[sacw] sacw dispatch (29 Nov 99)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Web Dispatch
29 November 1999
-------------------------------------------
#1. Animals set to leap across hostile borders
#2. Indian Foreign Minister for consensus on CTBT
#3. Muslim Male Citadel in India Lets some Women In
#4. Thousands of women smuggled illegally from Bangladesh
#5. Book review: Creating Peace in Sri Lanka
#6. New Website of the Hindutva Freaks
-------------------------------------------
#1.
Hindustan Times
Monday, November 29, 1999, New Delhi
=20
ANIMALS SET TO LEAP ACROSS HOSTILE BORDERS
by Poornima Joshi (New Delhi, November 28)
PEACE AT the political borders in this part of the world may remain a
distant dream for the human race, but if the World Wide Fund for Nature
(WWF) International has its way, animals at least would be free from such
border constraints.

According to outgoing WWF International President S. Babar Ali, the
concept of "Peace Parks", meant to ensure contiguous forest areas across
the borders, is in the process of being introduced in South Asia. In an
exclusive interview, Mr Ali revealed that there is already a tremendous
wildlife movement across the borders. But due to the major differences
between the management of forest areas in the two countries on either
sides of the border, the animal habitat mostly shrinks. This results in a
major drop in wildlife population.

=46or instance, the Katarniaghat Wildlilfe Sanctury in Uttar Pradesh is
touching Nepal on one side. While the Indian Government has been
protecting the forest area on this side, there is total deforestation on
the other side and the Nepal Government has set up a major residential
colony for ex-armymen on that side of the border. Consequently, the animal
habitat has shrunk considerably.

There are at least seven such National Parks and reserved forest areas in
India which are touching Nepal, Burma, Bangladesh and Pakistan. Dudhwa
National Park, Karniaghat Wildlife Sanctuary and Valmiki Tiger Reserve
(TR) on the Indian side touch Chitwan and Royal Berdia National parks on
the Nepal side. Namdapha TR in Arunachal Pradesh touches the Burma border
and Sunderbans in West Bengal is almost contiguous with the same forest in
Bangladesh. Desert National Park in Rajasthan touches Pakistan.

According to Mr Babar Ali, the concept of Peace Parks involves a much
improved dialogue between the park management on both sides of the border
so that there is no damage to the animal habitat. It is already working
beautifully in Africa.

"There are Peace Parks between South Africa and Namibia and South Africa
and Mozambique. There is no multiplicity of authority there and the
animals flourish," Mr Ali said. He said WWF Pakistan is in touch with the
Chinese authorities to have the same arrangement for Khunjerab National
Park in Pakistan and Tash Korgan on the Chinese side.

"That project is in the process of being implemented. It is a wonderful
effort towards the conservation of snow leopards and marcopolo sheep that
inhabit the Khunjerab region. I hope something like this can be done for
India as well. Let the animals at least roam around in peace in this part
of the globe,"Mr Ali said.
--------------------
# 2.

The Hindu
29 Nov. 1999

JASWANT SINGH FOR CONSENSUS ON CTBT
By C. Raja Mohan

NEW DELHI, NOV. 28. Seeking to build a domestic consensus on nuclear
issues, the external affairs minister Mr.Jaswant Singh today reaffirmed
India's commitment to pursue a restrained nuclear doctrine and a
responsible approach towards arms control.

In an exclusive interview to The Hindu, on the eve of the winter session
of Parliament, Mr. Singh allayed the widespread misperceptions about the
draft nuclear doctrine, and clarified India's position on the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.

Although Mr. Singh did not unveil any new policy directions, his first
detailed elaboration of the Government's position sets forth the framework
for the crucial national debate on the CTBT and the nature of India's
nuclear arsenal.

Pointing to the gains of nine rounds of nuclear dialogue with the U.S.
Deputy Secretary of State, Mr.Strobe Talbott, Mr. Singh said the U.S. now
recognises that ``India shall maintain a minimum nuclear deterrent as
determined by us'' and ``there is now no longer any talk of 'roll-back'
''.

With the self assurance that India's nuclear diplomacy has come out of the
defensive corner it found itself in May 1998, Mr.Singh is hopeful that
India is now on the verge of gaining an enhanced international standing.

Explaining the evolution of the Indian position on the CTBT, Mr.Singh said
that India had to oppose the treaty in 1996, since joining it then would
have undermined India's nuclear option.

But having ``ensured the credibility of our nuclear deterrent'' with
Pokhran-II, India was in a position to adopt a voluntary moratorium on
further testing and meet ``the basic obligations of the CTBT''.

Mr. Singh said Indian scientists ``are now confident of conducting
sub-critical tests'' permitted by the CTBT as well as ``other
non-explosive R&D activity'' necessary to ensure the credibility of the
nuclear deterrent.

Questioned on the impact of the U.S. Senate's refusal to ratify the CTBT,
Mr.Singh said the negative vote ``does have a bearing on the future of the
treaty''. ``I would, therefore, consider it natural for India to also
disaggregate its decision'', he added.

Commenting on the disaggregated, step-by-step, process of adhering to any
treaty, Mr.Singh pointed to the three separate decisions on the part of
the Government-signature, ratification, and deposition of the instrument
of ratification.

The essence of Mr.Singh's reasoning is that national security
considerations will remain the touchstone of any Indian decision on
international treaties such as the CTBT.

Responding to the widespread criticism of the draft nuclear doctrine
issued by the National Security Advisory Board, Mr. Singh said India has
no desire to pursue an ``open-ended'' nuclear weapon programme.

Reiterating India's commitment to a minimum but credible nuclear
deterrent, Mr.Singh said a ``triad'' of nuclear forces-on land, sea and
air-is not a ``pre-requisite for credibility''.

Suggesting that the talk of a traditional nuclear triad as ``premature'',
Mr.Singh said India is looking at a different triad-a nuclear force that
is ``minimum'' but ``credible'' because it is ``survivable''.

Mr.Singh emphasised the clear separation of peace-time and war-time
employment postures of India's nuclear weapons. He also insisted that
nuclear ``retaliation does not have to be instantaneous; it has to be
effective and assured''.

He rejected the idea of a hair-trigger alert for Indian nuclear forces as
dangerous, de-emphasized the role of tactical nuclear weapons, and
reiterated the Indian preference for a global de-alerting of nuclear
forces to avoid the danger of an unintended nuclear war.
------------------------
#3.

MUSLIM MALE CITADEL LETS WOMEN IN=20
by Rasheed Kidwai
=20
New Delhi, Nov. 28=20
=46or the first time, 15 out of 49 berths on the All-India Muslim Personal
Law Board have gone to women.

The board, till now a male preserve, is the apex body of Shia, Sunni and
other Muslim groups in India. It regulates and interprets Shariat and other
Islamic laws which have often been misused against women.

Significantly, the initiative to draft women into the board has come from
conservative clerics who had recently also given the go-ahead to
reservation for women in Parliament and other legislative bodies.

The "empowerment of women" has finally broken the most difficult barrier,
indicating the community leaders=92 desire to bring about sweeping reforms i=
n
Islamic society in areas such as marriage, maintenance and inheritance
rights.

The newly-constituted board is headed by Islamic scholar Maulana Ali Mian,
rector of the Nadwa school of theology in Lucknow. Other members include
Shia leader Syed Kalbe Sadiq, Syedna Burhanuddin, Maulana Salman Nadvi,
Zafaryab Jeelani, Syed Shahabuddin, Qazi Mujahid-ul-Islam and Abdul
Mannan.

Prominent women members are Naseem Iqtedar Ali, Nilofar Akhtar,
Qamur-un-Nisa, Azima Nahid, Moosa Mushra and Mumtaz Rasheed. They had
attended the board=92s recent meeting in Mumbai and addressed a crowd of
about 40,000 at the YMCA hall.

The board has also decided to prepare a model "Nikahnama" (marriage
contract) to be circulated among the qazis and muftis all over the country.
The objective is to check gross misuse of Islamic laws regarding divorce,
non-payment of "mahar" (bridal price) and maintenance. The last two had
become controversial issues after the Supreme Court=92s verdict in the Shah
Bano case.

The board had openly opposed the court's verdict and forced then Prime
Minister Rajiv Gandhi to overrule the apex court and amend the
constitutional provisions.

The board is in the process of setting up Shariat courts in all districts
and taluqas to settle civil disputes. Some board members admit that Islamic
laws are often misused in the absence of any effective redress mechanism.

"The idea of moving district courts is both time-consuming and expensive,"
a board member said. "Community or family courts, on the other hand, can go
a long way in bringing about justice quickly without much cost." The board
member said some Shariat courts were performing well in Kerala and
Karnataka.

The move to bring about reforms in Muslim society gained momentum after the
BJP and its allies came to power at the Centre. Muslim leaders feel it
would be more prudent to set their house in order instead of waiting for
the state's intervention.

The board is extremely wary of the government's move to review the
Constitution. Board president Ali Mian fears that Articles 25 and 29 might
come under review to draft a uniform civil code, a proposal the Muslim
Personal Law Board bitterly opposes. =20

------------------------
#4.
28 Nov.99
Posting on the 'Stop Traffic' List

THOUSANDS OF WOMEN SMUGGLED ILLEGALLY FROM BANGLADESH

By Parveen Ahmed
Associated Press Writer DHAKA, Bangladesh (AP) - Chasing a dream of a
better life, Ibrahim Mia and his five daughters set out from their squalid
village in Bangladesh to take up promised jobs in Pakistan. A year later
he was back - without his daughters. Unscrupulous employment agents,
promising lucrative jobs, smuggled the Mia family across the border into
India. After traveling hundreds of miles toward the border with Pakistan,
the agents handed the father to Indian authorities and disappeared with the
girls, ages 9 through 16. The case is one of dozens cited in a United
Nations-sponsored report about the growing traffic in girls and young women
in South Asia. Tens of thousands of them are believe to end up in brothels
or as cheap labor in homes and sweatshops in towns and cities in India,
Pakistan, Dubai or Kuwait, women's activists say. "It is impossible to
count how many people are trafficked across the border each year," said
Salma Ali, who heads an organization of lawyers campaigning against human
trafficking. "There is a great demand for underage girls in brothels in
India and Pakistan as they are believed to be free from sexually
transmitted diseases and AIDS," said Ali, of the Bangladesh National Women
Lawyers Association. The Association, from January to March this year,
rescued and repatriated 64 women and children from brothels and detention
centers for illegal immigrants in India and Pakistan. The study says
recruitment agents prowl Bangladesh villages, where employment
opportunities are few and poverty runs deep, offering respectable factory
jobs and good marriage prospects in the Arab countries of the gulf. The
agents provide phony travel papers and bribe border guards. Some girls are
abducted or bought from their parents or guardians. Studies are only
beginning to hone in on the extent of the traffic. The report, conducted by
Ali's group and sponsored by the U.N. Children's Fund, examined 10 border
villages believed to be main transit points. The researchers found at
least 50 people, including 42 women or girls, were taken across the border
between September 1998 and June 1999. Most of the women were either
divorced or widowed, and the girls were between the ages of 13 and 16, the
report said. According to the Lawyers Association, at least 25,000 people
illegally cross the border each year. Bangladesh and India share a
2,500-mile (4,000-kilometer) border, which officials say is inadequately
manned and not clearly demarcated in places. India is the gateway to
Pakistan and the Middle East for many aspiring migrants from Bangladesh.
Thousands of people cross the border every day to visit families, to get
medical treatment or education, or as tourists and shoppers. It is nearly
impossible to identify those being taken unlawfully. People traveling by
boat up along rivers that traverse the border or the coast of the Bay of
Bengal often are not checked for visas. Government officials admit illegal
travelers are often difficult to detect. "We cannot prevent people from
crossing borders as it would be a violation of human rights," a Home
Ministry official said. He said Dhaka had no plans to introduce exit visas
for women and children or a requirement that they be accompanied by a male
relative, as some other Muslim countries do. Under Bangladeshi law, the
maximum punishment is death for trafficking in women and children. But few
cases are ever brought to trial since most victims cannot identify the
traffickers, who usually give false names and addresses. "Sometimes we
face hurdles while repatriating the victims as neither country wants to
take the responsibility," Ali said. "Often it is hard to prove nationality
or residence status in absence of original documents or birth certificates."
------------------------
#5.
Book Review by Avis Sri Jayantha

CREATING PEACE IN SRI LANKA: CIVIL WAR AND RECONCILIATION

Edited by Robert I. Rotberg,
(Brookings Institution Press, Washington, DC, 1999)
www.brookings.edu

Creating Peace is a compilation of articles given at a conference held at
Harvard University in November, 1997 that I attended. The invited guests to
the conference included the just-confirmed new ambassador of the US to Sri
Lanka, the US State Dept. Director for India and Sri Lanka, the UNDP
Officer covering India and Sri Lanka, the USAID officer who expected to be
posted to Jaffna, the UN political affairs director for East and South
Asia, the World Bank Country Officer for Sri Lanka, an ex-head of the ICRC
in Sri Lanka, two people from the Norwegian Foreign Ministry, among other
academics and government officials. One of the most interesting things
about the book is to notice the subtle shifts in emphasis that have
occurred in the articles over the past 2 years as hopes for Pres.
Kumaratunga "Peace Package" have faded.

One of the most dramatic shifts is that the book ends with an Unfinished
article by Neelan Thiruchelvam, the main force behind the conference, In
which the last section is an enumeration of the Thimpu Principles. These
Principles are:

1) Recognition of the Sri Lankan Tamils as a distinct nationality. 2)
Acknowledgment of the Tamil homeland and guarantee of its territorial
integrity 3) Recognition of the Tamils' right to self-determination, and 4)
Provision of full citizenship and democratic rights to all Tamils.

If my memory serves me right, there was not a single mention of Thimpu At
the 1997 conference.

Amazingly, in a discussion of peace in Sri Lanka, neither at the
conference, nor in the book, was there any attempt made to hear the voice
of one of the warring parties, the LTTE or of their supporters in the
Northeast or in the diaspora. It would seem natural that, to obtain peace
two sides in a conflict need to agree on a settlement, and to reach
agreement the views of two sides must be aired. The organizers of the
conference were either

1) so alienated from the views of the people of the Northeast that they
could not articulate their position, and so abdicated their responsibility
to create peace, or

2) were so convinced that the LTTE would be eliminated through Pres.
Kumaratunga's `War for Peace' that their views were inconsequential.

Articles of two Tamils are included in this book, but the Tamils,
Tiruchelvam and Rajasingam-Senanayake, both work for the Centre for Ethnic
Studies in Colombo, not a representative sample. Rajasingam-Senanayake Goes
so far as to talk of the `myth of the Tamil homeland' (p.68), because She
has not lived in such a homeland the way those from the Northeast have.

Another striking thing about the book is the constant refrain that, the
solution to the island's problems is creation of a multiethnic and
democratic polity and ethos. Rotberg ends his introduction to the volume,
entitled "Sri Lanka's Civil War," by saying:

However it is arrived at, Sri Lanka needs a peace that recognizes and
appreciates Tamil culture and traditions. Ethnic fairness and justice must
be the moral basis for whatever new social contract can be constructed on
the wasteland of war. Fairness and justice can provide the normative
framework for a new egalitarian system in which all ethnic groups are
treated equally and equally valued. (p.16) No matter how desirable these
ideals are, Sri Lanka is very obviously not moving in this direction, as
Jayadeva Uyangoda alone acknowledges in his article. Do the other authors
have their heads in the clouds? There must be much more discussion on HOW
to obtain a multiethnic polity which respects all components of society
when intolerance and an unwillingness to share power are the most obvious
features of government and society, no matter the rhetoric of high
government officials and academics. Why are those who have given up on the
capacity of Sri Lankan society to accept them as equal members villanized?
Uyangoda explains his views on the Sri Lankan situation:

The resistance to sharing state power has been emphatically seen as a
virtue among the elites and ethno-political cadres (Sinhalese as well as
Tamil), and to a considerable extent among the masses too. The democratic
political culture with which Sri Lanka has been so intimately associated
excludes power-sharing based on ethnicity. Indigenization and domestication
of democratic institutions and practices has occurred in such a way that
they are presupposed to serve exclusive sectional interests. This is the
discursive raison d'=EAtre of majoritarian unitarism as well as minoritarian
separatism=8ABut there is a massive problem: there is no political ideology
historically capable of providing such a vision [of a new political culture
that accepts yet transcends ethnicity]. At least in Sri Lanka's case, There
have been only two ideological strands that were capable of providing
conceptual underpinnings for a non-ethnicized political order: Marxism and
liberal humanism. With the historical decline of Marxism as well as liberal
humanism, Sri Lanka's problem has become infinitely complex. (p.167) The
articles contained in the book are as follows:

Robert I. Rotberg, `Sri Lanka's Civil War: From Mayhem toward Diplomatic
Resolution' Chris Smith, `Sri Lanka's Enduring War' David Little, `Religion
and Ethnicity in the Sri Lankan Civil War' Darini Rajasingam-Senanayake,
`The Danger of Devolution: The Hidden Economics' Saman Kelegama, `Economic
Costs of Conflict in Sri Lanka' Donald R. Snodgrass, `The Economic
Development of Sri Lanka: A Tale of Missed Opportunities' Chandra R. de
Silva, `The Role of Education in Ameliorating Political Violence in Sri
Lanka' Teresita Schaffer, `Peacemaking in Sri Lanka: The Kumaratunge
Initiative' William Weisberg and Donna Hicks, `Overcoming Obstacles to
Peace: An Examination of Third-Party Processes' Jayadeva Uyangoda, `A
Political Culture of Conflict' Rohan Edirisinghe, `Constitutionalism,
Pluralism, and Ethnic Conflict: The Need for a New Initiative' Neelan
Tiruchelvam, `Devolution and the Elusive Quest for Peace'
-----------------------
#6.
Peddlers of hate in all their splendour
http://www.hindutva.net
__________________________________________
SOUTH ASIA CITIZENS WEB DISPATCH is an informal, independent &
non-profit citizens wire service run by South Asia Citizens Web
(http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex) since1996.