[sacw] sacw dispatch #2 (11 Oct.99)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Web Dispatch #2
11 October 1999
____________________________
#1. Dr Akhtar Hameed passes away
#2. Resurgence of sectarianism [in Pakistan]
#3. Letter from Medha Patkar (Narmada Bachao Andolan) to India's Prime Minis=
ter
#4. Merchants of Death Descend on Delhi
____________________________
#1.
The News International, Pakistan
Monday, October 11, 1999
http://www.jang.com.pk/thenews/oct99-daily/11-10-99/main/main5.htm

DR AKHTAR HAMEED PASSES AWAY
By our correspondent

KARACHI: Dr Akhtar Hameed Khan -- a well-known social scientist, reformer,
scholar and director Orangi Pilot Project (OPP) -- died of cardiac arrest
in the US state of Indiana on Sunday.

Akbar Khan, son of late Dr Akhtar Hameed Khan, told The News on telephone
that his father was rushed to a local hospital after he felt pain in his
chest but he died on the way. The doctors confirmed his death and told the
family members that his kidneys had failed due to heart stroke.

Dr Hameed (85) was on a private visit to the US and was staying with his
daughter in Indiana. His body will be brought here in next couple of days
for burial. Dr Akhtar Hameed Khan was born in Agra in 1914. After
completing his education from Aligarh and Cambridge University, he joined
the Indian Civil Service (ICS) in 1936 and served on various government
posts. Later, he resigned from the government service and opened a small
locker factory. He also served in Jamia Islamia Delhi as headmaster.

Having migrated to Pakistan, he founded Rural Development Academy (an NGO)
in Commilla, former East Pakistan; and motivated farmers to save one paisa
for development. Later, he set up another NGO for bus and rickshaw workers.
However, his wide recognition in Pakistan was for establishing the Orangi
Pilot Project in 1980 and developing the slums with the help of local
people.

The government in recognition of his work awarded him Sitara-e-Imtiaz and
Hilal-e-Imtiaz. The Philippine government also awarded him 'Magsaysay
Award' for his services. Dr Akhtar's rural and urban development plans were
adopted by various countries.

Dr Hameed was also the author of two books. He also wrote various columns
for a number of national and international newspapers and magazines. He
would believe in self-reliance and oppose foreign aid. His philosophy was
that "no foreign agency or bank favour development in any country and only
local people can carry out development of their areas, cities and country
on cooperative bases."

--
[ NOTE FROM SACW: Khan Saheb was subject to a viscious attack by religious
fundamentalists in Pakistan in November 1992 and in March 1993, who got him
falsely implicated under scetion 295 c of the Pakistan Penal Code on
Charges of Blasphemy. The entire women's movement and NGO community and
came out in his defence and the government finaly dismissed the case.]
____________________________
#2.
DAWN
Monday, 11 October, 1999
Op-Ed.

RESURGENCE OF SECTARIANISM
By Zia-ul-Islam

THE sudden outburst of sectarian violence assumes a cruel dimension
because it was predictable and preventable. Somewhere down the line, we
forgot the universal truth that "eternal vigilance is the price of
liberty." The sad fact is that sectarian violence never really stopped.
There are lulls and then there are outbursts. In between, the killing of
less significant persons in ones and twos goes on. Catching an odd culprit
and even hanging or sentencing a few of them does not seem to help,
contrary to those who always shout at the top of their voices that if the
government hangs one or two people publicly, all such crime would stop.
Well, that might be true for some other kind of crime. Not this kind.
In this case, the execution itself assumes the status of sectarian
violence, except that it is state-sanctioned violence. The executed persons
are elevated to the level of Shaheed, and their great deed of murder
becomes the "staircase" leading them straight to heaven. The grave of one
such person, hanged some time back for the gruesome murder of several
people praying in a mosque, is always covered with flowers brought in by
hundreds of devotees every day. In this state of affairs, half-hearted
measures, appeals, and meetings with delegations are not enough to bring an
end to sectarian violence.
The well practised approach to the problem follows the usual guidelines:
rounding up of the second level leaders of relevant parties, sects, etc.,
fixing up meetings with the heads of the political parties and groups and
making "fervent" appeals to all concerned to exercise restraint. Another
common response is to blame the usual targets: the omnipresent hidden hand,
foreign secret agents, deep-rooted conspiracy and the supernatural
"agencies."
Neither of these responses to the sectarian problem is of much help in
finding solutions. The arrests may put a temporary halt to the attacks if
by pure luck some of the arrested persons happen to be the real instruments
of assaults. Normally the people arrested are not the ones who actually
carry out the vicious attacks, they being more careful to keep themselves
hidden from the eyes of the law.
Similarly, the leaders who are invited to the conference tables are
scarcely able to control the happenings in the country. Most of the time
they are redundant. Some who do lead relevant parties are no more able to
exercise control over the militant wings, whether formal or informal. In
any case, there is no reason why they should listen to mere appeals from
the government functionaries. These meetings are usually counter-productive
because they result in giving the wrong kind of concessions to one group or
the other. Examples abound, but it is not advisable to list them here now
that the tempers are high any way.
The pointing of the finger to the invisible causes may not always be
far-fetched, nor totally false. But the determination of whether there is a
hidden hand or not is really irrelevant because whatever invisible force
may be behind the violence, the people who carry it out are the people of
this country. And whatever forms this kind of activity takes the ultimate
burden of fighting it lies squarely with the government.
The long-term and proper solution to the sectarian problem lies, first of
all, in understanding what really causes it. Ironic as it may seem, the
main cause is the noble desire of respective Muslim rulers to Islamize the
country. The more they introduce laws to bring in Islam, the more they end
up creating dissensions among the believers. The reason is simple: whether
we like it or not, the teachings of Islam have different meanings for
different sects. If we try to impose one version, sects and groups who
believe in other versions are bound to feel aggrieved.
We cannot afford to forget what happened when General Zia-ul-Haq
introduced Zakat. After a few tragic deaths, which were not at all
necessary, the great general introduced two different laws on Zakat, both
perfectly Islamic and yet diametrically opposite. It is absurd, perhaps
criminal, to publicly expose the intricacies of what should be purely
private interpretation of how different people understand religion. It is
tantamount to trying to humble the religion and making fun of it.
Duality about Zakat is not a solitary instance. We doggedly insist on
going ahead with similar follies with our stubborn heads down and eyes
closed. If sectarianism is to be avoided we must understand that enmity
between different sects and schools of thought is increasing day by day
mainly because of our unending "efforts" to impose preferred versions of
Islam. No one, not even the majority, has the right to state with absolute
conviction that his version of Islam is the only correct version. The best
option for zealots is to propagate their version and win support on
individual level by convincing people about their point of view, not by
forcing their opinions down the throat of others. The rulers have to be
even more careful. They have to take care that they are not even perceived
to be taking sides.
The government has to send out the message that it respects every one's
version of Islam and the best way to demonstrate this is by letting people
do their own thing about religion. No more laws to "clarify" or "interpret"
religion should be attempted. People really do not need the government to
interpret religion for them. By the time a child grows up to be an adult in
this society, his ideas are rather fixed and he has no intention to change
them. If he wants enlightenment, let him search for it. Governments are not
known to excel in this field. At another level, governments around the
world have found out, reluctantly, that there are many activities where the
private sector does much better and that it is best to get out of these
fields rather than create more mess than they have already created.
Industry, transport, commerce, banking and insurance are some of them. Let
religion be also included in this list.
Few are aware that millions of rupees are doled out in the name of
assistance to religious schools spread throughout the country. Most of them
will definitely have to close down if the aid is stopped. The fact is that
these schools are a tremendous reserve of resource and talent, hidden
behind high walls of secrecy. They educate hundreds of thousands of
children who have been left out in the cold by the country's formal
education system.
When the IMF doles out a tranche, it makes us bow down and implement the
bitterest of conditionalities. Why cannot the authorities persuade the
religious schools to open up and to teach modern sciences along with
religious teachings? The second step, therefore, is to "educate" the
religious schools and bring them within the system of education. One way to
do this is to give them aid in the form of teachers, equipment and books
rather than cash.
Resurgence of sectarian violence is the manifestation of a painful
transformation that this society has been undergoing over the last decade
or so. Intolerance has replaced tolerance, not merely in the field of
religion but in all spheres of life. It is most visible in politics, but
has begun to dominate every aspect of society. People are not ready to
listen to others' point of view. Tempers run high. The threshold of anxiety
has plummeted. Otherwise sane people boil over in minutes. All this has
translated into a passive acceptance of brutality and violence, whether it
is conducted by the state, the gang or the individual. Add to it the
gnawing recession and increasing unemployment and the scene takes on scary
dimensions.
In times like these, situations tend to take ominous turns and swerve out
of control. For the moment, the state of affairs is still within reach and
repair, but the time is running out. It is still possible to unwind society
and the people. Extremism must be curbed, moderation encouraged and, most
important, the rule of law brought back to society. Due process of law must
be reintroduced in all affairs of the country. And the lead, as always,
shall have to be provided by the government.

____________________________
#3.

ENGLISH VERSION OF THE LETTER WRITTEN BY MEDHA PATKAR OF
NARMADA BACHAO ANDOLAN TO THE PRIME MINISTER OF INDIA, MR. A.B.
VAJPAYEE. The letter by P.M. was delivered on September 24, by a special
officer in Prime Minister's Office, while Medha and 386 satyagrahis in
Narmada valley were in Dhule jail. The original letter by Medha Patkar
is in Hindi. The Prime Ministers' letter of September 22, 1999, was
already circulated and also was given to media by the government.

Dhule District Jail
September 28, 1999

Hon'ble Mr. Atal Behari Vajpayee,
Prime Minister, Government of India

Hon'ble Mr. Vajpayeeji,

We received your letter making a sensitive appeal regarding the decision
and announcement of 'Jal Samrpan' by the Narmada Bachao Andolan at this
juncture in the fourteen year long struggle. On behalf of NBA and I
myself thank you for that. You have expressed special concern
regarding the destitution and destruction in the life of the
people displaced and affected by the development projects, about
the concept of the just resettlement which has not been realised yet and
its implementation. Your suggestion that the issue of Narmada Project is
highly complex and is not amenable to facile solution is also true.In
this context, assuring us about the better rehabilitation of the
affected persons, you have expressed concern about my and my
colleagues' life.

We have received your letter through a conscentious official with you,
Ms. Aditi Mehta in Dhule jail. We have been kept in Dhule jail by the
Maharashtra police after arresting us under flimsy charges when we were
on dharna in Dhadgaon. We were taken into custody for three times,
while facing the submergence waters as a sequel to the four month old
Satyagraha. In Dhadgaon, the tehsil headquarters, we were demanding that
the Government of Maharashtra should send the Chief Secrtetary or the
similar responsible and knowledgeable official to talk with the people
on the basic issues. The state government has not kept its word
regarding the reassessment of the project and the rehabilitation plan,
despite discussions with the Chief Minister in May and July 1998, with
our initiative.

The life of the peasants and adivasis in the Narmada valley is
threatened with destruction in real sense. The people displaced by the
half completed projects like Tawa and Bargi, in the Narmada valley,
have already become destitute. Now, about 4,00,000 people
affected by the Sardar Sarovar dam - its reservoir, people affected by
canals, dykes, colony, afforestation, sanctuary for the project are to
be displaced without any master plan of rehabilitation with the land and
other resources. Those who have been displaced hitherto could not get
justice till this date, despite somewhat better policy and provisions
in the SSP. It is due to the lack of the culturable land, political
will and administrative capacities. There is large scale discontent in
the resettlement sites in Gujarat and Maharashtra. In such a situation,
is it justiceable to submerge thousands of people who have not moved out
from the villages in the Sardar Sarovar area?

Along with the tragedy of the displaced, there are other equally
pertinent issues. Is it just to impose any river valley project on the
people without their consent, without their say in the river water
disputes, without giving them the information reagding the cost-benefit
of the project, disregading their relation with the river, their culture
and nature? We cannot just be mute witness to to the definite detruction
of adivasis and peasants, village communities, of land, forest and water
bodies due to the SSP and the subsequent large dams like Narmada Sagar
and others. We have and will challenge this destructive
planning, to stop this destruction. Our non-violent struggle has
proceeded ahead, proving every point that we have raised at every step
during last fourteen years and has therefore reached at the crucial
juncture of 'Jal Samrpan'. We hope that you would understand this
with the same sensitivity which was reflected in your poem on Hiroshima
tragedy and others.

The assessment of the large dams like the Sardar Sarovar cannot be made
on the basis of the displacement-rehabilitation aspect alone;
other equally important aspects like the displacement and destruction,
cost-benefit, the realistic analysis of benefits are some of
the necessary parameters. It would be irrelevent to discuss merely the
rehabilitation aspect disregarding the strong challenge form our
organisation to the claims about benefits from the dam. The dam will
not solve the serious problem of water and drought of Kutch-Saurashtra
regions while the distribution of the benefits too is not equitable and
just. Knowing this, it becomes important to ask as to why the adivasis,
peasants and labourers should sacrifice their life and reousrces.Instead
of spending most of the irrigation allocations of Gujarat on this single
project, we appeal to concentrate all the attention, resources and power
for true, sustainable, decentralised alternatives, without the problem
of displacement.

As a powerful people's movement, we have adopted the
path of non-violent resistance in face of the fraudulent and repressive
means of the governments and the vested interests, keeping faith in the
democratic processes. We have also been facing the consequences of the
false statements made by the state governments in the Supreme Court. The
pertinent question is, on which forum, on which level would there be a
review of what is the truth or what is false. When there will be a
comprehensive review of the Sardar Sarovar Project on the basis of the
true paradigm of development, on the basis of sustainability and
justice? There is one way out, as of now, as the Madhya Pradesh
government has been demanding a full review of the dam with the new
tribunal. The reassessment of the twenty year old
calculations and conclusions regarding the cost-benefits can be
undertaken, with the public hearing of the affected people leading to a
thorough, comprehensive review of the dam. There is a difference between
the Cauvery-like disputes, which have been raging among the concerned
state governments and the Narmada issue. Here, it is the people
versus the rulers. In such a dispute, the appropriate intervention on
your part would be for the review of the claims of the cost, benefit of
the project in particular and of the water policy in general, raising
the basic issues and questions.

I believe that you long for a solution on the Narmada debate in view
of the equitable way of the use of the natural and human resources of
this country. The Narmada Bachao Andolan has been raising the basic
issues regarding the paradigm of development, process of the planning
and has suggested some solutions as its responsibility in consonance
with other movements from all over India. We think that you can treat
the Narmada debate as an opportunity for the Government of India under
your leadership. It will be important for us, if such an opportunity is
taken by the Government, understanding the people of the Narmada valley,
their organisation, their rights and the paradigm of development evolved
out of the struggle- of which the needs of Gujarat too form a part. We
would put forward our views regarding the review of the SSP without
allowing the work on the dam beyond the present height of 88 mts., how
to ustilise the pondage along with the our approach and programmes of
alternatives. Only this would save the life, not only of me and my
colleagues, but of the entire Narmada valley

Yours Truly,

Sd/
( Medha Patkar)

____________________________
#4.
The Telegraph
Monday, 11 October 1999
http://www.telegraphindia.com/front_pa.htm#head3

MERCHANTS OF DEATH DESCEND ON DELHI=20

from K.P. Nayar
=20
New Delhi, Oct. 10=20
With the depletion of weaponry in the Kargil conflict, heightened security
threat perceptions and the formation of a new government, arms
manufactures are descending on New Delhi in anticipation of huge orders.

An incredible 190 companies, including some of the world=92s biggest arms
manufacturers, are in New Delhi to take part in Defexpo India 99, the
first land and naval systems exhibition organised by the ministry of
defence.

The five-day show is to be opened by defence minister George Fernandes at
the sprawling Pragati Maidan exhibition grounds on Tuesday.

Leading the charge of the "merchants of death" on the capital is none other
than Bofors, a household name in India for having ended Rajiv Gandhi's
prime ministership in 1989 in a long-running arms purchase bribery scandal.

The Indian government having recently removed Bofors from its blacklist and
the Swedish howitzer guns having proved their worth in the Kargil conflict,
the company at the centre of the continuing bribery scandal is no longer an
untouchable on Raisina Hill, the seat of power here.

Those uninitiated in the intricacies of international arms production are,
however, unlikely to recognise Bofors at the exhibition. It is
participating in Defexpo under its new name Celsius AB following a
management and ownership restructuring.

The focus of attention at the exhibition is expected to be the Rs
6,000-crore-plus order for Advanced Jet Trainer (AJT) aircraft for the
Indian Air Force, which may be one of the earliest decisions to be
finalised by the new BJP-led government.

Three companies which are in the final lap of the five-year race for that
order are all taking part in Defexpo. These are British Aerospace which is
hawking its Hawk aircraft, Aerospatiale Matra which is manufacturing the
=46rench version of AJTs and MiG Mapo, which is lobbying for the Russian MiG
AT aircraft.

Also in focus will be two recent entrants into the Indian arms market,
South Africa and Israel. India bought huge amounts of critical weaponry
from both these countries during the crucial days of the Kargil conflict
and their manufacturers are now here to consolidate these windfall gains.

South Africa, in fact, is the biggest participant in Defexpo and has a huge
national pavilion at the show.

Others showing off their weaponry under the roof of separate national
pavilions are Israel, Russia and the UK.

In a sign of the times that smart bombs and electronic war has come even to
South Asia, there is a heavy presence Of defence electronics firms such as
Thomson CFM, Sagem and Sofema of France, Elibit and Rafael from Israel,
Denel from South Africa and Elecon from Russia. These are all pioneers in
their field.

Of particular interest to Indians will be the participation of DCN
International, a French company which manufactures Augusta 90-B submarines.

New Delhi's interest in he company stems from its supply of Augusta
submarines to Pakistan.

Among the 190 participants in Defexpo are 74 Indian defence production
companies.

These include the three naval shipyards, five defence public sector
undertakings, the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and
the Ordnance Factory Board.

Sources in the ministry of defence said their participation was designed to
show that India is a major producer of weapons systems and is keen to
increase its defence exports.
[...]
_______________________________

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