[sacw] sacw dispatch (17 Dec.99)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Web - Dispatch
17 December 1999
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex
_______________________
Contains:
#1. Khaki Shorts [ Militarize Hinduism & Hinduize the Military !]
#2. 'Jang Parivar' book on the Indo-Pak Kargil Conflict
[& Happily ever after hawks on both sides of the border rode to Power]
#3. The nationality question and RSS
#4. Bangladesh: Two reports on 1971 War Crimes Trial
#5. Contents of latest Issue of SAMAR
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#1.
The Asian Age
=46riday 17th December 1999=20

KHAKI SHORTS

[Indian] Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee is having to intervene almost
on a daily basis as some within his own flock seem not to care about the
sensitivities involved in running an ideologically-heterogenous coalition.
Mr Vajpayee had to tell Parliament that Union minister Bachi Singh Rawat
was speaking only for himself when he counselled at a gathering of defence
personnel that it will be good for potential recruits to the country's
defence services to attend Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh shakhas before they
joined the services. At the time he made the statement Mr Rawat was a
minister of state in the MOD, before he was sent to the ministry of
science and technology in last month's cabinet reshuffle. A rather
defensive Mr Vajpayee first said that his colleague must have been
misquoted in the media, (a usual ploy which is resorted to by politicians
of every hue whenever they find themselves embroiled in a controversy,)
before hastening to add that if Mr Rawat indeed had said what he did, he
was "absolutely wrong." For added effect, Mr Vajpayee sought to allay the
MPs misgivings by saying that there was no conscious attempt by his
government to post persons with pronounced pro-RSS [RSS is the fountain
head of the Hindu Far right] leanings to key posts in government and
institutions run by it. It is a moot point, however, whether Mr Vajpayee's
disclaimers will be wholly sustained by hard facts. There is the ready
example of the ministry of human resource development where Dr Murli
Manohar Joshi has been methodically "restructuring" various bodies, like
the National Council for Educational Research and Training (NCERT) and
various centres concerned with history and other social sciences, in tune
with his well-established and known ideological predelictions. Mr Rawat
may not currently enjoy the same clout as Dr Joshi, but that his
ideological bent has a close affinity with the latter does not seem to be
in much doubt. While an element of ideological tinkering is a fact of life
with every political dispensation in power, the extent to which this can
be allowed is a matter of utmost import. After all, in a pluralistic,
multi-lingual and multi-cultural society like India, no political
formation can be allowed to inflict its ideology "from above." Simply
being the predominant party in a 24 four member coalition does not entitle
the BJP to orient education, learning and recruitment in line with its
ideological concerns. From Adolf Hitler downwards, this kind of doctoring
of minds has been a crucial part of totalitarian and fascist set-ups, and
a supposed liberal like Mr Vajpayee should not allow members of his
government to consciously or otherwise follow the same policy. Ideological
mobilisation in a representative democracy is one thing; tinkering with
government establishments quite another. The cynical argument that
whosoever is in power always tries to do the same while opposing this when
out of it, is too glib and pat to allow the Rawats and Joshis to implement
their personal agendas. While Mr Rawat may seriously think that the values
inculcated by the RSS to young recruits will help them discharge their
duties better, that view runs contrary to the feelings of a vast majority
which does not share the same opinion about the Sangh and its offshoots.
Ironically, for a parivar whose main argument against Christian
missionaries and the schools run by them is that they are indoctrinating
the minds of the impressionable, its own activities in this regard seem to
follow a vaguely similar pattern. That, in any case, is a feeling slowly
but surely gaining ground, and Mr Bachi Singh Rawat has certainly not
helped change that fear.

_____________
#2.
The Hindustan Times
=46riday, December 17, 1999, New Delhi
=20
COMPILATION OF REPORTS ON KARGIL CONFLICT RELEASED

New Delhi, December 16 (HT Correspondent)
THE RECENT escalation of militancy in Kashmir was a result of the "defeat
and frustration" suffered by Pakistan after the Kargil conflict, [Indian]
Home Minister L.K. Advani said here today. Mr Advani was speaking while
releasing 'Kargil Katha', a compilation of reports, interviews, heroic war
stories and poems on the Kargil war.

The book has been published by Panchjanya, the RSS mouthpiece. Mr Advani
and former Chief of Army Staff Gen. V.N. Sharma presided over the
function.

Speaking on the occasion, Defence Minister George Fernandes said, "I am
unable to understand why the entire nation is not rising to honour the
Kargil martyrs on the occasion of Vijay Divas today."

Mr Fernandes said, "In a sense, the Kargil war brought about the coup in
Pakistan." The Defence Minister lauded the media for its "morale boosting"
role and praised the coverage of the war.

Referring to the security forces, he said that the security personnel on
the border should be allowed to vote. He stressed that the present
government will pursue the issue and raise it again in Parliament.
_____________
#3.
The Asian Age
17 December 1999
EDITORIAL

THE NATIONALITY QUESTION AND RSS
By Ashim Chatterjee

=46ormation of new states is neither new nor abnormal in this country. On
the contrary, it is quite inevitable in a multinational country like India
with retarded capitalist development. As is well known, when state
formation precedes nation building, late advent of different nations and
nationalities, because of retarded capitalist development, makes the
formation of new states a necessity. In fact, it is a well-proven method
to put off the accusation of national oppression. So, when the Vajpayee
government, way back in 1998, declared its intention of forming three new
states, namely, Vananchal, Uttaranchal and Chhattisgarh, many people
thought that the government was trying its hand at a very vexed question,
the nationality question being undoubtedly a thorny one in Indian
politics. But the whole episode ended with a whimper, albeit for the time
being, with the dissolution of the 12th Lok Sabha. But the present
government, it appears, is bent on creating these three states. When the
Reorganisation of the States Bill was not included in the list of 19 Bills
to be tabled before Parliament, many people took it to be another instance
of backtracking by the government in the face of opposition from TDP and
other allies. But, as per Mr Advani's recent assurance, the Bill would be
placed in Parliament in due course. The delay in tackling the Bill is only
due to constitutional requirements without which the Bill can not be
placed in Parliament. The Constitution, in fact, has laid down a clear
provision as well as a definite method for the formation of new states in
Article 3 which states categorically that "Parliament may by law - a) form
a new state by separation of territory from any state or by uniting two or
more states or part of states or by uniting any territory to a part of any
state; b) increase the area of any state; c) diminish the area of any
state; d) alter the boundaries of any state; e) alter the name of any
state." It also states that the Bill for this purpose should be introduced
in either house of Parliament only on the recommendation of the President
and where the proposal contained in the Bill affects the area, boundaries
or name of any of the states, it has to be referred by the President to
the Legislature of that state for expressing its views thereon within a
stipulated period. The whole process starts with a Cabinet decision on the
question. It has to be noted that the Centre has cleared the way for
creation of these three new states through a Cabinet decision taken
recently in line with the assurance given by Mr Advani. As for TDP's
opposition, Mr Advani hastened to add that the creation of a separate
Telengana in Andhra Pradesh or Vidarbha in Maharashtra is not on the
government's agenda. It is clear from the above that the government is
adamant on the formation of these three new states. As for Chhattisgarh
and Uttaranchal, both no doubt have their own complexities. But on the
whole the people of these two states, at least, will welcome the
formation. However, the issue of Vananchal is going to be a real hornet's
nest. It will create more problems while solving none. Moreover, it will
surely invite the enmity of many without winning any new friends. Firstly,
north Bihar will not accept the separation of mineral rich south Bihar
which earns the lion's share of the revenues of the state. Already, Mr
Laloo Prasad Yadav has thundered his opposition. Secondly, the proposal
will not be accepted by the leaders of the Jharkhand movement. Even if
some of the old leaders of the movement are somehow lured into accepting
the proposal, the majority of the Jharkhandi leaders as well as the people
of the region in general would reject it. Usually, reasons put forward in
support of creation of smaller states deal with democracy, development,
removal of regional disparity, pro-people orientation, along with the
logic of easier administration. But the main point is definitely the
question of preservation of their identity and recognition of their
nationality along with their separate culture and lifestyle. The basic
tenet of the Jharkhand conception is that it should be the homeland of
oppressed nationalities called adivasi s and suppressed societies within
this country. The concept of Vananchal does not recognise this basic tenet
and hence is a hindrance towards the political unification of the
Jharkhand cultural region which is the precondition for development of
self respect, identity and nationality of the tribal people. On the
contrary, Vananchal is a step towards permanent division of the Jharkhand
cultural region and destruction of Jharkhandi nationality. In fact, the
concepts of Vananchal and Jharkhand are quite incompatible. One may argue
that the literal meaning of the two words are identical. But it is not
merely a question of nomenclature. The name of Jharkhand is associated
with the memory and tradition of struggle of the Jharkhandi people for
national development and identity whereas Vananchal is a name without any
significance. Any area with jungles may be called Vananchal. Moreover, the
proposed state is to be formed with only a small portion of the part lying
in Bihar only, not with the whole Jharkhand cultural region map. One need
not be a pundit to predict that the proposal of Vananchal would be
rejected by the majority of the Jharkhandi people. As is apparent, the use
of the term Vananchal instead of Jharkhand is not a simple case of
substitution. BJP's aim is quite different. The party wants to assimilate
the adivasis in the Hindu mainstream. To the BJP, the whole of India is
one nation with Hindi as its language, Hindutva its religion and
Brahminism its philosophy. In line with this proposition, the RSS has
built Vanavasi Kalyan Parishads all over the country to bring the adivasis
to the Hindu fold. Vananchal is in reality a clever ploy towards that end.
There is another angle also. As is well known, creation of small states is
a pet idea of the RSS. It is no worshipper of federalism. A strong Centre
and a number of small states with little say or power is the prerequisite
of a unitary system in this country. It is an open secret that the BJP
along with the RSS advocates a presidential form of government for this
reason. The creation of the proposed three new states may be a step
towards that direction. Those who want to preserve the federal structure as
well as a democratic set-up should strive to preserve the diversity of
this land which is one of the unique features of this country. The Left,
alas, declines persistently to consider the nationality question
seriously. The proposal of Vananchal, instead of solving the thorny
nationality question, will only stroke the suppressed fire and ignite the
whole Jharkhand region. One can safely predict another round of militant
movement as its inevitable consequence. Ashim Chatterjee is the
general-secretary of the Communist Revolutionary League of India, and a
former leader of the Naxalite movement
_____________
#4.
[BANGLADESH: TWO REPORTS ON 1971 WAR CRIMES TRIAL]

(A)

New Nation, 15 December 1999 Dhaka

War crime trial
No file yet in Law Ministry from Home

by Monitoring Staff

[Bangladesh] Minister for Law and Parliamentary Affairs Abdul Matin Khasru
has said, the trial of the killers of Martyred Intellectuals is possible
under both the existing law of the country and international war crime law.
He said the government is now examining how best the killers could be
tried. War crime offence never lapses even after 100 years. So, the trial
of the killers on the basis of facts and evidence and under the existing
laws of the country is very much possible.

The Minister made these comments during an interview with the BBC
broadcast on Tuesday.

BBC: But with the passage of time it will be difficult to gather facts and
evidence because in the past there was no initiative to preserve the
evidences and at present it is not yet in sight. It is already too late. In
this circumstance will not it be difficult to try them in the future?

A M Khasru: It is not a single trial for all the offences. Separate cases
could be filed against every killing. Definite cases such as who committed
the crime and on date the crime was committed would have to be mentioned.
Although every one knows that such crimes had been committed but definite
charge, the name of the person who will bring charge, evidence and the name
of the witness will be needed for the trial of the war criminals.

BBC: In this circumstances as the Law Minister will you advise the families
of the Martyred Intellectuals to take the shelter of the court or the law?

AM Khasru: Yes, they could take the shelter of the law and apart from it,
we are examining how best the killers could be brought under the provisions
of the International War Crime Tribunal.

BBC: The question of trying the killers under the International War Crime
Tribunal is being discussed for a long time. But it is being discussed at
the politicalplatform. No practical step has yet been taken-why?

AM Khasru: No file to this effect has been placed to my Ministry-from the
Home Ministry. The Home Ministry is the mother ministry. The files should
be referred to my ministry from that ministry.

BBC: Has the Government taken any decision in principle on this matter?

AM Khasru: Those who were involved in the killing of martyred
Intellectuals such as the Al-Badrs, Al-Shams, Razakars were the auxiliary
force of the Pakistan Army. They too are war criminals as an auxiliary
force. Their trial is 100 per cent possible under international war crime
law and the government in principle thinks that they should be tried.
********
(B)
The Independent,
14 December 1999,Dhaka

[Bangladesh] Intellectuals' murder case in a quagmire
by Bibhas Chandra Saha

The intellectuals' murder case has been stalled for the last one year as
the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) did not get clearance from the
Ministry of Home Affairs to conduct investigation under the International
War Crimes Act.

The investigation officer of the case sought the permission of the ministry
to conduct the case under the International War Crimes Act in January this
year but the permission is yet to be given.

According to police sources, the Special Public Prosecutor, Advocate
Serajul Haque, was of the opinion that "a fruitful result cannot be
expected if the trial of the case is conducted under the existing law of
the land". Therefore, the complaint and trial of the case should be
conducted under the International War Crimes Act.

Under the act, a complaint may be lodged or trial may be conducted
regarding all crimes against humanity such as murder, extermination,
enslavement, deportation, imprisonment, confinement, torture, rape or other
inhumane acts committed against any civilian population on political,
racial, ethnic or religious grounds.

The government may, by a notification in the official gazette, set up one
or more tribunals each consisting of a chairman and not less than two and
not more than four other members. Any person who is qualified to be a
judge of any High Court or Supreme Court which at any time was in existence
in the territory of Bangladesh or who is qualified to be a member of
General Court Martial under any service law of Bangladesh may be appointed
Chairman or member of a tribunal.

The CID started investigating the case after the filing of a case in the
Ramna thana in September, 1997. Prof Farida Banu, sister of one of the
deceased, Prof Gias Uddin, filed a case in the Ramna thana on September
24, 1997 and the investigation was handed over to the CID police.

The CID investigators recorded the statements of about 40 witnesses but are
yet to find out the involvement of people other than the two accused listed
in the First Information Report (FIR) of the case. None of the accused has
been arrested so far.

In their statements, the witnesses identified Chowdhury Moyeenuddin and
Ashrafuzzaman who had taken the intellectuals in a state-owned EPRTC
minibus to an unknown destination. After the liberation of Bangladesh, the
accused left the country and are now living in a European country.

The then Albadar Bahini, a collaborating force of the Pakistani occupation
force, abducted eight intellectuals from their residences on the Dhaka
University campus, took them to a secluded place in the Mirpur area on
December 14, forced them to stand in a line and killed them.

The country was liberated on December 16.

After killing the great sons of the soil, the Albadar Bahinimen buried
them in two ditches without performing religious rites. The place is now
known as the "Intellectuals' Graveyard."

The deceased were Prof Gias Uddin, Prof Sirajul Haque, Dr Mortuza, Dr Abul
Khair, Dr Faizul Mohi, Dr Santosh Bhattacharya, Prof Rashidul Hasan and
Prof Anwar Pasha.

After the liberation of the country, the government ordered an inquiry into
the killings and a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) started
investigation. But he could not complete the investigation after the August
1975 killings and charge of government.
______________
#5.
Contents of the latest Issue of SAMAR

EAT THIS!
=46ORUM
=46ishing for a Social Change
A conversation with Thomas Kocherry
Anannya Bhattacharjee

Sowing Self-Reliance
Jyoti Thottam

Behind Swing Doors: South Asian Restaurant Workers Speak
Nahar Alam, Anannya Bhattacharjee, Nargis

What is Indian Food?!
=46lower Silliman

Preserving Seeds: Reclaiming Rights
Chaumtoli Haq

Biopiracy:Lets Bag It!
Nandita Sharma

=46EATURES
Rahmantra: Playing Back A.R. Rahman
Sunil Khushalani

Sovereign CyberNation of Sikh Diaspora@k...
Amardeep Simgh

Re-membering St. Francis Xavier
Naresh Fernandes

INTERVIEW
30 ( Needs Title)
A conversation with Satinath Sarangi
Arvind Rajagopal

BOOKS
Looking Left and Right
Srimati Basu
ed. Yael Silliman and Ynestra King
Review of Dangerous Intersections: Feminist Perspectives on
Population, Environment and Development

Peeping Through the Lens
Tejaswini Ganti
A Review of The Secret Politics of Our Desires: Innocence,
Culpability
and Popular Cinema
edited by Ashish Nandy

Generations of Politics in sri Lanka
Nalini Iyer
A Review of When Memory Dies
S. Sivanandan

YOUTH
Rememberances of Calcutta
Shika Bhattacharjee

AND EAT THIS TOO...
=46inally a Little Saunf
Dennis Shah

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