development, promote 'human security' as opposed
to 'national security', and shed their hatred and mistrust of each other.
Nuclear weapons and rhetoric is not going to get these countries anywhere.
A drastic change of attitudes is required. 'The Line of Control' in
E~ashmir needs to become 'the Line of Peace' certainly till such time as a
final solution is found. China and India have managed to keep their
existing Line of Control as a Line of Peace, there is no reason why
Pakistan and India cannot do likewise.

=46or evolving any meaningful and lasting security arrangements, as also
nuclear confidence building measures in this region, we need to associate
China, together with India and Pakistan in this process. Hopefully a new
'triad of destiny' shall emerge. This may appear as a pipe dream at
present, but so did the Berlin wall, Palestinian-Israeli rapproachment,
Abolition of Apartheid and the abolition of Chemical and Biological weapons.

Conclusion Soon the world will leave behind the twentieth century and usher
in the next millennium. One hopes that the new millennium can become a
century of Peace and Justice unlike the one that we have lived through. If
we were to draw up a balance sheet of the overall performance of the
International community till now, we will show up poorly. It was not the
lack of ideas, conventions, strategies or treaties, but the lack of
political will to implement anything that has been agreed upon which caused
this. Will humankind change or continue to procrastinate as always? Perhaps
time alone will tell.

The emergence of China as a super power, and the growing economic power of
the European Union, Russia and India and corresponding waning of economic
power of the USA and Japan in the coming decade is going to make a
significant impact on the existing unipolar world order. It is more likely
to look like a multi polar configuration with shared interests and
economies. The strategic environment in the South Asian scene in the next
millennium is going to be troublesome but not unmanageable. The real danger
from nuclear weapons must be understood and the new millennium must usher
in the total abolition of nuclear weapons. Most countries in this region
will be on an upward economic curve provided politics is managed well.
Strong nationalistic feelings must give way for good neighbourliness, and
regional cooperation. Hopefully wisdom and maturity will guide the thoughts
and actions of leaders of this region to ensure peace and justice in the
coming century. This is the challenge before the South Asian Community
today.
_________________
#3.
[The following talk was delivered to 'South Asia Facing the New Millenium'
RCSS Conference in Sri-Lanka Sept 21-23, 1999]

BILATERAL CONTACTS AT GOVERNMENT AND NON-GOVERNMENT LEVELS:
TOP AGENDA FOR THE NEW MILLENNIUM
by Gen.(retd) Jehangir Karamat
(Former Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army)

This presentation will project the Pakistan perspective of the South Asian
Strategic Environment in the Next Millenium.

Let me start by quoting from an article by Admiral L. Ramdas, former Navy
Chief of India published in the newspaper 'Hindu' of 31" August 1999. In
the concluding paragraph he writes, 'When are we ever going to learn to
become good neighbors and avoid such shenanigans again'? We need to do much
more with many other things, which are staring us in the face like
providing drinking water, food, housing, education and healthcare. How many
more sons and daughters are both our countries going to sacrifice to pander
to the warmongers'? With the newfound Indian Nuclear Doctrine we have once
again opened the Pandoras box only to frighten our entire neighborhood.
Maturity and wisdom demand that we call an immediate halt to all this
hostility and jingoism, lest it be too late'.

As a South Asian and a Pakistani I am in total agreement with this frank
and courageous point of view. It is because of our inability to implement
such ideas that South Asia is perceived to be a volatile part of the world
and the India-Pakistan relationship is seen as one of chronic mutual
animosity and instability. Also the South Asian sub continent is being
assessed as an explosive flashpoint and the most probable area where
deterrence breakdown might lead to nuclear use. This is a pity because I
believe that some irresponsible utterances notwithstanding, there are
responsible leaders and institutional restraints on both sides, which will
not plunge the region into such a catastrophe.

The risk is however there and I fully reciprocate Admiral Ramdas' view that
there is a need to call a halt to the madness of nuclear weaponisation and
that the advent of the new millennium is a great opportunity to shed old
mindsets by focusing on the more important issues of human development.

There is no doubt that India is the largest country and the primary
military power is South Asia. What India does to resolve its internal
problems and in pursuit of its national interests conditions the regional
environment and sets the trend for actions and reactions by others.
Pakistan, as a slowly stabilizing democracy, and confronted with the
blow-back from Afghanistan as well as serious economic and internal
challenges looks to India to show the Flexibility which can lead to
creative and pragmatic solutions for settling the outstanding disputes.

In this context I think bilateral contacts at government and non-government
levels, without preconditions, should be on top of our agenda for the next
millennium. These contacts need to be continued so that they become a peace
process and cease to be pressured by the glare of publicity, political
expediency or public opinion. By addressing all the outstanding issues
including Kashmir perhaps some headway can be made over a period of time.
However an immediate effect may be a reduction in levels of tension and the
threat perceptions.

Consider the fact that we started with a militarised Line of Control (LOC)
in Kashmir where there is a UN presence. We ended up with a militarised
Line of Contact in Siachen and then a militarised boundary in the
Sialkot-Samba area and now after the aircraft incident we will have a
militarised Sir Creek sector in the south. This encourages militarism,
creates opportunities for exploitation and increases the chances of
incidents, which can trigger reactions leading to major crises situations.
A total reversal of the situation may not be possible but through bilateral
negotiations we can tackle the disputes which are the root cause of this
state of affairs and which lead us into the 'one step forward and two
backwards syndrome' in our interactions. We need to move our bilateral
negotiations onto a stal~le track, which cannot be derailed, by incidents
or episodes. We have chalked up some successes in the past as far as high
level meetings and confidence building measures are concerned.

Pakistan is fully conscious of the need for political stability and a
viable economy. It is unlikely to compete in an arms race beyond its
capacity to sustain but it will ensure through all means that its defence
capability remains at deterrent level. It is also unlikely that any regime
can take power without the electoral process. In this environment a
political settlement, which alters threat scenarios, is something that both
India and Pakistan should focus on in the next millennium to resist
exploitation by the Military Industrial Complex of which Admiral Ramdas
spoke.

Right now Pakistan is in the process of stabilising its recent democracy.
It faces serious governance problems compounded by economic weakness. It is
coping with the situation across its borders irl Afghanistan and Kashmir as
well as the internal tallout from these events. Contrary to what is being
said these events are not of Pakistan's making and, therefore Pakistan
should not be expected to wield the kind of influence, which will solve
these problems instantly. In countries where state power has been used
ruthlessly there has been horrendous violence later. These situations are a
part of worldwide trends and need to be tackled with patience, vision and
an understanding of the emotions of the people involved. Hopefully this
will happen in the coming years.

The biggest challenge confronting India and Pakistan is the currently
evolving nuclear weaponisation controversy. It is futile to discuss the
pros and cons of the tests in May 28 but we do need to consider whether
weaponisation is an inevitable sequel to those tests. The regional
environment and our interaction with the rest of the world depend on our
ability to meet this challenge. We have the option to learn rrom the
US-USSR arms race which was fuelled by misperceptions stemming from a lack
of contact and understanding of capabilities and intentions. We must not
forego the chance for a restraint regime, which stops us at zero level, or
the least distance up the ladder.

As far as the extra regional powers are concerned, I think that they will,
of course, continue to act in pursuit of their interests. I agree that the
US will continue to work in pursuit of its non proliferation goals in our
region and world wide. I also agree that China will focus on its economy
and act positively to promote good relations with its neighbours. China
should not be seen as a threat to South Asia and , increased interaction
with her can lead to understandings and reassurances. Russia too is likely
to remain involved with its internal and immediate neighborhood situations.

Admiral Ramdas gave an excellent overview of the other South Asian
countries and I agree that Indo- Pakistan relations dominate the scene. I
fully endorse his view that we need to consider ASEAN success and make
SAARC and SAPTA effective.

To conclude I would like to quote from the late Dr Mahbub ul Haq's book
'Human development in South Asia 1998'. He writes that "despite the fact
that South Asia has emerged as the most illiterate region in the world,
universal primary education is an achievable reality". He goes on to say
that "South Asia, containing one fourth of humanity has already emerged as
the most malnourished, the poorest, the most illiterate and the least
gender sensitive region in the world." This should indicate where our
priorities should lie.

I think that in the coming years there is no chance of a major conflict in
South Asia. There will be some kind of a balance perhaps after a period of
instability. We should see greater Chinese interaction with South Asia and
US interest will also increase especially economic interests and security
interests in west and central Asia.

_______________________
SOUTH ASIA CITIZENS WEB DISPATCH is an informal, independent &
non-profit citizens wire service run by South Asia Citizens Web
(http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since1996.