INSAF Bulletin [27]   July 1, 2004
Postal Address: Box 272, Westmount Stn., QC, Canada H3Z 2T2 (Tel. 514 346-9477)
(e-mail: insaf@insaf.net; View the old bulletins)

                   Editor : Daya Varma (Montreal)   Produced by : South Asia center - CERAS
   Editorial Board: Vaqar Ahmed (Montreal), Vinod Mubayi (New York)
   Advisory Board: Hari Sharma (Vancouver), Pervez Hoodbhoy (Islamabad)

Women's Representation in Indian Parliament and Legislatures - R. Geetha
Histrical Aspects of Reservation
Reservation in Panchayats
Women's Status
Women's Participation in Politics
Statistics on Women's Representation 1952-1999
Reservation and Local Bodies
Women's Reservation Bill
Joint Select Committee
Women's Movement and Reservation
'Simple amendment enough'
Theatre of the Absurd
Elusive Consensus
Concept and Alternatives
Panchayat Raj Institution (PRI) and Women's Reservation
Electoral Outcome
Experiences of Elected Women - Violence, Daylight Murder
All-Women Panchayats
Kerala - A Model State
Muslim Women's Role in Kerala
Muslim League and Muslim Women, Dress Code for Women
People's Planning Process - New Guidelines, Gender Issues, Ombudsman
Tamil Nadu Federation
Andhra Pradesh - Fatima Bi: Success Story of a Woman Sarpanch
Madhya Pradesh - Basanti Bai: Down but not out
Madhya Pradesh - Nagar Panchayat President Recalled
Panchayat Elections in Bihar
Uttar Pradesh - Responsibility without Authority: The plight of Women Pradhans
Summing Up
Annexure I
Annexure II
Annexure III
Annexure IV
Abbreviations

Women's Representation in Indian Parliament and Legislatures
R. Geetha (Chennai)

Poet and Patriot Bharathi sang this, decades before Indian Independence that was secured in 1947.

"To make the laws and wield power
Have we women risen in strength
Not a whit are women
Inferior in intellect to men".

The issue of reservation in Parliament has created intense debate within the women's movement as well as in Parliament and political parties. The 84th constitution amendment bill has been kept in abeyance due to lack of political will, demand relating to caste and religious reservation and the overriding patriarchy in the party system.

The process of debate has brought to the fore the relation between caste and gender, two major issues of social inequality in India. Also contradictions between avowed position of parties and reality as well as the wide prevalence of money and muscle power in the political system need serious attention. Moreover the debate is situated in an era of Globalization when parliamentary institutions have been by-passed or have succumbed to pressure from WTO, World Bank and IMF.

The introduction of the Women's Reservation Bill is a logical culmination of the experience in reservation of 33% in Panchayats and Nagar Palikas (local bodies)that has ushered in one million women in Indian political life at the grass roots.


Histrical Aspects of Reservation

Women's participation in Indian political scene was inextricably linked with the Freedom Struggle in the 20th century. For the first time women participated in the Calcutta conference in 1900. In the wake of partition of Bengal by colonial rulers, there was emotional reaction to the 'divide and rule policy' and legendary women led the revolt in Chittagong.

Gandhian era brought Sarojini Naidu as the first Indian Women President of Indian National Congress in 1925. As early as 1920 Sarojini Naidu and Margaret Cousins led a group of women to demand equal rights of representation in Indian Provincial Legislatures. Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy the first woman medical practitioner in India led in the Madras Legislative Council the fight for abolition of Devadasi system and for rehabilitation of the Devadasi women. In 1931 although the British Government turned down the demand for women's franchise, the Karachi session of Indian National Congress resolved in favor of women's franchise and representation.

The Quit India Movement in 1942 saw Aruna Asaf Ali in the forefront of the struggle led by socialists and the Indian National Army (INA) formed by Subash Chandra Bose had a separate contingent of women led by Captain Lakshmi.

The struggle of workers and peasants led by the communists and socialists had many women at the helm, and the grassroots.

Subsequent to the trial at Red Fort there was uprising throughout India and even a Mutiny in the Navy. This situation led to the peaceful transfer of power by Labor Party that had come to power in Britain, along with the partition of India into 2 nations on the basis of religion.

Every time the Freedom Struggle went forward, there was a communal backlash. The partition meant bloodshed brutal mindless killings, and sexual attacks on women on an unprecedented scale, on Muslim women in Hindu dominated areas and on Hindu women in Muslim dominated areas.

Even though women played a significant role in the Freedom Movement, after attainment of Freedom the number of women involved in the nation building exercise was not considerable. Here and there a few entered the Parliament and Legislatures, their participation never exceeded 8%.

It has to be noted here that freedom movement also raised issues related to social reform, women's rights. Abolition of untouchablity (according to Hindu caste system, and caste oppression was considered so vital that even creation of separate electorates was raised by Dr. Ambedkar and the Pune Pact was signed. Periar E.V.Ramasamy Naicker left the Congress Party in Madras Presidency, over the caste issue and founded a Non-Brahmin Movement. He even campaigned for proportionate representation on caste basis.

Constituent Assembly

At the time of framing of the constitution, reservation of seats for scheduled caste and tribes was included as an equity measure, to counter balance centuries of oppression. At the same time, when the constituent assembly considered granting for women reservation of seats in Parliament, women argued against it claiming that women could and should stand on their own feet. According to them reservation would be a hand out and would not promote equality.

Towards Equality

It was "Towards Equality" the report released in 1975 of the Commission on Status of Women in India headed by Manibenkara and secretary Dr. Vina Mazumdar, that opened the eyes of women and men to shocking facts on the status of women in India even after 25 years of Independence.

Decline of female sex ratio, female illiteracy, low wages, underestimate of women's productivity at work, increasing atrocities on women were some of the important revelations made by the said report. It also made a series of recommendations for policy and legal changes.

On political representation, the Report says thus:

"The commission had received in some states a number of appeals by groups of women for a system of reservation of seats for women in the legislative bodies in the states and in the Parliament. A group of scholars who at the committee's request undertook the examination of women's role in the political process supported reservation for women. Their argument states clearly the declining trend in the number of women legislators, the reluctance of political parties to sponsor women. The "tokenism" of parties had to be tackled by a 30% reservation of seats in legislative bodies. The presence of more women in legislatures will help to accelerate the rate and direct the type of changes in the position of women. Only a system of reservation would increase the number of women representatives, will help broaden the base of women's representation in the legislative bodies.

The committee had also received a strong opposition to the suggestion from representatives of political parties and most women legislators that any system of special representation would be a retrograde step from the equality conferred by the constitution. The committee did not support reservation for women while it did recommend 'the establishment of statutory women Panchayats at the village level to ensure greater participation by women in the political process.' These bodies are not meant to be parallel organizations to Gram Panchayats but should form an integral part of Panchayat Raj structure, with autonomy and resources of their own for the management and administration of welfare and development programmers for women and children.

At the level of Municipalities the principle of reservation of seats for women exist in certain states and this is to be adopted by all states as a transitional measure."

The committee recommended, "political parties should adopt a definite policy regarding the percentage of women candidates to be sponsored by them for elections to Parliament and state assemblies. It may start with 15% and gradually be increased to 50%." It also recommended the inclusion of women in all important committees, commissions or delegations that are appointed to examine socio-economic problems.

Yet Dr. Majumdar, Dr. Lotika Sarkar and Mr. Neena Dogra dissented and pointed out that the committee had failed to address the problem of under-representation caused by institutionalized inequalities which twenty five years of democracy had failed to dislodge.

In Dr. Majumdar's words, "As 'daughters of Independence' we had been critics of special representation, regarding these 'as a legacy of the colonial period which institutionalized the backwardness of certain sections. Twenty five years later, we discovered considerable resistance among women of our and older generations to being equated with the Scheduled Castes and Tribes. Over the last twenty two years, however, the Indian Women's movement, as we see it, has done complete volte-face on this position. We have found our understanding of nation building changing radically as we sought to come closer to the life experiences, the unacknowledged wisdom and knowledge, the priorities and perspectives of poor peasant and working women in the informal sector across the country (and the subcontinent), forcing us to raise question about the meaning of development, of freedom, traditions, modernization, social progress and the dynamics of economic, cultural and demographic changes that we had never asked before".

The release of the Report on the status of women in India, and the imposition of emergency had energized a number of women into activism and, post emergency period witnessed autonomous women's groups demand for legal changes to get justice in rape cases and dowry deaths which were being increasingly reported. In fact the growing movement led to amendments in dowry law, laws relating to unnatural deaths of brides and rape law.

In 1985, the Government of Rajiv Gandhi took interest in the SWI recommendation on i) Panchayats ii) New Education policy to empower women iii) Planning commission to reconsider special component approach for women in all sectoral development. The women's division in social welfare became a Department of women and child Development with Margaret Alva as Minister in-charge. Department of Rural Development introduced 30% quota for women in all anti-poverty programs. One group was constituted to prepare National Perspective plan for women and Ela. Bhatt a veteran leader of Self-Employed Women's Association was appointed as Commission to enquire into condition of self-employed and other unorganized women workers.

On the one hand the Muslim Women's Act (Protection of Rights in Divorce) taking away to maintenance of Muslim women could not be stopped by women's movement, yet Education Policy included women's equality.

The National Perspective Plan for Women recommended 30% reservation for women in all elective bodies from Panchayat to Parliament and that in initial years, it may be filled in by nomination or co-option. After debate, the final version recommended 30% reservation only in Panchayats and Municipalities by election.

The critical initiative in women's political empowerment came from Ramakrishna Hegde's government in Karnataka in the mid 1980's. Along with a new and radical Panchayat Raj Act there was provision for 25% reservation for women in Panchayats. It was this move that inspired Rajiv Gandhi to attempt a similar reservation for women at an all India level.


Reservation in Panchayats

In 1984, Rajiv Gandhi introduced the 64th constitutional Amendment in Parliament for Reservation in all Panchayats. Though it was defeated in the Rajya Sabha, it was later re-introduced and passed as 73rd and 74th Amendments.

Around the same time in 1984 the state of Andhra Pradesh issued a Resolution providing for reservation of 30% for women in direct recruitment in public employment. Justice Sujatha Manohar observed: "The insertion of clause (3) of Article 15 in relation to women's reservation of the fact that for centuries women of this country have been economically handicapped. As a result they are unable to participate in the socio-economic activities of the nation on a footing of equality. It is in order to eliminate this socio-economic backwardness of women and to empower them in a manner that would bring about effective equality between men and women that Article 15 (3) is placed within Article 15. Its object is to strengthen and improve the status of women. An important limb of gender justice is to create job opportunities for women. ...What then is meant by "any special provision for women' under Article 15(3)?"

The Context

It is indeed ironical that the matter of Reservation for women in Parliament and legislatures is being debated in this 'era' of globalization, at a time when the sovereignty and Independence of the Nation have been placed at the altar of World Trade Organization and laws and polices are being passed by the Indian Parliament to honor the commitment to WTO. Globalization, liberalization, privatization stopping of subsidies and increase in mechanization, increase in Foreign Direct Investment have become guiding factors, and public sector is for sale. Closures and large scale retrenchment accompanied by reversal of labor rights through labor law amendments, increasing contract system, all these have affected employment in the organized sector. The workers in the unorganized sector, of which women constitute the majority are becoming more vulnerable since price rise and invisible retrenchments are on the rise.

Food security is at stake since subsidies to Public Distribution System have been cut. Patent law amendments are termed inevitable and replacement of product patenting by process patents will lead to biopiracy and closure of Indian pharmaceuticals and hike in the price of life saving drugs. Multinationals have come in a big way and are given concession such as land, electricity, 5 years tax holiday etc. The peasants, handloom weavers, home-based workers, agricultural and construction workers are losing livelihood. Women are being marginalized on a bigger scale than ever before.

Already corruption and lack of public morality have been on the rise since two decades and the scams unlimited languish in Parliamentary Committees for years with no systemic safeguards to control them, recover the money or to take punitive action. The crying need of Indian polity is a system of accountability and right to information. Elections involve enormous funds which is in violation of law. Corruption begins in elections, also rowdyism and flow of liquor grow unabated in every election. Prof. Madhu Dandavate, on power in politics ethical and moral dimensions, says:

"In a highly centralized political setup, unbridled corruption is facilitated. The unholy alliance between the unscrupulous power brokers and the perpetrators of economic crimes, shorn of any sense of moral values, has greatly harmed Indian polity and economy. Even a cursory glance at the Vohra Committee Report on the criminalization of politics reveals this aspect.

The Vohra Committee Report (1995) quoting the inference by the Director Intelligence Bureau(DIB) has observed: "DIB has reported that due to the progressive decline in the values in public life in the country warning signals of sinister linkage between the underworld, politicians and the bureaucracy have been evident with disturbing regularity, as exemplified by the exposures of the networks of the Bombay blast case".

Besides other recommendations by the DIB, the major suggestion has been:
'Identification of the nexus between criminals / mafias and anti-national elements on the one hand and bureaucrats, politicians and other sensitively located individuals on the other'.
He says again:
'In the present system of elections in India, those who seek to attain power need to undertake enormous expenditures on the electoral process. Thus, money power dominates political power. In the process ethical and moral values are thrown to the winds. Election thus becomes an instrument in the circulation of black money in the economy.

Central Vigilance Commission in now talking of tackling corruption 'low risk and high profit business'. Remedial measures have to be on administrative, legislative and social front including removal of red-tape, statutory declaration of assets by MPs and MLAs, law to enforce forfeiture of ill-gotten assets, and common man's right to information."

In this situation that women do not come forward to contest elections is only a natural outcome of the prevailing nexus of money and muscle power.

The women who have come up in politics have had linkage with male politicians as beebi - beti, and have even perpetrated authoritarian rule under emergency conditions.

The three aspects of positive discrimination required to set the imbalance right, namely reservation of jobs in public employment, reservation in public education and reservation of seats in Parliament and state legislatures have lost their import in the context of globalization.

There is a ban on new recruitments in public sphere while retrenchment is effected; there is a move to privatize education and health. In a mad spree of privatization, access to education and health is becoming more difficult for women from socio-economically disadvantaged groups. Lastly the reservation of seats in Parliament is being talked about when Parliament is losing its sovereignty to WTO.


Women's Status

Indian society is based on hierarchical, patriarchal endogamous caste system which has replaced old matriarchal traditions while the remnants of the earlier traditions remain in the worship of Shakthi, Rain goddess and Draupadi. In the Manu Vad, the woman's status is on par with shudras - the working class, while the panchamas or untouchables are a class outside the caste system.

The atrocities on women take the form of rape, sexual attacks, forced marriage, dowry harassments and murder, drunken violence and wife-beating etc.

From birth to death discrimination is experienced in family, economic, social, cultural and political spheres. The sex ratio in 2001 was the obnoxious practice of female infanticide and feticide exists in many parts of the country from Bihar, Rajasthan to Tamil Nadu. Girl children are considered a burden on account of dowry system and other patriarchal customs of expensive functions to mark attainment of puberty etc.

Due to rising opposition to infanticide and governmental action, methods such as scanning and feticide are resorted to, Scan centers have mushroomed all over the country in spite of Supreme Court rulings to curb them.

The recent case of Rita Mary has raised basic issues on the state of police and conditions prevalent in jails in Tamil Nadu. That 19 year old girl sold to a brothel was rescued by four boys on whom false cases were foisted by Tindivanam Police. She was taken to Chenji sub-jail after remand and she was gang raped in the sub-jail. The only witness who courageously came forward to give evidence was attacked. Immoral trafficking and prostitution goes on aided and abetted by police. The nexus between police, brothel owners, jail warders, lawyers etc., is a veritable chain which is binding women into slavery.

Custodial rape and sexual violence on women, especially Dalits and Tribal women have become a regular feature. The women's organizations have struggled over each case that gets exposed in the media and it is sad that many affected women would not come forward to fight, fearing the exposure in the media.

Retired Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer's report on curbing custodial violence has not been implemented. National Commission for Women has made many investigations, set up committees to recommend legislative changes, but the recommendations and reports of NCW were not even tabled in the Parliament.

In the economic sphere regular employment has gone down from 9 to 8%. Women constitute the bulk (70%) of unorganized sector the sweated labor of India comprising 92% of labor force in the country. Women laborers are invisible on records, low-paid, face discrimination in wages and skill acquisition, have no social security, unprotected during sickness, pregnancy child-birth and old age. Child and bonded labor exists in quarries, brick-kilns, beedi rolling, agriculture and rice-mills.

They work for long hours, paid little wages mostly on contract and sub-contract basis. There is no law to regulate employment and working condition nor to provide social security to women labor in unorganized sector. In construction, the National Campaign Committee for Central Law on Construction Labor (NCC-CL) has been campaigning for implementation of Central Act and for comprehensive protection through tripartite boards. In spite of the Bonded Labor Liberation Act and Equal Remuneration Laws of 1976, discrimination and bondage, vulnerability and penury are features of sweated women labor.

Women's role in the Gross National Product needs to be assessed, her triple role in social production and reproduction as well as reproduction of labor power (house work - child care) is the basic condition to be mitigated. Report of the Ela Bhat Commission on self employed women and women in the unorganized sector, was not even debated in Parliament and its recommendations have not been given due importance.

In the era of Globalization, mechanization has resulted in invisible job losses and retrenchment in construction work and agriculture. Use of Ready mix concrete and excavators has led to large scale displacement of women from construction sector. As a result of liberalization livelihood of women in Tea, coconut and rubber sectors is at stake because these commodities are imported in increased quantities.

Women's literacy has gone up, still is not the same as that of males and not as one would expect, given the problem in the infrastructure lack of teachers and all pervading child labor.

Health condition of women, increased incidence of anemia, Tuberculosis child mortality, death mortality, death at child birth are also areas of concern especially in the context of privatization of health services, increasing prices of medicines and deterioration of Public Health Services due to cut in Government spending.

Culturally women have been treated either as submissive women projected as commodities in advertisements by the media. With increasing pauperization, prostitution is talked of as occupation thus lowering women's status and denying women their dignity.

Thus the subjugation of women is inextricably linked to issues of globalization, socio-economic structure and marginalization of women from planning process. Legislative process and planning have excluded women in terms of orientation, sensitivity, impact and participation.

Women's Participation in Politics

Women's participation in politics has declined and even the doyens of freedom movement were actively involved in constructive work after freedom and only a small number were in political parties. A paper by Forum of Democratic Reforms notes that in states like Maharastra and Gujarat virtually every neighborhood and most villages could boast of at least one effective woman leader, even in the 1950s. But as politics became more centralized as well as criminalized, thus undermining all institutions of civil society, women were pushed off leadership positions to function in the margins. Even the tradition of social work at local level got eroded from 1970s. From the 70's the gap between the state and civil society, professed ideology and political practice widened. Criminalization of politics, liquor, money and muscle power in elections as well as increasing sexual attacks on women have played a detrimental role on women's participation in politics.

It is indeed a very important fact that percentage of voters has been decreasing and the faith in the system of elections and governance on the decline. No government can claim to have got majority support since no of votes polled in favor of the winning party is less than 40%.

The gender gap in voter turn out indicates that women have even less faith or interest in elections.

In 1957, the gender gap was 39w - 56m; in 1979, 49w - 61m; in 1984 59w - 68m; in 1991 51w - 61m; in1996, 56w - 62m.

The percentage of women who turned out to vote in various elections increased in the first two decades. After that it has fluctuated without any systematic trend. But one thing has not changed: there has always been a gap of 8 to 11 percent between men's and women's turnout.

The States which record the lowest turnout of women are Bihar, Utter Pradesh and Rajasthan with a high female infant mortality.

On the other hand, the two comprehensive national election surveys conducted by CSDS in 1971 and 1996 reveal a significant rise in the proportion of women among the politically active class of citizens of those who take an active interest in the campaign, more than one - third comprise women. Their level of identification with parties has gone up the share has doubled among those who attended election meetings and those who are members of political parties. Their participation is very low in comparison with men. Women are still less than one fifth of party members. (Excerpt from 'A New Political Landscape' by Yogendra Yadav, India Today Feb, 1998.)

The reason for this and the solutions need to be found in systemic changes in electoral politics apart from the provision for Women's Reservation in Parliament and Legislatures.

The decreasing participation of women in Legislatures and Parliament were noted by Commission on Status of Women in India in 1975, updated to 1999.

The setback to women's participation is even more severe at the State level than in the Lok Sabha. This is evident in Bihar, with 14 women in 1952, 31 in 1957, 26 in 62 but in 67 only 11 seats. Their number declined to 4 in 1969. It reached a plateau leveling at a mere 18.

The representation of women in the Lok Sabha has remained stagnant, reached a high of 8% in 1984.

There seems to be no correlation with literacy in Kerala, the overall literacy rate is reportedly 90% with 86% female literacy. By contrast, in Rajasthan female literacy is a mere 20% and only 12% rural female literacy. Kerala used to be matrilineal and had autonomy and freedom of movement. While Rajasthani women live in oppressed state in aggressively patriarchal communities that practice purdah and child marriages. But the political parties participation rates of women in these two states are not very different. In Kerala it rose from less than one percent in '67 to six percent in 91. In Rajasthan representation of women was 4% in 1967 and reached 8% in 85-90, slightly more than in Kerala.

Manipur has a tradition of women playing a dominant role in both the family and community due to matrilineal heritage; has elected its first legislator in 1990. Nagaland and other North eastern states which have less repressive cultures for women have low levels of women's representations. By contrast, the proportion of women in politics in UP, Bihar and Madhya Pradesh is higher in spite of low education levels and repressive cultural norms for women, they have sent a relatively larger proportion of women to Lok Sabha and have elected more women MLAs, than the North East.

Though the number of women participating in the Parliament is less, it is revealing that compared to the number of contestants, the winnability of women is relatively higher than of men as indicated in the tables and the pictures below:

The participation of women in political parties is indeed low as indicated in the table below on women's presence in Top Decision making committees.


Table 1 - Women's Representation in Parliament 1952-1999

  Year     Seats     Lok Sabha Women MPs     % of Women MPs     Seats     Rajya Sabha Women MPs*     % of Women MPs  
1952499224.4219167.3
1957500275.4237187.5
1962503346.8238187.6
1967523315.9240208.3
1971521224.2243177.0
1977544193.42442510.2
1980544287.9244249.8
1984544448.12442811.4
1989517275.3245249.7
1991544397.22453815.5
1996543397.2223209.0
1998543437.9245156.1
1999543499.0245197.8
Average528336.2238229.0

*The composition of Rajya Sabha changes every two years. We have picked up only those years which allow comparison with Lok Sabha. The average for Rajya Sabha is based on these years only. Source: CSDS Data Unit


Table 2 - Women's Representation in State Legislatures 1952-1999 (% of Women MLAs)

  State     1952**     1957    1960-65    1967-69     1970-75     1977-78     1979-83     1984-88     1989-92     1993-97     1998-99     State Avg  
 Andhra Pradesh2.93.73.33.89.13.44.13.43.72.79.54.6
 Arunachal Pradesh-----0.03.36.73.33.31.73.0
 Assam0.54.63.84.07.00.80.84.04.04.8-3.2
 Bihar3.69.47.92.2*3.84.03.74.62.83.4-4.3
 Goa---6.73.33.30.00.05.010.05.04.4
 Gujarat--8.44.83.2NE0.98.82.21.12.24.0
 Haryana---7.4*6.24.43.25.66.74.4-6.2
 Himachal Pradesh0.0--0.05.91.55.64.45.94.48.84.2
 Jammu & Kashmir-NE0.00.05.31.30.01.3NE2.3-1.5
 Karnataka2.08.78.73.25.14.00.93.64.53.12.34.3
 Kerala0.04.83.9*0.81.50.73.25.75.79.3-3.6
 Madhya Pradesh2.110.84.93.45.43.15.69.73.43.88.15.4
 Maharashtra1.96.34.93.39.32.86.65.62.13.84.24.6
 Manipur-NENE0.00.0*NE0.00.01.70.0-0.3
 Meghalaya----1.71.70.03.3NE1.75.02.2
 Mizoram----0.03.33.32.50.00.00.01.2
 Nagaland--0.00.0NE0.00.01.70.00.0-0.5
 Orissa9.63.61.43.61.4*4.83.46.14.85.4-4.0
 Punjab2.25.85.21.0*5.82.65.13.45.16.0-4.0
 Rajasthan0.05.14.53.37.14.05.08.05.54.57.05.0
 Sikkim------0.00.06.33.13.12.5
 TamilNadu0.35.93.91.72.10.92.13.49.03.8-3.6
 Tripura-NENE0.03.31.76.73.3NE1.7-3.0
 Uttar Pradesh1.25.84.42.8*5.92.65.67.33.3*4.0*-4.1
 West Bengal0.83.64.82.9*1.6*1.42.44.47.16.8-3.4
 Delhi4.2-NENE7.17.17.1NENE4.312.97.3
 Pondicherry--6.73.30.00.03.33.31.73.3-2.6
 Period Average1.86.34.92.94.42.83.85.34.54.06.04.1

Notes : Tables entry stands for % of women MLAs elected to state legislatures in the relevant elections.
- : States did not exist.
NE : No elections held in that year.
* : Two elections held during this period. The figure given here is an average of the two.
** : In 1952 the Election Commission did not recognize women as a separate category.
The figures given here are based on name recognition and hence liable to under-reporting of women representatives. Source: CSDS Data Unit


Table 3 - Women Contestants in Lok Sabha Elections 1952-1996

  Year     Contestants per Seat     Share among Contestants (%)     Success Ratio (%)  
19520.102.743.1
19570.144.438.6
19620.143.450.0
19670.132.847.0
19710.173.125.6
19770.132.927.1
19800.263.119.7
19840.292.927.7
19890.373.114.3
19910.603.712.0
19960.903.47.9
Average0.303.228.5

Notes for Tables 3, 4, 5 : Contestants per Seat = Number of Women Contestants/Total Number of Seats
Share among Candidates = Number of Women Contestants/Number of All Contestants X 100
Success Ratio = Number of Women Elected/Number of Women Contestants X 100


Table 4 - Women Contestants in Lok Sabha Elections 1952-1997

  Year     Contestants per Seat     Share among Contestants (%)     Success Ratio (%)  
19520.102.743.1
1952-560.061.231.4
1957-610.113.158.0
1962-650.102.448.8
1967-690.081.635.3
1970-750.122.536.1
1977-780.152.418.5
1979-830.162.523.6
1984-880.263.120.3
1989-920.383.211.8
1993-970.473.88.7
Average0.192.821.0


Table 5 - Women Contestants in Lok Sabha Elections 1952-1997

  Year     Contestants per Seat     Share among Contestants (%)     Success Ratio (%)  
 Andhra Pradesh0.183.522.0
 Arunachal Pradesh0.072.446.7
 Assam0.142.322.4
 Bihar0.202.416.7
 Goa0.193.022.7
 Gujarat0.182.720.9
 Haryana0.362.817.3
 Himachal Pradesh0.173.121.7
 Jammu & Kashmir0.091.816.3
 Karnataka0.233.919.7
 Kerala0.132.727.5
 Madhya Pradesh0.203.025.2
 Maharashtra0.203.318.3
 Manipur0.081.42.9
 Meghalaya0.112.514.7
 Mizoram0.091.816.7
 Nagaland0.030.514.3
 Orissa0.162.825.9
 Punjab0.162.925.2
 Rajasthan0.202.724.6
 Sikkim0.284.88.3
 TamilNadu0.192.618.9
 Tripura0.133.022.7
 Uttar Pradesh0.282.614.8
 West Bengal0.122.627.8
 Delhi0.354.117.2
 Pondicherry0.183.714.3

Note : The figures stand for the average of the relevant indicator for all the elections held in that state from 1952 to 1997.


Role of Women Legislators in UP

The women leaders have been playing a key role in the linkage between the state and the people. Most of the general developmental works like water supply, schools, roads and electricity arrangements and also higher-level official works have been completed under the influence of the women legislators. Almost all women legislators have been able to provide such general facilities for society as a whole in their areas during their term. A few women legislators could also get the developmental work done on the large scale due to their position as ministers, though there have been only one or two such women legislators at a time. Their role, however, appears to be similar to the role of their male counterparts.

The role of scheduled caste women legislators has been seen in the form of social emulsion for people of their own caste. A majority of them have been demanding social justice in the legislature, al least for their own caste. However, joint action has never been seen in such cases.


Table 6 - Women's Presence in Top Decision - Making committees

  Party     Committee     No. of Women     Total Members     % of Women  
CPI(M) Politburo0150
  Central Committee5707
CPI Secretariat090
  National Executive33110
  National Council6-7*1255
JD Political Affairs Committee0150
  Parliamentary Board0**150
  National Executive117515
UF Steering Committee015-17**0
BJP Parliamentary Board1911
  Election Committee21712
Congress Working Committee21911

* The seventh member is a candidate member who participates in discussions but does not vote.
** Normally the state President of the JD women's wing is invited to attend and offer suggestions, but she does not have a vote. Even this invitation depends upon the wishes of the party President or of the President of the Parliamentary Board.
*** Total number of members vary due to visitors.
Source: Manush(96), September-October 1996, p.27


Their action is guided by the concerned party high command. Even if there is a clear-cut case of social injustice, they do not dare to raise their voices against their party high command. Of course, they have sometimes acted as mediators between the government and the victims.

Another important role the scheduled caste women legislators seem to play is that they have been helping their community to get grants from various governmental agencies for the development of infra structure in their constituencies and for social welfare activities.

In the assembly of women legislators, by and large, cut across party lines and are united on issues relating to violence and atrocities committed against women. On other general issues, they often toe the party line.


Reservation and Local Bodies

The 73rd and 74th amendments to the constitution have instituted structural changes in Indian Polity in the sense that apart from central and state governments, governance at the Gram Panchayats and Nagar palikas has taken shape by a system of devolution of powers.

Important powers such as land-use, land reform, water, education, child care etc have become subjects of local bodies while Gram sabha, a voters Assembly at each village level has been recognized as the basis of democracy. The Gram sabha has the power to approve village plan, monitor the working and in Madhya Pradesh there is a right to recall. Thus power to people and women's empowerment have come together.

In this context reservation of 33% of seats as well as headship for women has brought in one million women at the grass root level into political life. More over elections are not contested on party symbols. Women's organizations and NGOs have played a great role in activating honest and diligent women to occupy positions in the Panchayats and training them for the same.

Karnataka, the first state to implement Panchayat Raj has witnessed women's participation to go beyond 33% to reach 40%. Hence recognition of women as representatives of the people has come to stay in Karnataka.

In other states, the implementation of constitutional amendments has taken place over the last five years and there has been many hurdles including court cases. State Governments not willing to part with finances as in Tamil Nadu and Rajasthan, domination of the officials including District Collectors thwarting the functioning of elected representatives.

The role of women Panchayats has had many problems of proxy women, the husband actually at the control. Also women Panchayats have had to face both the vested interests in the village and the family in carrying out their duties.

The problems and strengths of women in the Panchayats will be dealt with in detail later. In spite of the hurdles and draw backs, the excitement over women's participation in politics for the first time, the NGOs, women in political parties have all been the motive force behind the demand for 33% reservation for women in Parliament and legislatures.


Women's Reservation Bill (WRB)

We shall examine the Bill in all its aspects, the controversies, the alternatives as well as the efficacy, pros and cons of Reservation in the Panchayats.

The Constitution

Apart from the preamble asserting liberty, equality and fraternity, Indian Constitution in Article 15(1) states:
"The state shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them".

Article 15(3) states:
"Nothing in this Article shall prevent the state from making any special provision for women and Children".

Thus the constitution provides a venue for making laws for a positive discrimination policy or affirmative action in favor of women.

The First Bill

The Bill for reservation of 33% of seats in Lok Sabha and legislative assembles was introduced in the Parliament on Sep 13, 1996, one day prior to the ending of the monsoon session of Parliament.

The highlights of the original Bill (House of the People) are the following:
1. There should not be less than 1/3rd seats reserved for women in Lok Sabha and legislative assembles.
2. The reservations are for indefinite period.
3. The reserved constituencies are to be determined through a draw of lots. 'The draw of lots system' means every time a new set of constituencies will be declared as reserved for women.
4. There is also a provision for parallel reservation for SCs and STs, which is to say women belonging to SCs and STs will be getting 1/3 of seats reserved for people of that category, that is quota within quota.
5. The Bill left out of its purview reservation in the upper House (Rajya Sabha) legislative councils as well as Union Territories.


Joint Select Committee

The Joint Select Committee headed by veteran Geeta Mukherjee (CPI) and comprising of 21 members of Lok Sabha and 10 from Rajya Sabha received 102 memoranda and 16 oral evidences.

The minutes of dissent expressed by Samata Party, DMK, Samajwadi Party, Janata Dal etc raised the issue of OBC women and demanded quota for them. Their argument was that out of 39 women Parliament members only 4 belonged to the OBC. So they raised issue that gender based reservation must also ensure equity in terms of caste hierarchy.

Jayant Kumar Malhotra (Independent) in his note of dissent says:

"While all political parties have not failed to realize the immense voting power of women none have given adequate representation to women in their decision making bodies or indeed in the distribution of tickets for contesting seats for Parliament and State Legislative Assemblies.

While all of them pay lip sympathy to the empowerment of women, none have cared to see that women are given representation in Parliament or in the State Assemblies in a significant number. It is a fact that representation in elected bodies is necessarily transient, having regard to the constitutional requirement of holding election every 5 years. Moreover, it is in the nature of political life that elected representatives may not remain in office for their full term. Besides, an elected M.P. or M.L.A represents a geographical area. He or she is accountable to the people in his or her constituency. Assuming that women constitute 50% of almost every Parliamentary or state constituency, it will be difficult, if not impossible, to select constituencies which should he reserved for them. Any constituency that may be reserved may be a matter of pure chance.

In fact, the problem of empowerment of women is to be looked at in a holistic manner. What is needed is a thorough reform of the functioning of political parties and that source of discrimination has to be countered. It should be made mandatory for the political parties to amend their party constitution to provide for the desired representation of women".

CPM members Hannan Mollah and Chandrakala Pandey had expressed disagreement to reservation for OBC in general as well as reservation for SC/ST women within SC/ST quota on the ground that it would create caste division among women.

Chief Ministers of Nagaland, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh in a joint memorandum requested to grant their states exemptions from the proposed reservation on the basis of cultural specifications and lack of adequate, eligible trained women candidates among the tribals of the North East.
1. 'Not less than one third' to be substituted by 'as nearly as one third'.
2. 'Every state' to be substituted by 'Every State, National capital territory of Delhi or Union territory of Pondicherry'.
3. The committee suggested review of reservation after 15 years.
4. Recommendations of the Joint Select Committee the committee recommended extension of the reservation of seats to states and union territories with less than three seats. The modality is in case of 2 seats, in the first term, first seat is reserved and in the third term, both seats are general.
5. Similar provision has been made for reservation for SC/ST women.

The Committee notes that the proposed amendments in the Constitution provide reservation of seats for those belonging to Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes, as the case may be, from out of the seats reserved to sub-clause (2) of Article 380 and sub-clause (3) of article 382 of the Constitution, respectively in the House of the people and the Legislative Assemblies in the States. The Committee, however, observes that such reservation of seats has not been provided for in the Bill for women belonging to other Backward Classes because there is no reservation for Other Backward Classes (OBC) at present under the Constitution as it exists for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The Committee, therefore, recommend that the Government may consider the issue extending the benefit of reservation to Other Backward Classes also at the appropriate time so that the woman belonging to other Backward Classes will also get the benefit of reservation.

The Committee notes that the Bill does not contain any provision for reservation of seats for women in the Rajya Sabha or the Legislative Councils of the States. The Committee feel that there should also be reservation seats for women in the Rajya Sabha and Legislative Council. The Committee, therefore, recommended the Government should work out the modalities for this purpose and bring out suitable legislation in this regard at the appropriate time.

The committee directed the Ministry of Law to redraft the Bill after incorporating the amendments and furnished to Lok Sabha secretariat by Saturday, 30th November, 1996.

When the Bill was introduced with the amendments as proposed by Joint Select Committee along with a provision under Article 331 for the nomination of a women of the Anglo-Indian Community. Women MPs demanded immediate passage of the Bill. But speaker P.A. Sangma gave MPs two days' time to read the report. Objections were again voiced.

Eighty MPs cutting across party lines submitted a memorandum to the Prime Minister Mr. H.D. Deve Gowda threatening to vote against the Bill in the present form. Most signatories were from BJP followed by those from Janata Dal and Samajwadi Party. The left refused to sign the appeal. Members of the Janata Dal (the main constituent of the ruling United Front) say that they are willing to defy the party whip if an OBC quota is not included opposition alleges that the Government is sabotaging the Bill the winter session ends without the Bill being passed.


Women's Movement and Reservation

The issue of 33% reservation in Parliament and Legislatures was no doubt raised in many Government Committees but as a Bill it was put forward and lobbied in1995, by Women's Political Watch led by Ms. Veena Nayyar. National Commission for Women led by Dr. Mohini Giri and active members Dr. Padma Seth, Ms. Saida Hameed and others took up the issue with gusto and organized workshops and seminars throughout the country to create an awakening among women's organizations and NGOs involved in training and participation of women in Panchayats. Once the debate started, National Alliance of Women's Organizations, All India Democratic Women's Association, National Federation of Indian Women, Joint Women's Program and many other women's groups all over the country jumped into the fray vociferously agitating for the passage of Women's Reservation Bill. Some of them wanted OBC reservation to be included while the rest wanted the Bill to be passed as it is. In fact they charged that OBC reservation was a ploy to scuttle the Women's Bill. If nearly 200 men belonging to OBC could be elected to Parliament, OBC women would get elected automatically only if women's reservation became mandatory.

The irony is that during election, except Samajwadi Party all other parties included Reservation in their manifestoes. But neither did they support the Bill in Parliament nor did they give one third tickets to women in elections.

It become a ding dong battle in the Parliament. The ruling party talks of consensus to be reached. The women MPs raise the issue in every session. The fact is that majority of party MPs do not want to be unseated, hence the resistance. On the days the Bill was taken up for debate, there was no quorum. It has become a stalemate situation.

In 1996, when the Bill was taken up for discussion, MPs rushed to the well and created pandemonium in Parliament. This led to demonstration of hundreds of women outside Parliament Gate.

In an open letter to Prime Minister Vajpayee, NCW chairperson Mohini Giri alleged that hundreds of women demonstrating outside Parliament Gate demanding the tabling of the 84th amendment bill were pushed, shoved and roughed up by police.

Led by National Commission for Women (NCW) members, scores of women demonstrators also sat on a dharna in front of Mahatma Gandhi's statue at Parliament House. The security staff threatened and tried to bodily remove these women from the precincts of Parliament House, she added.

"Shocked by the undignified and unparliamentary behavior of some members who stormed into the Well of the House, tore up the Women's Bill and almost came to blows with their fellow members, the women activists decided to exert their democratic rights and invoke the spirit of the father of the nation".

The open letter also signed by representatives of women's organizations, including Mahila Dakshita Samiti, All India Women's Conference, National Alliance of Women and Joint Women's Programmed, also urged the Prime Minister to take necessary steps to ensure the safe passage of the Bill in the current session of Parliament. In a statement here, the BJP Mahila Morcha also condemned the incident and said that women will never forgive those standing in way of the Bill's passage.

Dr. Mohini Giri in her interview said, "We've had the experience of Panchayat Raj. Men alone would have ruled hamlets but for the Reservation in the 73rd and 74th amendment. Since 50 years, women's participation never exceeded 8%. Reservation in Parliament is a basic issue concerning gender. Women's issues, women's perspective do not find place in Parliament. Even on the need for creches, no man realizes the need. Individual women and dictatorship tendencies can be changed only if the critical mass of 33% is achieved.

NCW was constituted by a statute and we had investigated, enquired into innumerable cases of atrocities, made scores of recommendations for systemic changes but the recommendations were not even tabled in Parliament. We went around the whole country, held 18 workshops and women everywhere want Reservation. We had three meetings with members of Parliament. Members of Parliament have developed vested interests. That is why they don't want to lose their position.

During elections, NCW organized voters' awareness. In Gundupatti in Tamil Nadu, the people had abstained from voting since their basic needs were neglected by political parties. And the village was attacked as a result. People are losing faith in politics and elections."

It is indeed significant that apart from training programs for panchayat representatives women voters awareness was raised during the elections through women's organizations. Discussions to evolve voters' Forum and to promote transparency and accountability were held throughout the country due to the effort of National Commission for Women.

National Commission for Women compiled from manifestoes of political parties, women's issues and position taken by them during 1988 elections.(Annexure.I)

In terms of the manifestoes, every political party promised that they'd bring in 33% reservation for women in Parliament and Legislatures. But history proved that they merely paid lip-service to their promises and that they did not mean to keep them.

In fact the NCW even supported an independent woman activist candidate during the Parliament election.

In 1999, March 8 was observed by most of the women's groups to press for WRB as the primary aspect of the agenda for the New millennium. In Delhi at Ferozshah Kotla Grounds, fifteen thousand women assembled at the convention organized by All India Democratic Women's Association. Mahila Maha Adhiveshan made a categorical statement demanding Reservation apart from opposing Budget and violence against women, minorities and Dalits.

Every Parliament session would be preceded by activities of women's groups and on December 5, 1999, the Prime Minister assured the delegations from Women's Political Watch that the Bill would be brought up, but did not happen.

In 2000, just as the women's groups vociferously demanded passage of the constitutional amendment and 'No alternative to women's quota Bill'. Dr. MS Gill, Chairman of the Election Commission of India endorsing the views of Manushi a women's magazine and Forum for Democratic Reforms, suggested that it should be made mandatory for political parties to give a fixed percentage of seats for women candidates rather than reserve constituencies exclusively earmarked for women.

Dr. Gill said reservation of fixed percentage of constituencies for women and their rotation after every election were not feasible and could have a destabilizing effect on parliamentary democracy. "A women elected from a particular constituency in the current election cannot be expected to run to another constituency in the next election on account of the rotation."


'Simple amendment enough'

The CEC said, as compared to the present Constitution amendment with all the complications, the proposal made by the Commission would require a simple amendment to the Representation of the People Act (RPA). He said the Election Commission proposal, if accepted, would mean all recognized political parties would have to set up a specified percentage of women candidates in all state and parliamentary elections. The percentage will have to be uniform for all states and Union Territories.

"The Commission has observed that this mechanism of ensuring a minimum percentage of women candidates has apparently worked well in northern European countries. The suggestion has the merit of not requiring a constitutional amendment, eliminating current controversies, and going forward with a simple amendment in the RPA. It will be for the political parties to decide on the percentage to be fixed," he said.

In a meeting organized on May 19,2000 in Delhi by Manushi and by Ramakrishna Hegde, former Union Minister and leader of Raashtriya Nawa Nirmana Vedike, Union Minister for social Justice and Empowerment, Ms. Maneka Gandhi supported the alternative proposal and felt that the Reservation in Panchayats had not become real empowerment and that the women were represented by men of their households.

The CPI (M) considered this as a 'red herring' which would only further delay the passage of the existing Bill.

Challenging Mrs. Gandhi's convention that reservation had failed in PRI, examples of Karnataka and West Bengal were quoted where women had managed to win more than the reserved seats.

Calling Women's Reservation Bill an ideal one, Mr. Rajender Sachar, former Justice of Delhi High Court said the proposed alternative could run into constitutional problem in terms of the punitive provision. 'In the event of any recognized party failing to nominate one third women candidates, for shortfall of every single woman candidate, two male candidates will lose party symbol and affiliation and other advantages'.

On the other hand, representatives of women's organizations such as AIDWA, NFIW and JWP met the speaker and pressurized for inclusion of WRB on the agenda.

40 women's organizations including All India Women's conference constituting 'Joint Action Front for Woman' participated in the rally organized by All India Mahila Congress to press for Women's Reservation in Parliament, on the anniversary of Quit India agitation led by Aruna Asaf Ali. It was expressed that 'the plea of political consensus is used to stall the Bill'.

Manushi editor says in an article in Hindu, that "the concept of party based quotas was borrowed from the success of a similar scheme in Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Germany and Netherlands. The only touch of originality added by Forum for Democratic Reform is the following provisions to ensure the serious implementation of the quotas :
1. Parties not honoring this commitment should be derecognized by the Election Commission and
2. To prevent parties from dumping women candidates in constituencies they expect to lose, we have built a system of safeguards to ensure an even spread of women candidates. (This is something the European parties did not have to worry about because there the voluntarily made commitments for party-based quotas were honored in all seriousness without any legal coercion). Our Bill requires that the unit for consideration (the unit in which at least one out of three party candidates shall be a woman) for the Lok Sabha shall be a State or Union Territory. For the State Assembly, the Unit shall be a cluster of three contiguous Lok Sabha constituencies. In the event of any recognized party failing to nominate one-third women candidates, for the shortfall of every single woman candidate, two male candidates of the party shall lose the party symbol and affiliation and all the recognition related advantages."


Theatre of the Absurd

The December session in 2000 of the Parliament exposed the hollowness of the election manifestoes and inability to put the women's Bill to vote.

When women's organizations and a 15 member delegation of women MPs met the Union Home Minister, he indicated that the percentage of reservation must be reduced from 33 to 25 percent. He said that he did not apprehend any division within NDA. He felt that this being constitutional amendment, there had to be discussion in peaceful manner in both Houses, if a section of MPs would disrupt proceedings, no discussion could take place, therefore efforts must be made to evolve a consensus. His party and Government were willing to accept suggestion made by CEC that political parties should provide for reservation while allotting tickets to them rather than reserving constituencies.

But since other political parties and women's groups were unwilling, there'd be discussion. He said that it can't be passed by voice vote.

Since there were two parallel efforts and both had legislative import the Bill was pushed to the penultimate day, and ultimately the Law did not see the light of the day.

The speaker GMC Balayogi convened an all party meeting to discuss the WRB in order to get the political parties to agree on the bill in order to avoid the kind of ugly scenes witnessed when it was introduced in the Lok Sabha. The congress leader Ms. Margaret Alva had met him earlier and requested him to take the initiative in the absence of the Government making any move to prepare the ground for smooth passage of this important landmark legislation. If the Government was considering options, they should have convened an all party meeting and discussed whatever it had in mind'.

The Women's Reservation Bill drama was enacted on 24.12.2000 in the two Houses of Parliament, resulting in their adjournment, and before Parliament met inside the Speaker's chamber where the Prime Minister virtually endorsed the view that there should be a "compromise" and suggested that the "right" thing to do would be to send the matter to the Election Commission.

It was evident from the two acts of the "theatre of the absurd" that it was a show meant to send out a political message that efforts were made to get the legislation adopted, when in fact seriousness was missing, as alleged by the Congress and the Left parties. The result also was along expected lines: the Bill has been put off again.

At the end of the day it was clear that the Bharathiya Janata Party (BJP) as well as some of its allies had decided to go soft on 33 percent reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and the State Assemblies and were in fact peddling the view that it would be best to send the matter to the Election Commission (which could suggest amendment of the Representation of the People Act to make it mandatory for political parties to nominate women candidates for at least one-third of all seats contested by them).

Amidst pandemonium Samajwadi Party, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) members demanded its withdrawal, forcing adjournment of Lok Sabha for the day.

In the Rajya Sabha, Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee faced the wrath of women members from Congress, Left front and BJP allies, including TDP, who gheraoed (encircled) him to protest against the delay in bringing forward the Bill in the House.

Women members went on the offensive after the House had adjourned for two hours over the issue amid uproarious scenes.

In the Lok Sabha, SP, BSP and RJD members stormed the well shouting slogans "Mahila Bill wapas lo" (Withdraw the Women's Bill).

In the melee, women members from the Congress and BJP, who had moved to the front benches, were seen raising slogans "Mahila Bill lagoo karo" (Implement the Women's Bill).

Railway Minister Mamata Bhanerjee, sitting with senior ministers in the front row, was then raising slogans in support of the Bill.

With only a day to go before the winter vacation, Speaker GM Balayogi rushed through the listed business.

Vajpayee and leader of the opposition Sonia Gandhi were in Lok Sabha when the speaker adjourned the House of the day after his repeated plea to restore order went unheeded.


Elusive Consensus

At the all-party meeting convened by the Speaker political parties failed to arrive at any common position on the issue.

Though the government endorsed the Election Commission (EC)'s suggestion to fix a percentage of women candidates in parties seeing it as the only way out of the deadlock over the issue, the Congress and Left parties insisted that the Bill be taken up in its present form, Parliament sources said.

Samajwadi Party leader Mulayam Singh Yadav stuck firmly to his demand for subquota in the Bill for OBCs and minorities, the sources said.

Former Prime Minister Chandrashekhar said considering the practical problems and serious implications of the Bill, a way out would be to consider the Election Commission's suggestion to make it mandatory for all parties to give tickets to a fixed percentage of women candidates by amending the Representation of People's Act.

Agreeing with Chandrashekhar's suggestion, Vajpayee and LK Advani expressed their view visit that in the present circumstances it appeared to be the other option, the sources said. Sources said Congress presided Sonia Gandhi said her party opposed the EC's suggestion and was in favor of bringing in the Constitution Amendment Bill. The Left parties were of the same view.

While the Election Commission repeated the suggestion for evolving a broad consensus among all recognized political parties to give adequate space to women in the political process.

In 2001 on women's day WRB in figured as major issue, but it was evident that the Government was not interested in going forward. Uma Bharathi Union Minister for sports, declared that after including quota for OBCs, the Bill would be reintroduced in Lok Sabha and she was against quota for minority women. Women's organizations went ahead with demonstration etc. In fact the attitudes of political parties have become lukewarm in the sense that very few women were fielded in the Assembly elections in 2001 and TMC in Tamilnadu did not field a single woman candidate, not even the sitting women MLAs (belonging to SC)". In fact the women cadres staged a demonstration in front of the Party's headquarters. Jayanthi Natarajan, who was active on the Reservation issue, was not given the Rajya Sabha ticket.

The only move that the Government made was to set up a women's empowerment headed by Ms. Margaret Alva, to monitor various policies for empowerment of women.

A conference of State Ministers in charge of women and child development decided to set up a high level panel headed by the Union Minister of State for Women and Child Development, Ms. Sumitra Mahajan, for a regular review of the progress of the various welfare schemes for women and children.

The panel had been constituted following the recent census, which had shown that though there had been a small improvement in the sex ratio at the national level, from 927 per 1000 to 933 per 1000 over the past decade, some States have registered significant falls.

The adverse gender ratio was found to be all the more alarming among children, in the age group up to six, dipping from 945 girls per 1000 boys in 1991 to 927 girls per 1000 boys now, suggesting that female feticide and infanticide continues to remain a major problem. The status of women in Punjab in particular was a cause of major concern, as the sex ratio in the State had worsened from the already low 882 per 1000 in 1991 to 874 per 1000 now. Haryana has registered a fall in gender ratio and it has gone down from 865 per 1000 to 861 per 1000.

On the contrary, in Bihar, which is generally considered a laggard when it comes to social development, the picture was found to be better. As per data, the ratio has gone up from 907 per 1000 in 1991 to 921 per 1000 now, he added.

The Centre has announced a proposal to expand the powers of the National Commission for Women and another to bring forth a legislation to tackle the problem of domestic violence.

It was regrettable that violence against women by their husbands and other relatives continued across the country, as was the incidence of rape, eve-teasing and other forms of sexual harassment. As per figures available for 1998 and 1999, while the incidence of violence against women remained around 40000 per year, that of rape was about 15000 per year and of eve-teasing about 8000 per year.


Concept and Alternatives

The party based quotas can not be termed as alternative but a supplement to the WRB. Ultimately representative institution such as Parliament must be based on equity. Also a Parliament which does not allow a debate on WRB is going to find it tough to discuss the reservation in seats suggested by Forum for Democratic Reforms. It is a long battle for women to achieve reservation in seats contested by political parties as well as reservation of 33% in Parliament and Legislative Assemblies.

The real alternative to WRB could be only the proposal that given the doubling of voters since the 1st election, there could be 2 representatives from each constituency, one male and one female and all the financial commitments are shared. This would not only ensure 50% participation but also that there'd be no violation or involvement of additional resources.

Also effective steps to weed away criminals, lower the expenditure get voters' forum organized in every constituency and accountability, declaration of assets etc must be ensured.

Now, we have a breakthrough from the Delhi High Court Judge, Mr. Justice Anil Dev Singh's judgment, the directions given by Mr. Justice Singh which impose a duty on a prospective candidate and the Election Commission to reveal (i) criminal records, including where he is accused of an offence, (ii) assets possessed by a candidate, his or her spouse and dependant relations, (iii) facts giving insight to candidate's competence, capacity, and suitability including details of his/her educational qualifications and (iv) information which the Election Commission considers necessary for judging the capacity and capability of the political party fielding that candidate. There is little doubt that this list of compelled disclosures includes what every voter has a right or duty to know and are essential for electoral democracy.

Also the whole issue of reservation has raised the debate on women's participation in decision making at all levels; civil society as well as the state. Though the Bill might not have seen the light of the day.

Also the women who get elected must be accountable to the deprived and the marginalized women in society. This is the awakening which has come to stay.

In the case of Scheduled castes and Tribes, the reservation has not brought any change. In fact since elections are fought on party lines and the elected members bound by party whip, the issues are glossed over. Atrocities are reflected as emotional outbursts but no follow ups and the larger policy issues are neglected.

The same situation may emerge in terms of the women's quota. The women are being further marginalized due to globalization, the 35% of women headed families are on the increase and 61% of literacy and increasing child and maternal mortality are all issues that have to agitate every citizen of this country. The sensitivity to human - women's issues is the basic need to-day.

India's Constitution had originally envisaged not more than one representative for 500,000 inhabitants and not less than one representative for 750,000 inhabitants. The first election in 1951-52 when the total population was 361 million had averaged 750,000 inhabitants per parliament constituency. The freeze of seats in 1976 at the 1971 population level (548 million) had product an average size of 1.1 million per parliamentary constituency, already exceeding the Constitutional mandate. In 1991, this figure had risen to an average of almost 1.6 million in 2001 and nearly 2.4 million in 2016. The size of the Legislative Assembly constituencies are a matter of similar concern. To ignore the perils of constituency behemoths of two million plus for the next quarter century is to leave politics increasingly in the grip of money and muscle power.

Opening additional spaces instead of seeking to substitute existing incumbents could offer a viable alternative. Therefore, why not a third Bill to compete with the two being brought forward - a Bill for a two member team to represent each constituency, one man and one woman for each constituency. Also, the Delimitation Commission should be mandated to bifurcate every constituency into two equal segments to be represented by a male representative in one half and female in the other.

Such a measure would also ensure that there is one representative to deal with a population of plus/minus one million in each constituency, which is the 1971 population-seat ratio, even while the proportion of constituencies allocated to each state remains unchanged at 1971 levels. Thus, the number of constituencies per State / Union Territory would be the same, but the number of members in the Lok Sabha / Legislative Assembly would increase proportionately for each State or Union Territory.

This strategy effectively synthesizes several separate equity demands, without disrupting existing balances. As earlier pointed out, it is fully in consonance with the spirit and intent of the Constitution, which has not restricted the absolute numbers of representatives but has underlined the need for constituency sizes to preserve democratic principles. A linear freeze and limited delimitation, in fact, goes against the grain of the Constitution. A time-bound Task Force of the National Population Commission could work out the modalities. Critics may argue about the unconscionable expansion of number of representatives from the current 545 to 1090 that the above strategy entails. However, we would do well to remember that China, the only other country of equal size and lesser claims to democracy, has a People's Assembly of over 2000 representatives. The House of Commons in the UK which is the model from which we draw our inspiration, consists of 659 representatives for a country a fraction of our size.


Panchayat Raj Institution (PRI) and Women's Reservation

The system of local governance in India is popularly known as Panchayat Raj (Rule of five elders) on the traditional model of dispute resolution by five wise men. Though based on self sufficiency and self reliance, hierarchy of caste and patriarchy were present hence Westminster model superceded. But there has been a movement to evolve a decentralized participatory local government, especially after the publication of Ashok Mehta Report in 1978.

The 73rd and 74th amendments deal with the devolution powers to local governments in 3 tiers known as PRI, apart from recognizing the village voters' forum as the basis of democracy.

The PRI consists of three tiers. The first, the Gram Panchayat, is elected from and is responsive to the Gram Sabha or village assembly of which every adult male and female is a member. It is mainly in the nature of a deliberative body and is presided over by a Pradhan (or Village Headman) who is directly elected. The Panchayat is presided over by a Sarpanch (Head of the Panchayat). The members are called the 'Panches'. The Sarpanch can be directly or indirectly elected. This body has powers to decide both legal and developmental policies for the village. One panchayat may cover one or more villages, depending on the size of the population.

Taluq, Mandal or Bloc Panchayats (also known as Panchayat Samitis or Aanchal Samitis in Arunachal Pradesh) are at the level of a cluster of villages and cover a plurality of panchayats, to coincide with the administrative divisions called Blocs. The members may be directly or indirectly elected. It has a Pramukh (the Chief) and has representatives from all the panchayats. He or she may be indirectly elected.

At the district level is the Zilla Parishad (District Board) which looks after the entire district. Its members may be directly or indirectly elected. Its chief (Pramukh or President), is elected indirectly by the members.

There is a wide variation in the method of election and number of members, as the details are decided by the State Legislatures and depend on the size and population of the States.

Structure : a. The local government consists of three tiers except in the case of States with a population not exceeding 20 lakhs (1 lakh = 100,000).
b. Membership in PRIs is by direct elections.
c. There is a reservation membership (1) for women to the extent of not less than one-third of the seats; (2) for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in proportion to their share in the total population of the area; (3) one-third of the SC and ST members will be women - this a part of the total reservation for women members and; (4) similarly not less than one-third of the total chairpersons at the three tiers of PRIs reserved for women.

These representations is ensured by reserving territorial constituencies for the concerned groups. The reserved constituencies in turn is rotated in different constituencies of a panchayat or different panchayats of the Samitis. In the case of the SCs and STs such a reservation will cease on the expiry of the period specified in Article 334 of the Constitution. By implication the reservation of seats for women both as members and chairpersons of all the three tiers will continue indefinitely. In Tamil Nadu, the Federation of Women Panchayat Presidents, represented for the rotation to be avoided and the government agreed to it.


Electoral Outcome

The outcome of elections in terms of women's participation has been, however, one of tremendous enthusiasm. Elections in Karnataka, Orissa and West Bengal earlier had witnessed an appreciable turnout of women voters as well as candidates. Not merely for the reserved constituencies, but even for the general constituencies, women had stood with great confidence. In many States, the percentage of women who had got into the PRIs exceeded the reserved positions.

In the elections to the Karnataka Gram Panchayats (December 1993), the percentage of women elected stood at 43.6 percent.

It is, however, somewhat distressing to note that the Haryana Chief Minister should announce on the last day for nominations for the PRI elections - that the villages which arrived at a consensus regarding candidates for the Gram Panchayat and Sarpanch (thereby assuring unanimity), will be rewarded with rupees one lakh. In essence this deprives the candidates of the possibility of contesting the elections and undermines the democratic process. May be that the vast transactions in buying and selling of potential candidates would ensure the success of the ruling party-sponsored candidates. The people themselves obviously saw other advantages in the unanimous elections, as it avoided controversies and fights, violence and expenses in campaigning and, above all, bad blood and division of the society. A few expressed the view that this would be better for future functioning as the Sarpanch and members would not be identified with any particular faction. The final picture proved that this bait had been picked up by many panchayats, though the number of such Panchayats elected unopposed was not a high proportion.


Experiences of Elected Women

Neither the reservation for women nor their actual presence in the panchayats have, however, made any immediate impact by way of sensitization or attidudinal changes. The panchayats have not become any more sensitive to problems related to village women. The village level functionaries like school teachers, health workers and other government officials were merely performing their duties as before. They were indifferent to women panches. Complaints about unhealthy practices like the male teacher coming to class after consuming liquor or sexually harassing innocent school girls were heard.

Further, the women who are elected are not always treated with due respect. Many elected women complained that their suggestions were not taken seriously nor were they consulted while decisions were being made. Some felt that their views were ignored only because they were women; sometimes they were pressurized by their men to approve the decisions made by the male-dominated panchayats.

The experience of changes in the family role of women was also widely varied. While a few women in Maharashtra had earlier opined that their membership had heightened their status in the family, some women in West Bengal had resented its interference in their domestic chores, resulting in the disruption of domestic life and neglect of family and home. In the absence of any income from Panchayats as members, many women have lost their jobs and wages.

Violence Against Women

While at the macro-level dissenting views were heard, at the local, at times this dissent became more violent. By and large, the village men and families accepted the reservations silently, even if unhappily; and then sought how best it could be utilized in their own favor.

There were, however, instances of violent resentment. In Kachrauli village near Panipat in Haryana, an incumbent Dalit woman member, Jindan Bai, was beaten up and abused by the police when she led an enquiry into a dubious land deal. In Madhya Pradesh, in the Harpura village of Bhind district, both the hands of a woman were broken; in another incident three sons of one Gutai Kori were brutally hacked to death in broad daylight.

Newspapers reported about Ms.Tapati Sarkar, a Forward Bloc member of the Chandpara Gram Panchayat in the Gaighata Thana area in West Bengal, having been assaulted with an iron rod.

Earlier in Orissa, an Up-Sarpanch, Ms. Basmati Bara, Kutra Panchayat of Sundergarh District, had complained of sexual harassment by the Minister for Panchayats; the case had been taken up by the National Commission for Women.

In Uttar Pradesh, 60 years old Ilmon Devi, a woman Pradhan, was murdered on 14 September. She was Pradhan of Barauli village in Baghpat district. It is alleged that her independent way of working was not liked by the Up-Pradhan who wanted to misuse the powers of the Gram Panchayat. he figures as the main accused in the FIR lodged with the police according to whom about eight armed persons attacked the house of Ilmon Devi at 8 am on 14 September 1999 and gunned her down. Her husband and son were also assaulted.

Daylight Murder

On March 29, 2001, the president of Urappakkam panchayat in Tamil Nadu, Menaka was hacked to death by a four-member gang when she was attending to her work in the office at 11.30am. Four members armed with long knives entered the office and before Menaka realized what was happening, they attacked her. She received cut injuries in the neck, head and face and died on the spot. The assailants also assaulted her brother Nehru who escaped. The two of the gangsters were identified and the brother Nehru said that one Kumar had planned to usurp a piece of vacant Government land. But the plan was stalled by Menaka.

Soon after, Tamil Nadu Federation of Dalit Panchayat Presidents held a meeting in Chingleput and passed resolution to stop the torture of Dalit panchayat chiefs. They highlighted the problems and voiced concern at the inability of successive governments to protect Dalits and tribal panchayat chiefs. The meeting stated that Dalits faced oppression when they organized auction of village resources including produce from tamarind tress and fishing rights in ponds.


All-Women Panchayats

In Muthupalli, Kurnool District of Andhra Pradesh, Varjara in Maharashtra in 1989, in Sidghara in Madhya Pradesh in Rultika in West Bengal, Premkhara in Haryana there were all women panchayats. The women had been elected unopposed. The reasons for the same need to be analyzed: whether the men not opposing them was an acknowledgement of their ability or a sign of not wanting to work with a woman chairperson. The earlier instance of Warangal district is a case of point; the Gram Panchayat presidentship had been reserved for a Scheduled Tribe candidate and since the high caste males did not want to work under the leadership of a tribal and since the whole panchayat was to get an award if their choice was a unanimous one, they decided to elect a woman Sarpanch. Then, since the men were reluctant to work under a woman, they turned it into an all-women panchayat.

However, this was not the case everywhere. In Bhende Khurd in Newasa taluq of Ahmednagar district in Maharastra, an all-women panchayat was formed in December 1992. Nine members were elected unopposed. The local men in village assembly meeting attended by eighty percent of the total population, had decided to hand over charge of the panchayat to the women of the village.


Kerala - A Model State

Kerala has had very interesting experience in Women's Reservation in local bodies. Jalaja Chandran, a case study as well as the experience of Muslim women are pointers and more basically people's plan and gender component have paved way for the success of 33% women's reservation.

Jalaja Chandran was 26 years old when she became president of the Mohamma grama panchayat in 1995.

Mohamma has been hailed as a model for women's participation in decentralized governance and planning. It has been singled out as a success story for its effective, full-scale utilization of the public funds available for "women's development" to benefit different aspects of women's lives. These funds have been used to not only improve the productivity and working conditions of enterprises in which local women are already engaged - such as agriculture, horticulture, fish and coir work and the processing of marine mollusc shells - but also to provide training and facilities to enable women to take up new forms of economic activity, often with financial and practical help from public institutions.

In an area where every available bit of waterfront land has been grabbed for tourism development, the Mohamma panchayat has been grabbed for tourism development, the Mohamma panchayat has managed to secure approximately 50 cents of land which provides the local community - especially women, who form the majority of fish and shell workers - with access to the water bodies they depend on for their livelihood. In addition, a new building has been constructed on another piece of land to house and small industrial units newly set up by women's collectives. Funds have also been invested in the improvement of women's health, with particular attention being paid to occupational and mental health. A counseling centre attached to the primary health centre and a legal aid cell are two of the unusual community facilities provided by the panchayat that women are increasingly beginning to appreciate and use.

The panchayat president's initiative was obviously a key factor in many of these developments. Jalaja Chandran's story, in fact, highlights some of the peculiarities, pitfalls and potential of women's participation in local self-governance in Kerala. Insights gained from her experience may be useful in the context of ongoing attempts across the country to improve the effectiveness of women's political participation at the grassroots.

But perhaps the most important advantage Jalaja enjoyed as the president of a grama panchayat in Kerala is the fact that decentralized governance in the State is not restricted to panchayat elections. Unlike her counterparts in most other States, she is vested with the power - and the responsibility - to make a real difference to the lives of her electorate. Thanks to a revolutionary step taken in 1996 by the Left and Democratic Front (LDF) Government, 35-40 percent of the State's outlay of funds from the Ninth Five Year Plan had been placed at the disposal of panchayat raj bodies. In addition, thanks to the People's Campaign for Decentralized Planning, launched in the same year to enable these institutions of local self-government to prepare plans in a transparent and participatory manner, elected representatives like Jalaja had ongoing, intensive, on-the-job training in mobilizing citizens to participate in the planning process, identifying local needs, formulating plans to fulfill these, accessing and allocating available resources and, finally, ensuring the proper implementation of projects and programmers emerging from the plans.

Jalaja herself believes that if decentralized governance is working in Kerala - to the extent that it is - it is because planning and financial decision-making have also been substantially decentralized. She says she became conscious of how unique and critical a factor this is during the exchange visits of women members of village panchayats in Kerala and Karnataka organized by the Centre for Rural Management (CRM), Kottayam, with the cooperation of the Institute of Social Science, Bangalore.

While most GPs in Karnataka have no more than Rs.2.4 lakhs at their disposal annually - and even that relatively small amount is often not completely under their control - she was able to preside over the allocation and utilization of a staggering Rs.70 lakhs in the very first year of her term (the sum of Plan funds and resources made available for specific projects and programmers by other public finance institutions. On the other hand, of course, Karantaka boasts nearly ten times the number of elected women at the GP level (35.187 after the elections earlier this year, comprising nearly 45 percent of the total number of GP members, compared to Kerala's 3878 and 36.2 percent). It also has had a longer history of women's participation in the political process at the local level.

Another unique feature of Kerala's decentralized planning process, which has undoubtedly enhanced Jalaja's effectiveness as a panchayat president, is the earmarking of 10 percent of the grant-in-aid funds available to each panchayat for what is known as the Women's Component Plan (WCP). Meant to be used for projects that will directly benefit women, the standard amount annually available for the WCP in each panchayat is approximately Rs.7.5 lakhs.

It is Jalaja's imaginative and insightful deployment of WCP funds that has earned Mohamma its reputation as a women-friendly panchayat. In the current year she has managed to raise the WCP budget to 13 percent of the available funds. A number of other panchayats have also apparently exceeded the stipulated ten percent allocation.

The WCP factor has also spawned village-level women's collectives in the form of neighborhood and self help groups. In the past most such groups were essentially savings and micro-credit units, generally initiated and nurtured by non-government organizations and operating outside the political and economic "main-stream". However, in the wake of the PPC, both existing groups and newly formed ones have been registered by panchayats in order to make them eligible for WCP funds and presumably, to encourage their active participation in the decentralization process. This development is obviously not free of pitfalls but it clearly has some positive potential.

For instance, the groups cannot only encourage women's participation in the processes of local planning and governance but also provide women Panchayat members and leaders with a prospective support base. Further, they can become platforms that enable women to articulate and find solutions for gender-related problems. According to Jalaja, the self-help groups in her panchayat do not restrict themselves to savings credit and income-generation activities alone but also use the forum to discuss a wide range of issues relating to women's lives and rights. Female panchayat leaders who are sensitive to women's multiple concerns and needs and recognize the tremendous potential of village-level women's collectives can clearly nurture the development of these groups into forum that serve local women in different but equally vital ways.

Another important outcome of the focus on women's needs through the WCP is the increased participation of women in grama sabhas, the essential foundation of decentralized governance, which has reportedly risen from 26 percent in the initial stages to 60 percent more recently. Women also constitute two-thirds of the beneficiaries under individual beneficiary oriented programmers. The existence of active women's collectives that aid an integral part of the development process at the village level has no doubt contributed to those positive trends.

Yet another factor that probably helps to facilitate women's participation in grama sabha in Kerala is the fact that, unlike in many other States these fora are convened at the ward level and presided over by the elected representative of the ward. As a result they are relatively more accessible and manageable-especially for women - than their more unwieldy impersonal and possibly intimidating equivalents in other parts of the country. In Jalaja's experience, women are now among the most active participants in the grama sabhas.


Muslim Women's Role in Kerala

Consider this: one - fourth of the 100 village panchayats in the district are headed by Muslim women; two of the five municipalities - Malappuram and Tirur - have Muslim women chairpersons: six of the 14 block panchayats have Muslim women presidents and there are seven Muslim women in the 30 member district panchayat council (which was presided over by a Muslim woman during 1995-2000). On average, there are three Muslim women members in each of the panchayats and over 300 across the district.

This is remarkable for a community which, not long ago, frowned upon women going to the fair-price shop to fetch their weekly rations of rice and kerosene. This is remarkable again for a district which is home to perhaps the most underprivileged section of Kerala women, handicapped as they are by lack of higher education, dowry, teenage marriage and adolescent child birth.

Interestingly, the huge majority of the elected representatives belong to the Indian Union Muslim League (some 20 panchayat presidents are of the League), a party unfriendly to the Women's Bill that aims to provide one-third seat reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and the State Assemblies. The Muslim League, the second largest partner in the current UDF Government, had not fielded a single woman in the May Assembly election in which it contested 23 seats.

Initially, these women had to be dragged into the realm of politics and electoral battle by the political parties to meet the reservation stipulation. But they learnt the rope amazingly fast. In a short time, they have shown how women's reservation could be an engine of social change in a depressingly male-dominated society. Politically empowered, they are gaining confidence to challenge the social norms that target women.

How did the Muslim women in the district gain entry to the political domain? "It's only because of the one-third reservation for women in the panchayati raj institutions provided by the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments," Ms.Qamarunnisa Anwar, president of the Kerala State Vanitha League, told The Hindu. Had there been no reservation, none of these Muslim women would have made it to the panchayats and municipalities, she said.

"But for the reservation, I would not have entered politics and contested elections," affirms Ms.K.P.Mariyamma, lawyer and Malapuram district general secretary of the Vanitha League, who headed the district panchayat for five years as the position was reserved for a woman in the last term.

Ms.R.K.Hafsath, the young mother of two children, who had ended her education after SSLC when she was married off, never even dreamt of entering politics and headlong the Thripprangot panchayat. "If there was no reservation for women, I would still be leading the life of a housewife confined to the four walls of my home," she says proudly. This view is reflected by Ms.T.Kunji Beevi, Tirur municipal chairperson; Ms.C.H.Jameela, Malappuram chairperson; Ms.K.Raziya, Tuvvur panchayat president, and virtually every panchayat president, and virtually every panchayat president or member or municipal councilor.

The upsurge in women's education in the 1990s, which was triggered by the Gulf boom, as well as the spread of the television have aided in women's political participation. In the wake of the Gulf boom, a large number of educational institutions has been set up in the district, giving a fillip to female education.

Ms. Minu Mumtaz, the defeated LDF candidate in Ponnani in the 1996 Lok Sabha election, points out that the political participation since the 1995 panchayat elections has triggered a new awareness and awakening among the Muslim women. It was as if a full generation had passed in just five or six years.

Muslim women, even distantly related to political work, were becoming bold, assertive and ready to take on the injustice of their male-controlled world, Ms.Mumtaz, who divorced her absentee husband using 'Fasq', said. (Fasq, the female version of 'talaq', allows the woman to unilaterally divorce her husband after giving proper notice. Though Fasq is sanctioned by Islamic personal law, it is not legal in India and hence has to be legally validated through complex procedures). In Ms.Mumtaz' view, politics was a key component of women's empowerment.

"These women have proved that women could do a lot of things for society and for the country,: Ms.Qamarunnisa Anwar, former chairperson of the State Social Welfare Board and the defeated 1996 Assembly candidate from Kozhikode-II, notes, "I was surprised how easily they learnt things and gained confidence." She said the elected women disproved the general belief that the uneducated Muslim women were good for nothing and could not measure up to the educated women representatives from other communities.


Muslim League and Muslim Women

The biggest political beneficiary of the one-third seat reservation for women in the panchayats and municipalities in Malappuram has been the Muslim League, the dominant party in the district.

Its women activists head 20 of the panchayats and two municipalities apart from holding hundreds of positions on grama panchayats, municipal councils, block panchayats, and the district panchayat. The League holds immense potential to emancipate Muslim women, which is closely linked to their political participation.

But the same party, which made so much political capital out of the reservation in the Panchayati Raj institutions (facilitated by the 73rd and 74th Constitutional amendments), is opposed to the idea of one-third quota for women in the Lok Sabha and the State Assemblies. When the much-delayed Women's Bill came up in Parliament last time, the League, along with some other parties, opposed its introduction. The League masked its hostility to the Bill by demanding 'reservation for minorities first'.

League sources revealed that the party bosses had taken a decision, prior to the election, that women should be fielded only if the Women's Bill came through and reservation in Assemblies made statutory. Had the one-third reservation been applied to the Assemblies too, the League would have been compelled to field eight women.


Dress code for women

The Muslim League is the only party in the State to have insisted on a dress code for its elected women representatives in panchayats and municipalities. The women have been asked to don Islamic dress (which means sari, full-sleeve blouse and the headgear, 'mafta') They are restricted from attending meetings and public functions after sunset. They have been advised to pay extra attention to their households, husbands and children (so that family life is not affected by the public role). The women have even been told to take care of their husbands' egos, lest the wives' positions trigger an inferiority complex or jealousy among them!.

A League functionary justified the restrictions saying they were aimed to ward off possible public ridicule and the clerics' possible wrath. However, despite the displeasure of a small but influential section of the clerics, the Muslim masses in the district have generally welcomed and encouraged their women's political participation. They are even proud that some of them have become Panchayat presidents and Municipal chairpersons.


People's Planning Process **

Despite the commitment of the leftists to decentralized governance, the introduction of people's planning by the Left Democratic Front in 1996 was necessitated by the severe development crisis (Isaac 2000). The only option before the state government to realize the investment targets envisaged for the Ninth Plan was the mobilization of small savings and voluntary labor on a massive scale. As is well known, the difference in levels between social development and the growth of material production sectors in the state, the hallmark of the much-acclaimed Kerala model of development, has been exerting great pressure on the state exchequer. It was estimated that the revenue expenditure in the state was 14.50 percent higher than revenue receipts, which is 6.2 percentage points higher than that of the average for other states (George 1999). As a result, more than 50 percent of the borrowing intended for capital expenditure was being expended to meet the deficit in the revenue account.

Behind the achievements of the people's planning were the efforts made in the mobilization of voluntary work, small savings and beneficiary contribution by ensuring mass participation. An important achievement of people's planning is the negation of the notion of planning process as a highly technical one which has to be performed by specialized technocrats.

The people's planning movement has opened up several avenues for women to organize and come to the forefront of political and social life. Realizing the relevance of neighborhood groups and their thrift fund, but in variance with the line of the World Bank agenda in organizing women through SHGs, micro-enterprises for women were envisaged making use of their thrift fund, and loans from financial institutions supplemented with the plan fund from LSGIs. Given the industrial scenario of the state, the spread of micro enterprises manufacturing various consumer articles based on locally available resources and local demand assumes special significance.

The assembly elections held in May 2001 led to a change of government from Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led LDF to the Indian National Congress(I)-led UDF. During the election campaign, both UDF and LDF were vocal on the continuation of the people's planning programmed. From the beginning of people's planning in 1997-98, there was concerted effort to paint the movement as a political gimmick to mobilize people in favor of the ruling front.

The budget presented for 2001-02 and the plan fund allotted to the LSGIs year has been revised downward by 16.43 percent. This outlay may be viewed against the yearly increases made by the LDF government from, Rs.7490 million in 1997-98 to Rs.10450 million in 2000-01. It may also be noted that the last installment due to the LSGIs from the plan fund earmarked for 2000-01, but withheld by LDF government, has not been disbursed. Now it has been made clear that that installment stands cancelled. In other words, the effective fund allotment for 2001-02 is only Rs.5720 million, which is only 76 percent of the plan fund to LSGIs allotted in 1997-98 (at current prices).


New Guidelines for People's Planning

According to the earlier guidelines, an LSGI could form 8-12 task forces, one each for a subject group such as agriculture, industry, infrastructure, and so on. The strength of each task force was suggested to be 10-12 members. The composition and defined functions of each task force were, therefore, of crucial importance. It has been stated in the new guidelines that the number of members in a task force should not be less than five, implying thereby that if any LSGI decides to reduce the strength of the trak force from 12 to 5, it is free to do so. Further, the task force, called 'karmasamithi' in Malayalam in the earlier guidelines, has been changed to 'sectoral committees', substituting an English word for the earlier plain Malayalam term.

Each task force in the earlier guidelines included, among others, an activist, a technical expert, a government official and an elected representative of the LSGI, and functioned with a chairman (elected representative to the LSGIs), a vice-chairman (technical expert in the concerned subject group, residing in the LSGI area, and usually a social activist), a convener (an official employed in LSGI), and a joint convener (an activist, who in most cases happened to be a resource person at the district level but residing in the LSGI area). In the newly constituted sectoral committees, the positions of vice-chairman and joint conveners, the representatives other than the elected member to the LSGI, do not figure. As per earlier guidelines, the practice was for the draft proposal of the project to be presented in gram sabhas and development seminars either by the convener or vice-chairman or any member of the task force other than a government employee. The official in the task force (convener) was only a silent spectator of the discussion. In the new guidelines, a clear direction is given that the secretary of the sectoral committee (an official) should present the draft proposal of projects.

In the new guidelines, the fact that officials have been elevated to positions of high prominence is clear from the instruction that the secretary of the gram panchayat (an official should be the convener of the general body) convened for the formation of the sectoral committees. As elected representatives, people were in prominence during the previous four years and no such power was vested in government officials. Further, in order to ensure that interests of the vulnerable sections of society, such as women, scheduled castes and tribe, were protected it was suggested in the earlier guidelines that one-third of the task force members should be women and representation from scheduled caste and tribes in the total strength of the task force should be proportional to their population. From the scheduled caste and tribes members of the task force, one member had to be co-opted to other task forces such as agriculture and industry in order to ensure that their interest in other sectors was also duly protected. This procedure also helped sectoral integration of projects prepared by different task forces. The new guidelines have totally ignored the importance and relevance of such integration. During the past four years, about 1,00,000 people worked as task force members and their role in people's planning was crucial at various stages of plan formulation and implementation. Since the size of the task force has been reduced and the role of the people in the planning process has been transferred to the officials, the task force (sectoral committees) would virtually cease to exist and it will have serious implications on the participation and involvement of people in the decentralization process.


Gender Issues

In the earlier guidelines, one-third of the total members in the task force formed in any LSGI were required to be women. Further, sectors other than women's development had to co-opt one member for other sectoral committees to ensure that the interests of women were duly represented and protected in the formulation and implementation of projects. The new guidelines have dropped these two clauses. It may force women to confine their role in women's development projects with no say over the other 90 percent of plan fund.


Under sizing the Ombudsman

In order to check malfeasance in local governance while discharging developmental functions, the system of ombudsman consisting of seven members including one high court judge, two district judges, two secretaries to the government and two eminent public persons selected in consultation with the leader of the opposition was constituted with adequate powers to conduct judicial investigations and inquiry into any allegation pertaining to any matter of local governance. The system of ombudsman has been watered down by removing six out of the seven members in the committees.


Tamil Nadu Federation

In Tamil Nadu, a Federation of Women Presidents of Panchayat Government has been formed. The Federation has called upon the State Government to take steps to persuade the Centre to withdraw the 87th Constitution Amendment Bill, since the amendment to Article 243(C) to ensure linkage between panchayat tiers would be a major setback to the cause of decentralization and would prevent the emergence of leader from among the women, Dalits and other disadvantaged groups.

The federation, in a convention, has demanded the State Government to take urgent steps to guarantee an environment in which women and Dalits will be able to function with dignity and freedom.

Another resolution wanted the government officials to be treated as staff of the local government, making them accountable to the Panchayat Government.

Restrictions by State and Central Governments should be done away with, another resolution pointed out.

Other resolutions included repealing Section 205 of the Tamil Nadu Panchayat Act, 1994, which dealt with the removal of panchayat president by the District Collector and strengthening district panchayats and district planning committees.

A vociferous advocate and former member of Rajya Sabha Ms. Jayanthi Natarajan writes about the state level convention of elected women panchayat presidents. "It is truly amazing how the problems of women all over the country seem to crystallize into the same basic core issues. First, a fundamental resistance from male-dominated feudal society, colleagues, and family to the idea of women in authority. Secondly, the arrogance and insensitivity of the district level bureaucracy to elected women representatives, resulting in a total lack of information or training being given to them. And finally, the indiscriminate use of the infamous Sec.203 of the Tamil Nadu Panchayats Act, which in complete defiance of all democratic norms, gives District Collectors the power to dissolve democratically elected district panchayats.

Imagine if you will, the uproar that will result if the Cabinet Secretary could dissolve Parliament or the State Chief Secretary, the State Assembly. It is no coincidence that out of 98 Panchayat Presidents removed till date, over 66 just happen to be women and Dalits. All the women present strongly resented this extra constitutional power exercised by the bureaucracy, and some even related bizarre tales about how local clerks actually refused to even hand over office keys to elected panchayat presidents.

Many women also complained that they were intimidated into signing checks which they did not want to. From all that was said it was very clear, to me at least, that the State Government which is so vocal on autonomy for states is strangely reluctant to devolve, the same powers to its own local bodies. In a nutshell, these bodies have no financial powers at all and therefore find it impossible to function in a meaningful way."


Andhra Pradesh - Fatima Bi: Success Story of a Woman Sarpanch ***

Fatima Bi, Sarpanch of Kalva village in Kurnool district in Adhra Pradesh, who received the United Nations development Program's Race Against Poverty award for the Asia - Pacific region from the United Nations Secretary - General Kofi Annan in new York on October 17, is an illiterate women. She would have remained confined to the four corners of her house but for the reservation for women in local bodies. She was married at 14 and with three children, was an ordinary housewife just three years ago. Then came the Panchayat elections and the seat of Sarpanch of her village was declared reserved for women. Her husband, who had earlier toyed with the idea of contesting for the post, decided to field Fatima Bi, who won handsomely.

However, even after being elected, the lifestyle of Fatima Bi remained unchanged for a year. Her husband played Sarpanch and she went on putting her thumb impression on official papers. One day the district collector visited Kalva and insisted on meeting the Sarpanch and not her husband. Fatima Bi recollects, 'I could manage with all my effort only to say Salam - alaikum'. It was UNDP Project Director Vijay Bharathi who inspired her to come out and start working. Soon thereafter Fatima Bi say the Telugu blockbuster Ramuluamma, starring Vijay Shanthi in the role of an angry woman fighting for justice, and was overwhelmed. A new Fatima Bi thundered in the first session of training for Panchayat women: ' Where are the village records? How can I work without them?' The Mandal officials promptly promised to provide her with all the records. Then she called a meeting of the village women and asked them to join hands with her to undertake development of the village.

That was the beginning of an inspired leadership. A metal road was laid, check dams were built, a new school building constructed and the old school building repaired. Under the Chief Minister's Janma Bhoomi development program, the village women raised Rs.30,000. A Rs.2 lakh scheme of digging a 5 km irrigation drain and clearing 500 acres of fallow land for paddy cultivation was taken up. Fatima Bi led the womenfolk to join the 'Podupu Lakshmi' groups and urged them to save a small amount of money every month. Within a year, 40 thrift and self-help groups with 300 women members and Rs.2 lakh as an interest - free loan to the Village Development Organization - an umbrella organization of Kalva. The organization is now run by a 430 - women committee of representatives of self-help groups with Rs.20 lakh at its disposal. The loans granted by it have helped many families to undertake small businesses and improve their living conditions. The enterprising women of Kalva have now started helping the neighboring village with loans.

Once poor and backward, Kalva is now a completely transformed village with happy faces all around and modern amenities in almost all houses. Child marriages are a thing of past. The women who have suffered injustice in social spheres all along are now standing by the side of their daughters. 'No more illiteracy and no more inaction' has become their motto. Credit goes to the hard working woman Sarpanch who won the title of Uttam Sarpanch and received the award on Independence Day two years back. Fatima Bi, 33, is now planning a hospital and a ring road around her village to connect it to the bus stand.


Madhya Pradesh - Basanti Bai: Down but not out ****

The entire village of Barkhedi was busy discussing the imminent future. An unexpected event was about to take place - a woman, and a Dalit woman at that, was to become Sarpanch of the village. Many said, 'This is Kalyug and the government has gone mad'. Others blamed it on 'the madness of Raja Sahab (Chief Minister Digvijay Singh), who does not understand that women cannot rule'. Barkhedi is dominated by upper castes and its traditional leaders were very unhappy over the fact that the post of Sarpanch had been reserved for SC women. When they realized that they could do nothing to stop it, they conspired to turn the situation to the best of their advantage. Almost all influential groups fielded their own proxy candidates.

1994 Basanti Bai Makes history :

In the summer of 1994, Basanti Bai, a Scheduled Caste woman, made history by becoming the first woman Sarpanch of Barkhedi Gram Panchayat in Sehore district in Madhya Pradesh. What led her to contest the panchayat election? Her husband used to discuss politics with her and these discussions helped her to choose a new future for herself. 'I learnt politics from my husband, who used to discuss his views and experiences with me,' she admitted candidly. However, the realization came very soon that her job as a Sarpanch was not an easy one: the Constitution may have undergone a radical change but it has not yet changed the mindset of influential people.

The first no-confidence motion against Basanti Bai came too early, that is, in 1995. She lost the motion but not her confidence. She fought and won the by-election, which was held to fill the vacancy caused by her removal. This time, she secured more votes than what she had got in the last panchayat election. She and her family members thought that after having proven popularity a second time, she would be allowed to work for the rest of her term. But the second no confidence motion was waiting for her again. This time too, the upper-caste people succeeded in disposing what the ordinary voters had proposed. Consequently, she was forced to contest another election in 1997. Basanti Bai won the third election as well.

The entire family of Basanti Bai remembers those days of Sarpanchi (Sarpanchship) when they were repeatedly threatened and fake complaints were registered in police stations in order to pressurize her to accept to lordship of the influential people of the village. People stopped giving them work on the plea, 'How can we employ a Sarpanch?' The landless family had to go to the adjoining villages for daily wages and find alternative employment.

2000 A complete reversal :

The struggle faced by Basanti Bai taught her all the laws relating to panchayats and she no longer required anybody's kindness to tell her that she could contest the election even if the post of Sarpanch was not reserved for SC women. In the second general panchayat elections held in January last year, only three candidates were in the fray and she came third. 'Arre Saab! we could not even save our security deposits this time', exclaims her husband. 'Who wants a woman as Sarpanch, that too from the Scheduled Caste category?' he asks with bitterness and we are left speechless.

Basanti Bai's family members and other villagers agree that since the seat was not reserved this time, her chances of winning were very bleak. 'Last time, we had no option but to accept her as she was the only woman with leadership qualities', says Balkishan, justifying himself and others who voted for Basanti Bai. 'This time, people of the village thought that an upper caste male Sarpanch could do much more for the village than a woman, and they voted accordingly,' he adds.

2001 perception of the Village Community :

Most of the community groups in Barkhedi now feel that they made a mistake in not voting for Basanti Bai. 'A powerful man as Sarpanch is of little use to a common villager like me', says Raghu, a shopkeeper. 'He never comes to help us. Each time we need his help, we have to go to his house and wait outside like one waits outside a police station. It depends on his mood whether he will come along with you or not', concludes Raju.

'Basanti Bai was easily accessible to everyone and even if an opponent went to her, she would help him. We now realize she was much-much better as Sarpanch', concur members of a group along the roadside of the village. Many people said that she was still active and helped them in many ways, 'Whenever there is a problem, she goes to see the concerned government officials and ensures that the work is done'.

How she and her family earn their bread is an issue nobody in the village wishes to comment on. One villager whispered, 'No one in the village would give work to an ex-Sarpanch'. That means she and other members of her family continue to go outside the village in search of work. Her elder son has shifted to Narsingarh and is working as a driver. The younger son has discontinued his studies and is looking for a job.

2001 Perception of family members :

'The government has done nothing for us in the last fifty years. What support system do we have? In the name of giving power to Dalits, the post was reserved for us. But nobody from the government came over to help us in overcoming the hurdles and difficulties hurled on us. There are no institutions to help us. Only our work and relationship with the community came to our rescue', says a bitter husband. 'We are still on the job and try to do whatever we can', he says. When we were talking, Basanti Bai was not at home; she had gone to Sehore for getting a hand pump installed in the village.

'Arre! (Oh yes!) I didn't expect that you will come after me and that too when I am not Sarpanch', said Basanthi Bai when she saw us. 'I may not be Sarpanch now but my life remains the same. Now I give more time to help the villagers. All the officers know me will. So I am better placed then the present Sarpanch', explains Basanti Bai when asked about her present engagements. She has recently forced the PHED department to install a hand pump in the village, which is in the grip of drought this year.


Madhya Pradesh - Nagar Panchayat President Recalled *****

For the fist time in the history of Indian democracy, the right to recall was exercised by the voters of Anuppur Nagar Panchayat in Shahdol district of Madhya Pradesh.

The demand for the recall of Anuppur Nagar Panchayat president Pallavika Patel was referred to the State Election Commission of 12 May 2000. The voting process was to commence on 19 March this year but it was stayed by the MP High Court, Jabalpur. The stay was vacated on 4 April and voting took place on 9 April. There are nearly 8800 voters in the Nagar panchayat. A total of 5519 votes were cast, of which 3255 were in favor of Empty Chair and only 1678 votes in favor of Occupied Chair. As per rules, if more than 50 percent votes are cast in favor of Empty Chair, the incumbent loses his post.

While a minimum of one-third members of a gram sabha can submit a notice for recalling their Sarpanch, a resolution endorsed by three-fourths of the total number of elected corporators or councillors can be submitted to the Collector or Commissioner for the recall of the directly elected mayors and presidents of urban local bodies including nagar panchayats. After verifying the authenticity of the resolution, it is forwarded to the state government, which then refers the matter to the State Election Commission for holding a referendum among the voters.

Bihar is the only other state where voters of a gram panchayat have been given the power to recall their Sarpanches and Deputy Sarpanches. Section 18(4) of the Bihar Panchayat Raj Act, 1993 provides: Every Mukhia and Up-Mukhia shall be deemed to have vacated his office forthwith if a resolution expressing want of confidence in him is passed by a majority of not less than two-thirds of the total number of voters of the Gram Panchayat at a meeting specially convened for the purpose. The requisition for such a special meeting shall be signed by not less that one - fifth of the total number of voters of the Gram Panchayat and shall be delivered to the District Panchayat Raj Officer. The District Panchayat Raj Officer shall within fifteen days from the date of receipt of the requisition convene a special meeting of the Gram Panchayat at any place within the Gram Panchayat area. The meeting shall be held within 15 days from the date of issue of the notice of the meeting. The meeting shall be presided over by the District Panchayat Raj Officer.

Provided that during the first two years' period of the tenure no such motion of no-confidence shall be moved against them. While the right to recall is a progressive provision, it has been pointed out that it has been used effectively to remove Panchayat Presidents who belong to Dalit community by vested interests in the Northern India.


Panchayat Elections in Bihar

Women and Dalits assert themselves despite large-scale violence

Bihar recently witnessed violent panchayat elections after a gap of 22 years. At least 96 persons, including a magistrate and several candidates, were killed during the six-phase polling from 11 April to 30 April. In fact, election-related violence got a push just after the panchayat elections were announced. More than 40 candidates were murdered in different districts during the period between notification of polling dates and filing of nominations papers. The police recovered a large number of arms and ammunitions, most of which illegal, in different districts. There were many incidents of booth capturing and intimidation of voters despite heavy police patrolling and shoot-at-sight orders.

After the 73rd Amendment, it was the first panchayat election in the country, which denied reservation in panchayat posts to women, SCs and STs - an open violation of Article 243D(4) of the Constitution. Strangely Patna High Court had held that Reservation for Presidents is not tenable and based on that judgment the state government ahead with Panchayat election without reservation. Yet, the entire village landscape was buzzing with activities as the long-awaited opportunity to make a difference in the notoriously deteriorating conditions in the state had finally arrived. Against a rural electorate of about 4 crore (1 crore = 10 million or 100 lakhs), a total number of 4.36 lakh candidates jumped into the ring. Over 40,000 seats were reserved for women, for which more than 1.25 lakh candidates were in the fray. About 22,000 candidates, many of them women, were elected unopposed-roughly 5 percent of the total candidates, but what is significant is that not less than 20 percent of gram panchayat contestants had no rivals. This is a clear indication of the terror of the strongmen and criminals in the village communities of the state. Although elections were held on a non-party basis, all political parties created election cells in their offices and backed their candidates openly. Violating the electoral norms fixed by the State Election Commission, the ruling RJD member of the Legislative Council and Laloo Prasad Yadav's brother-in-law Subhas Yadav and his supporters were making rounds in four vehicles to ensure the victory for Cheif Minister Rabri Devi's father, who was a candidate for the post of Mukhiya in Salar Kalan Gram Panchayat.

Spirit of the electorate can be gauged by the fact that more than 65 percent of voters exercised their franchise.

Rays of Hope

An outstanding feature of the panchayat elections was enthusiasm and courage of women, who not only contested for different panchayat posts but also came out to vote despite all odds. Women constituted about 50 percent of all voters who polled their votes.

Thirty-five-years old Draupadi, a resident of Bucha village in Khagaria district, had been kidnapped by associates of her husband's landlord employer in August last year. When panchayat elections were announced, she decided to field herself ' to fight the feudal bigwigs who control the destiny of the poor' in the backward north Bihar. Poonam Devi of Hardia village in the same district contested for the post of Panch against the wishes of her husband who himself wanted to file nomination papers for the post. 'He refused to bear my election campaign expenses which I pooled from my parents,' says a cheerful Poonam.

In Narihar village in Saharsa district, Nilam Prakash ventured out of her home to fight against Rajpur heavyweight Mahodeo Singh, a big landlord who has controlled the levers of power in the locality for the last 30 years.

In Patna district, Nazra Khatoon, 32, was elected unopposed to the Nauhasa Gram Panchayat. Influential people, even some elder feudal lords, were disarmed by her vociferous campaign for drinking water, roads and job opportunities for the poor. 'Villagers realized that only a woman like Nazra would be able to represent the area in the most suitable manner'. a 60 years old man in Nauhasa village asserted.

In some constituencies, Dalit men and women polled their votes in the face of threats of 'dire consequences' and even braving actual violence, while a large number of Dalits were prevented from exercising their franchise in many other constituencies.


Uttar Pradesh - Responsibility without Authority: The plight of Women Pradhans ******

How the women pradhans in the most populous state of India are being prevented from exercising their statutory functions by the bureaucrats and the male-dominated social setup in the villages was eloquently brought out at an open forum for about 300 elected women representatives of Panchayat Raj Institution of three districts - Dehradun, Tehri and Hardwar - organized by Rural Litigation and Entitlement Kendra (RLEK).

The participants in the forum stated that the government orders on devolution of powers to PRIs were a mockery. They spoke about the blatant practice of 'commission' demanded by DRDA and Block level staff and how the women pradhans, unwilling to accede to the demand, were being denied clearance of the proposals submitted by them. As a result, they were branded as incompetent in the eyes of the villagers and very often made to quit their office through no-confidence motion. In this game, the up-pradhan who generally is a high caste male, acts as an accessory in expectation of the coveted position of the pradhan. The forum therefore, strongly felt that if a no-confidence motion is passed against a woman pradhan she must be replaced by a woman pradhan only.

The women pradhans also referred to the village patwari as the source of 'terror' since he controlled as the information about the panchayat lands and indulged in all sorts of manipulations for their illegal transfers. The engineers posted in the villages openly embezzled development funds allocated to the panchayats.

Widespread use of corrupt practices among the local bureaucrats and challenges faced by the illiterate and uneducated women panchayat representatives in a male-dominated socieity has also been emphasized by studies conducted by Dr.Ranjana Sheel and Dr. Ravi Srivastava. Dr. Srivastava mentions the case of a Kol woman Pradhan, Premawati, who after two years of her election to the post, had been unable even to take over the charge precisely because of the efficient networking against her among the local upper caste lobby and the bureaucrats. In another instance, Puspa, who like Premawati was also a Scheduled Caste woman sarpanch and was being opposed by the upper caste up-sarpanch, found it difficult to push through the developmental agenda. Some other studies on the status of women in Gram Panchayat of the state reveal the same picture.


Summing Up

The experience of Women's Reservation in Panchayats (local bodies) has created excitement as well as tensions in Indian society. This is the reason why the Women's Reservation Bill because most controversial Bill.

The positive experiences of women in Kerala can not be seen separately from the state Government's initiative for people's plan and awakening of women at the grass root level.

Remarkable women leaders all over the country have come to light in this experience of devolution of powers to Panchayats.

The violence unleashed on women, especially Dalit women, factors such as domination of administration and provisions empowering a bureaucrat to dismiss elected Presidents, need to be reversed.

The positive feature is the growing consciousness to strengthen the gram sabhas, voters' assembly at the village level and formation of women's committees and self help groups all over the country.

My sincere thanks to Ms. Akhila Sivadas, Ms. Veena Nayyar, Dr. Mohini Giri, Dr. Padma Seth and Dr. Sayeeda Hameed at New Delhi, Com. A.K.Roy (Dhanbad) for the fruitful discussions; To Initiatives of Women In Development documentation centre at Chennai and Parliament Library for providing the materials; To Ms .Parvathy, Dr. Kamala and Ms. Alli who helped with the manuscript; To Sri. Saravanan who typed the manuscript. - R.Geetha


Annexure-I

Women’s issues in the agenda and election manifestos of major political parties - 1998 compiled by the National Commission for Women

BJP and ALLIANCE PARTNERS
National Agenda for Governance :
1. Labor :
Laws relating to equal pay for equal work for men and women shall be strictly implemented.
2. Empowerment of women :
We will legislate for the reservation of the 33% seats in Parliament and State Assemblies for women; also institute plans for providing free education for girls up to college level, including professional courses so as to better empower women. We will also set up a Development Bank for women entrepreneurs in the small scale and tiny sectors.
3. Genuine Secularism :
We are committed to establishing a civilized, human and just civil order; that which does not discriminate on grounds of caste, religion, class, color, race or sex.

Congress
The Congress will launch a political campaign for ending discrimination against women and girls through a process of education, empowerment and provision of legal rights.
Schemes for distributing assets like house sites and land jointly, or singly, in the name of women will be introduced.
The Congress will strengthen and expand existing programmers to increase access of women to credit.
All anti-poverty programmers like the IRDP will have women as their special target group. Women will be given a central role in watershed development and forestry projects.
The Congress party will be in the forefront of a campaign to combat atrocities on women like 'sati' and dowry deaths and social evils like child marriage.
As its commitment to giving greater political power to women, the Congress introduced reservations for women in local bodies so that one-third of all representatives in panchayats and nagar palikas are women. It is time to extend this further. The Congress will initiate moves to amend the Constitution so that one-third of all seats in the Lok Sabha, the Rajya Sabha and in Vidhan Sabhas is reserved for women.

United Front
The United Front is committed to bring in a constitutional amendment for one-third reservations for women in the Parliament and legislative assemblies. It shall strive for uplifting the status of women and relentlessly fight gender discrimination. It shall earnestly implement the legal and constitutional guarantees to give equal rights to women and sexual abuse of children. Necessary legislation will be brought forward. Equal rights in properly and adequate facilities for working mothers like day care centers etc will be ensured.

Janata Dal
The JD protect rights of women as an integral part of securing part of securing gender equality.
Education Policy: Education will be made an effective instrument not only for securing equality and justice for women, scheduled castes and scheduled tribes and other socially, educationally and economically backward classes and minorities, but also for inculcating value orientation to the new generation. The level of investment in education will be raised to at least 6 percent of the GNP, as recommended by the Kothari Commission. At least 50 percent of the funds allocated for education shall be invested in elementary education. And, half of all funds allocated for education shall be utilized for promotion of girl and women's education.
Advancement of Gender Equality: Though Indian culture gives prominence to women, in actual practice women have been deprived of their rightful share in social, political and employment roles. The Draft Ninth Five-year Plan has rightly indicated empowerment of women as one of its objectives. In pursuance of that objective, we must give equality of political opportunity by providing women reservation in the Parliament and State legislatures, on the lines that has been done under the Panchayati Raj institutions, as per 73rd and 74th Amendments of the Constitutions. The Janata Dal will make all efforts to provide 33% reservation for women in the Parliament and State legislatures, and 30% reservation for them in government jobs and jobs in public and private sectors.
By amending Criminal Procedure Code Section 125 the Janata Dal will substantially enhance the minimum monthly maintenance of divorced and abandoned women from the present thoroughly inadequate sum to a level to bring it in tune with today's cost of living. Similarly, the Rape Law will be revised and amended to provide for more stringent punishment to the offenders, especially in cases exploitation of minors.
Subsidized Distance Education will be provided to those women who would be interested in improving their educational and skills. More vocational training centers will be opened exclusively for training girls.
The Janata Dal will introduce a centrally sponsored national widow pension scheme to protect destitue widows with income security.
The Janata Dal will introduce a scheme by which Rs.1000 will be invested in a long-term deposit scheme of 18 years at the time of the birth of a girl child. The maturity amount would be given to the girl if she remains unmarried up to the age of 18 years. This scheme will be open only up to the second child.
The Janata Dal will provide drinking water, sanitation for the women near their houses, smokeless chulahs, and will endeavour to encourage biogas schemes all over the country.
The Janata Dal will start Maternity Benefit Scheme for self-employed women in rural areas.
Larger recruitment of women in police services, appointment of women in senior police positions in sensitive areas to check atrocities against them will be undertaken.
Science and Technology: The Janata Dal will appoint a Science & Technology Advisory Council to prepare a perspective plan for the development and application of science and technology in all walks of life, including for the benefit of the poor and disadvantaged sections of society, particularly the tribals, agricultural labor, small farmers, artisans and women, and a perspective plan for fostering and improving science and technology education and training in the country.

Rashtriya Janata Dal
Women's rights: We are fully committed to the empowerment of women by providing good quality education and employment opportunities. We will introduce reservations for women at all levels, reflecting the social and demographic reality.

Left Parties
Women are struggling to acquire equal status in all spheres-social, economic and political. The Left Parties have been the firmest champions of women's rights and for ending gender discriminations, implementation of equal rights and other legal and constitutional guarantees. The Left Parties have consistently fought for the adoption of the constitutional amendment providing for one-third reservation for women in legislatures, and in the parliament, the Left Parties are committed to see this is implemented in the new parliament expeditiously.
In particular, the left parties have been fighting for :
* Special schemes for female-headed households in rural areas and increasing employment opportunities for women.
* Strict measures against atrocities on women and legislation to check sexual abuse of children.
* Equal legal rights for women of all communities should be provided.
* Equal rights in property and joint matrimonial property rights, compulsory registration of marriages.
* Abolition of child labor.
* Universal provision of child care services


Annexure - II

Indian Electorate

  1952    173 million  
  1957    193 million  
  1962    216 million  
  1967    249 million  
  1971    274 million  
  1977    321 million  
  1980    355 million  
  1984    400 million  
  1989    500 million  
  1991    514 million  
  1993    592 million  
  1998    605 million  


Representation of Women Members from First to Twelfth Lok Sabha

  Lok Sabha     Total Seats     No. of Women Contested     No. of Women Elected     Percentage of the Total  
  First    499    -    22    4.4  
  Second    500    45    27    5.4  
  Third    503    70    34    6.7  
  Fourth    523    67    31    5.9  
  Fifth    521    86    22    4.2  
  Sixth    544    70    19    3.4  
  Seventh    544    142    28    5.1  
  Eighth    544    164    44    8.1  
  Ninth    517    198    27    5.2  
  Tenth    544    325    39    7.1  
  Eleventh    544    599    40*    7.1  
  Twelfth    544    271    44*    8.8  

* - one member nominated by the President; Source: PIB, Government of India 1998


Women in Elections 1996-1998

  Year     Candidates     Male     Female     No. of Women per 100 Men  
  1998    4693    4441    271    6.0  
  1996    13886    13287    599    4.5  

% increase in no. of female candidates to make candidates in 1998 = 1.50%
% decline in Total number of female candidates in 1998 = 58%
% decline in Total number of male candidates in 1998 = 33.4%


State-wise numbers of women candidates fielded in elections: 1998

  S.No     State/Union Territory     No. of Women Candidates     No. of Women who won  
  1.    Uttar Pradesh    56    9  
  2.    Madhya Pradesh    28    4  
  3.    West Bengal    21    5  
  4.    Bihar    21    4  
  5.    Rajasthan    20    3  
  6.    Maharashtra    20    2  
  7.    Andhra Pradesh    18    2  
  8.    TamilNadu    13    1  
  9.    Delhi    10    2  
  10.    Orissa    10    2  
  11.    Kerala    10    1  
  12.    Karnataka    10    0  
  13.    Punjab    9    1  
  14.    Gujarat    7    4  
  15.    Haryana    6    1  
  16.    Assam    3    1  
  17.    Meghalaya    2    0  
  18.    Chandigarh    2    0  
  19.    Tripura    1    0  
  20.    Goa    1    0  
  21.    Jammu & Kashmir    1    0  
  22.    Manipur    1    1  
  23.    Daman & Diu    1    0  
  24.    Arunachal Pradesh    0    0  
  25.    Mizoram    0    0  
  26.    Nagaland    0    0  
  27.    Sikkim    0    0  
  28.    Andaman & Nicobar Islands    0    0  
  29.    Dadra & Nagar Haveli    0    0  
  30.    Lakshadweep    0    0  
  31.    Pondicherry    0    0  
  32.    Himachal Pradesh    0    0  


India 1998 - 12th Lok Sabha elections: Candidates' Data Summary

  States     No. of Seats    Nominations Filed   Nominations Rejected   Nominations Withdrawn   Candidates Contested   Forfeited Deposits   Winners 
Andhra Pradesh42Women-298318122
  Men-502765437227640
Arunachal Pradesh2Women-000000
  Men-911733
Assam14Women-300301
  Men-10626986513
Bihar54Women-263221124
  Men-513463743031421
Goa2Women-100110
  Men-20631142
Gujarat26Women-1223734
  Men-19741241327723
Haryana10Women-1150641
  Men-18630221341079
Himachal Pradesh4Women-000000
  Men-192017113
Jammu & Kashmir6Women-100110
  Men-756366576
Karnataka28Women-16151070
  Men-287366119012028
Kerala20Women-12021061
  Men-16326271107419
Madhya Pradesh40Women-419428214
  Men-529995837229239
Maharashtra48Women-273420152
  Men-520649935726446
Manipur2Women-100101
  Men-17121491
Meghalaya2Women-200220
  Men-14101382
Mizoram1Women-000000
  Men-1022631
Nagaland1Women-000000
  Men-402211
Orissa21Women-12201062
  Men-134541258419
Punjab13Women-1881971
  Men-1291917936812
Rajasthan25Women-263320113
  Men-265382819915122
Sikkim1Women-000000
  Men-603311
TamilNadu29Women-204313111
  Men-4521046528320438
Tripura2Women-10283110
  Men-11011062
Uttar Pradesh85Women-656356409
  Men-11461085798176776
Lakshwadeep1Women-000000
  Men-200201
Pondicherry1Women-000000
  Men-1331961
West Bengal42Women-21002195
  Men-2634825116737
Chandigarh UT1Women-200220
  Men-212316141
Daman & Diu1Women-210110
  Men-721421
Delhi NCT7Women-11101072
  Men-1683581221105
Andaman & Nicobar1Women-000000
  Men-1233631
Dadra & Nagar Haveli1Women-000000
  Men-602421

Source: Election Commission of India


Women increase their share of seats in the Lok Sabha

  Total Constituencies    1996    1998  
  Total No. of women candidates    543    543  
  Total No. of women winners    491    271  
  Total No. of women who lost deposits        182  
  Total No. of Women voters    15,10,28,30    16,68,21679  


12th Lok Sabha Elections, 1998: From the Candidates' Data Summary

       Women     Men     Total  
  Contestants    271    4425    4696  
  Forfeited deposits    182 (67%)    3264 (73%)    3446  
  Did not lose deposits,so Could have won    89 (32%)    1161 (26%)      
  Winners    43    500    543  
  Winners/Contestants %    8.48%    11.29%      
  Winners/Total Seats    7.9%    92.08%      


Annexure - III

Mechanisms for Increasing Women's Participation

Expert group meeting on Equality in Political Participation and Decision Making organized DAW made the following recommendations to improve women's status in political parties:
- as an interim measure, substantial targets, such as quotas or similar forms of positive action to ensure women's candidate for office and participation in political posts should be applied;
- training programmers should be developed to increase the political and management skills of women in politics, both as candidates and as elected or appointed officials, especially making use of the experience of other women who have achieved public office.
- women's sections of parties should be evaluated and strengthened to enable them to influence party policy and promote female candidacy;
- information on potential women candidates should be compiled, maintained on a systematic basis and made available when candidacy or appointments are considered;
- parties should be encouraged to examine the criteria used to select persons for political functions to ensure that the various of experience possessed by women are taken into account in selection;
- training activities should be developed to sensitize party members to the needs and potentials of female members;
- as an interim measure where the electoral system might make it useful, parties should undertake special measures to provide funding for women candidates for office.

Other important mechanisms include networking, participation in the campaigns of other politicians, lobbying, membership in the same clubs, professional and academic associations. Women's participation in politics and decision-making positions in government is highest in countries where women have developed strong networks, have access to higher education and training in political science, law and management, and to developed social support services.

Similarly, the following strategies to improve the participation of women in national and international civil services have been identified by DAW:
- all civil services should have clear statements on all personnel practices (recruitment/appointment, promotion, training and development, leave entitlements and other conditions of service, including appeals mechanisms);
- where possible, women should serve on all committees (especially appointment and promoting committees);
- civil services should accept that equal employment opportunity and affirmative action strategies are necessary part of human resource management;
- the disadvantages that women experience in their pursuit of career development vis-a-vis men should be mitigated;
- equitable distribution of women throughout all levels in the administrative hierarchy should be promoted (to avoid concentrations at the lowest levels) and in all function areas regarded as non-traditional for women;
- the number of women in decision making positions in all civil and foreign services (including international and intergovernmental organizations) should be improved.


Annexure IV

The Constitution (Eighty Fourth Amendment) Bill, 1998 Bill

Further to amend the constitution of India
Be it enacted by Parliament in the Forty-ninth Year of the Republic of India as follows:-

1. i) This Act may be called the Constitution (Eighty-fourth Amendment) Act, 1998
   ii) It shall come into force on such date as the Central Government may by notification in the official Gazette, appoint.

2. In article 239AA of the constitution in clause (2), in sub-clause (b), for the words "Scheduled Castes", the words "the Scheduled Castes and the women" shall be substituted.

3. After article 330 of the Constitution, the following article shall be inserted, namely: 330A.
   (1). Seats shall be reserved for women in the House of the People.
   (2). As nearly as may be, one-third of the total number of seats reserved under clause (2) of article 330 shall be reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes, as the case may be:
      Provided that where the seat reserved for the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes, as the case may be, in relation to a State or Union territory is one, then, in every block comprising of three general elections to the House of the People, the seat in the first general election shall be reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes and no seat shall be so reserved in the other two general elections:
      Provided further that where the seats reserved for the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes, as the case may be, in relation to a State or Union territory are two, then in every block comprising of three general elections to the House of the People.
      (a) one seat shall be reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes in the first two general elections in such a manner that the same constituency is not reserved for women in both the aforesaid elections; and
      (b) no seat shall be reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes in the third general election.
  (3).As nearly as may be, one-third (including the number of seats reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes) of the total numbers of seats to be filled by direct election to the House of the People in a State or Union territory shall be reserved for women and such seats may be allotted by rotation to different constituencies in that State or Union territory:
      Provided that where the seat, not being a seat reserved for the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes, in relation to a State or Union territory is one, then, in every block comprising of three general elections to the House of the People, the seat in the first general election shall be reserved for women and no seat shall be so reserved for women in the other two general elections:
      Provided further that where the seats, not being seats reserved for the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes, in relation to a State or Union territory are two, then, in every block comprising of three general elections to the House of the People:
      (a) one seat shall be reserved for women in the first two general elections in such a manner that the same constituency is not reserved for women in both the aforesaid elections;
      (b) no seat shall be reserved for women in the third general election.

4. In article 331 of the Constitution, the following proviso shall be inserted at the end, namely:
   "Provided that where such nominations are made in relation to every block comprising of three general elections to the House, one seat shall be reserved for the women of Anglo-Indian community to every House constituted after first two general elections and no seat shall be reserved for the women of that community in the House constituted after the third general election".

5. After article 332 of the Constitution, the following article shall be inserted, namely: 332A.
   (1). Seats shall be reserved for women in the Legislative Assembly of every State.
   (2). As nearly as may be, one-third of the total number of seats reserved under clause (3) of article 332 shall be reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes, as the case may be:
      Provided that where the seat reserved for the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes, as the case may be, in relation to a Sate is one, then, in every block comprising of three general elections to the Legislative Assembly of that State, the seat in the first general election shall be reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes, as the case may be:
      Provided further that where the seats reserved for the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes, as the case may be, in relation to a State are two, then, in every block comprising of three general elections to the Legislative Assembly of that State:-
      a) one seat shall be reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes in the first two general elections in such a manner that the constituency in not reserved for women in both the aforesaid elections; and
      b) no seat shall be reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes in the third general election.
   (3). As nearly as may be, one-third (including the number of seats reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes) of the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in the Legislative Assembly of every State shall be reserved for women and such seats may be allotted by rotation to different constituencies in that State."

6. In article 333 of the Constitution, the following proviso shall be inserted at the end, namely:
   "Provided that where such nomination is made in relation to every block comprising of three general elections to the Assembly, the seat in the Assembly constituted after the first general election shall be reserved for nomination of a woman of the Anglo Indian Community and no seat shall be reserved for the women of that community in the Assembly constituted after the second and the third general elections."

7. After article 334 of the Constitution, the following article shall be inserted namely: 334A
   Not with standing anything in the foregoing provisions of this Part or Part VIII, the provisions of this Constitution relating to the reservation of seats for women in the House of People, the Legislative Assembly of a State and Legislative Assembly of the National Capital Territory of Delhi shall cease to have effect on the expiration of a period of fifteen years from the commencement of the Constitution (Eight-fourth Amendment) Act, 1998:
   Provided that nothing in this article shall affect any representation in the House of the People, the Legislative Assembly of State or the Legislative Assembly of the National Capital Territory of Delhi until the dissolution of then existing House, Legislative Assembly of a State or the Legislative Assembly of the National Capital Territory of Delhi, as the case may be".

8. The amendments made to the Constitution, by this Act, shall not affect any representation in the House of the People, the Legislative Assembly of a State or the Legislative Assembly of the National Capital Territory of Delhi until the dissolution of the House the Legislative Assembly of a State or the Legislative Assembly of the National Capital Territory of Delhi, as the case may be, in existence at the commencement of this Act.

Statement of Objects and Reasons

1. Articles 243D and 243T inserted by the Constitution (Seventy-third Amendment) Act, 1992 and the Constitution (Seventy-fourth Amendment) Act, 1992 respectively provide that not less than one-third of the seats shall be reserved for women in every Panchayat and every Municipality. Further, the said articles provide that, from amongst the seats reserved for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, not less than one-third seats shall be reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes or, as the case may be, the Scheduled Tribes. The said articles also provide that such seats reserved for women may be allotted by rotation to different constituencies.

2. Having provided reservation for women in Panchayats and Municipalities, it was felt that reservation for women on the same lines be provided in the House of the People and in the Legislative Assemblies for the States by amending the Constitution. Accordingly, the Constitution (Eighty-first Amendment) Bill, 1996 was introduced in the Lok Sabha on 12th September 1996. The said Bill sought to reserve not less than one-third of the total number of seats filled by direct elections in the House of the People and in the Legislative Assemblies of the State; for women, provided the number of seats of the State in the House of the People was more than two.

3. The aforesaid Bill was referred to a Joint Committee of the two Houses of Parliament and the Committee in its Report presented to the Eleventh Lok Sabha on 9th December, 1996, further strengthened the: provisions of the Bill and extended the reservation for women even in those cases where number of seats was less than three. The Constitution (Eighty-first Amendment) Bill, 1996, as reported by the Joint Committee, however lapsed with the dissolution of the Eleventh Lok Sabha and now it is proposed to introduce a Bill containing the provisions of the Constitution (Eighty-first Amendment) Bill, 1996 as reported by the Joint Committee to provide for reservation for women in the House of the People and in the Legislative Assemblies of the States.

4. The Bill seeks to achieve the aforesaid object.

References

Baking a Bigger Pie - Rami Chhabra - Manushi No.121 Panchayat Raj in Action Challenges to women's Role - Susheela Kaushik - 1996 - FES New Delhi
Sri.Mohanakumar, Economic and Political Weekly, 20th April 2002
Panchayat Raj Update, October 1998
Panchayat Raj Update, May 2001
Panchayat Raj Update, April 2001
Panchayat Raj Update, November 1997


Selected Abbreviations

Beebi - Wife
Beti - Daughter
Crore - 10 million or 100 lakhs
Dalit - Oppressed, a term preferred by people of low caste
Devadasi System - Poor Women forced as concubines in temples
Dharna - Protest like occupation in front of official institutions
Gherao - Encircle officials as a part of protest; the word is used as a verb and hence gheraoed
Gram - Village
Lakh - 100,000
MP - Member of Parliament in Delhi
MLA - Member of legislative assembly in different provinces
Nagar Palikas - Urban local bodies
OBC - Other Backward Castes
Panch - Member of Panchayat, Sarpanch, head of the Panchayat
SC - Scheduled caste, official term to designate certain castes, always low
Shudras - Untouchable Caste
ST - Scheduled tribes, same as SC but refers to tribes